Paramita:Paramita: Historical Historical Studies Studies Journal, Journal, 27 27(1), (1), 2017: 2017 34-49 ISSN: 0854-0039, E-ISSN: 2407-5825 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v27i1.6674

ETHICAL POLITIC AND EMERGENCE OF INTELLECTUAL CLASS

Anzar Abdullah Department of History Education the Faculty of Education University of Pejuang of the Republic of Indonesia (UPRI) Makassar.

ABSTRACT ABSTRAK

This study aimed to examine and analyze the Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dan relationship between the ethical and the birth menganalisis hubungan antara etika dan ke- of the educated classes in the Dutch East In- lahiran dari kelas terdidik di Hindia Belanda dies (Indonesia) in the colonial period. The (Indonesia) pada masa kolonial. Penelitian research is qualitative by using methods and kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode dan approach to historical analysis. The methods pendekatan untuk analisis sejarah. Metode and approach to historical analysis combined dan pendekatan analisis historis dikombinasi- with interactive methods, interdisciplinary and kan dengan metode interaktif, interdisipliner inter-textual to gain an understanding of the dan intertekstual untuk memperoleh pema- diverse impulses and interactions that contrib- haman tentang impuls beragam dan interaksi uted to the birth of the educated classes in the yang berkontribusi terhadap lahirnya kelas Indian Dutch the colonial period. The results terdidik di Belanda India masa kolonial. Hasil showed that the policy of "ethical policy" in penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan the liberal period in the "politik etis" pada periode liberal di Hindia (Indonesia) have an impact on the formation Belanda (Indonesia) berdampak pada pemben- of the educated native Indonesia. Through tukan asli Indonesia yang berpendidikan. Me- this policy the bumiputera can find the mo- lalui kebijakan ini bumiputera dapat mentum to get an education in the West. The menemukan momentum untuk mendapatkan intellectuals who were born from these intel- pendidikan di Barat. Para intelektual yang lectuals have paved the way for poles crucial lahir dari para intelektual ini telah membuka as a public educator. This means that they jalan bagi kutub penting sebagai pendidik have to wake Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) masyarakat. Ini berarti bahwa mereka harus from a long hibernation during this time. The bangun Hindia Belanda (Indonesia) dari tidur presence of intellectuals in public spaces con- panjangnya selama ini. Kehadiran intelektual tribute to the growth of national conscious- di ruang publik memberikan kontribusi pada ness, which in turn form the collective con- pertumbuhan kesadaran nasional, yang pada sciousness as a nation-state. gilirannya membentuk kesadaran kolektif se- bagai sebuah negara-bangsa. Keywords: ethical politics, the educated clas- ses, the Dutch Colonial Period. Kata kunci: politik etis, kelas terdidik, Periode Kolonial Belanda.

Author correspondence Email: [email protected] 34 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/paramita Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017

INTRODUCTION mentum to change the course of the Act The origin of the birth of the educated basic ( grondwetsherziening ) Holland of con- class educated in the Dutch East Indies servatism towards liberalism. With the (Indonesia) almost the same as the birth of Constitution of 1848, the Netherlands the intelligentsia in Eastern European turned into a monarchy constitutional countries, such as Russia and Poland. State, and the Queen be accountable to Although condition Eastern Europe in the Parliament. Consequently in the field of 19th century are historically different from education, constitution1848 guarantees the situation in the country Indies. Never- free education for every people in the theless, there is very fundamental simi- Netherlands, which of course has influ- larity of a generation of educated and in- ence be a new attitude toward the prob- fluenced by ideas he absorbed Western lems of education in the Dutch East Indies knowledge behind it (Gella, 1976: 9-32). (Indonesia) as the land of the colony In addition, the promotion of education in (Simbolon, 1995: 126-27). In this context, the Western model of the colonial govern- the aspirations of liberals about free enter- ment has created a hierarchy of prise, freedom of work, and private prop- knowledge and values as a second class of erty, attempts to gain control over the co- the colonial society and culture in the lonial profits, means urging the colonial Dutch East Indies (Said, 1989: 205-25). government to protect private capital in Educated class in the Dutch East Indies order to get the land, labor, and the oppor- (Indonesia) is a minority of modern elite tunity to run the new plantation. The that has the ability to assume leadership transition to a liberal economy is in fact responsibilities in society, politics and bu- requires not only institutional reforms, but reaucracy. The term was the "elite" is used also support infrastructure, including im- for the educated class of Indonesia that provements to service bureaucracy, which highly influential form many institutional in turn demanded the improvement of the structure or activities in fighting for the education sector in the country the Dutch rights of colonized populations. East Indies (Indonesia). When Christian In modern society, the structure in- Party came to power because of its posi- clude politics, government, economy, so- tion as the fighters moral responsibility, cial and culture. In this context Indone- then the spirit was also Queen Wilhelmina sian intelligentsia as a social stratum to in his annual message delivered in 1901 describe the social formations of the intel- argued about the "debt of honor" and ethi- ligentsia after the 1920s. This is part of cal accountability to the people of the the historical dynamics Indonesia which Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia). The continues today (Halevy, 1985: 15). new orientation in the colonial treatment Meanwhile, the social formation of the of the Indian people became known as modern educated elite in Indonesia is sim- "Ethical politic" (Van Niel, 1970: 32). ilar to the process of formation of the in- According to the leader of the Ethi- telligentsia in the Eastern European con- cal Policy, Th. Van Deventer, the grow- text, which is strongly influenced its ing prosperity of the natives is difficult to framework Theoretic literature of Western achieve in the absence of indigenous peo- Europe. Education is not only as a source ple are trained to be able to execute his of cultural legitimacy of the intelligentsia, duties. He expects the country's rebirth but also as an arena battle of power Indies which would be achieved through (power). education per goodness. Likewise, the Resurrected by a tidal wave of liber- other ethical, as Abendanon, who think al movements and democratic revolution education is a binder of friendship and in Europe around the 1840s (Stromberg, trust that can unite all people who step on 1968: 72-78), the liberal wing in the Neth- the road to progress. In this idealistic erlands, led by the late Rudolf Thorbecke view, education is intended as a means to J to quickly respond to the political mo- improve the welfare of the Natives within

35 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 the framework of Western civilization lation. The government as a mediator in (Niel, 1970). the process of learning as an integral part of the patronage of faith. This is a picture RESEARCH METHODS of the education situation in the Indies In examining the issue of ethical politics (Indonesia) prior to the introduction of in relation to the birth of the intelligentsia modern Western model of education in the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) in the sponsored by the Dutch colonial govern- colonial period, the research methods ment. Previous Islam has a strong influ- used qualitative using historical analysis ence, so that the children of the nobility of approach based on the time frame (longue the Muslim traders and religiously devout durée). The methods and approach to his- family delivered to the Islamic schools of torical analysis combined with interdisci- traditional, such as boarding schools, su- plinary and inter-textual methods, to gain rau, meunasah, Islamic boarding school, an understanding of the various facts that or to the center of Islamic learning in the can contribute to the birth of the educated Middle East. classes in the Dutch East Indies Authorities VOC (Dutch trading (Indonesia) in the colonial period. The partners in the East Indies (Indonesia), trick is to with examine and analyze writ- which holds control over parts of the In- ten documents either in the form of books, dies for nearly 200 years (1602-1800) has articles, and scientific journals related to no interest to interfere in the issue of reli- the research topic. Whether it comes from gious education and the indigenous popu- a script written by the historian Indonesia lation, except in terms of support to the and the Netherlands, and even some of Christian missionary schools. with the fall the records relating to the issues discussed. of the VOC in 1799 (Latif, 2012: 95) he- gemony over the East Indies (Indonesia) RESULT AND DISCUSSION submitted by private companies to the co- Western Model of Education in Indone- lonial empire colonial state. Under the sia Colonial Period new regime, most of the Indonesian archi- The presence and absence of certain forms pelago integrated gradually transforming of education in a society provide not only power centers that are dispersed into a for class differences and principle funda- colonial unitary State. Nevertheless, until mentals of the establishment of social or- the mid-19th century, the Dutch colonial der, but also a catalyst for the power strug- government still education that reflects the gle on a competitive basis. Conception of indigenous population, and refrain from education as a force field of power rela- excessive interference against religious tions are full of fight shown by both the affairs indigenous population. educational situation during Dutch coloni- Economic interests and a desire to al rule in Indonesia. Education is the fac- maintain the status differences are some of tor that unites people in diverse groups as the reasons behind the disinterest of the well as a dividing bulkhead between the Dutch colonial government against the groups. Until the 19th century, indigenous population education issues. knowledge and institutions in the country In the early stages, which is a concentra- education the Dutch East Indies tion of the Dutch colonial government (Indonesia) are similar to knowledge and was the accumulation of capital. In addi- educational institutions in most systems of tion, there is also a kind of sense of West- traditional religious-politic worldwide. ern superiority among the Dutch who Knowledge and education in the pre- made them feel compelled to introduce modern world tend subordinate on the the life of Western civilization to the in- sacred. Religion is also the reason, the digenous culture; that is precisely the de- purpose and content of traditional educa- sire to retain the 'authenticity' garden of tion, as well as a supply teacher and a exotic civilizations East World place for learning for the indigenous popu- (Neuwehuys, 1999: 1-5; Adam, 1995: 4).

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Together with the sentiments that the Western Education Model Under Liberal Dutch created a boundary between the Policies civilized world and the civilized world not Attitude and attention Indies colonial gov- to limit introduction of Western culture ernment against indigenous affairs popula- only in the European community environ- tion education took place in the second ment. Therefore, when the first set of Eu- half of the 19th century as a result of the ropean primary school (Neuwenhuys, political influence of the Liberals in the 1999; Anderson, 1991; Dick, 2002), scien- problems of the colonies. To advance the tific infrastructure and social club economic interests of the Liberals in the (Societeit ) (Lombard, 1996: 96; Suminto, colonies, the expansion of government 1986: 9-14), especially in the year after the bureaucracy is a matter that must be done. handover to the Indies (Indonesia) from In this context, both the Office of Civil English to Dutch colonial government in Administration for the Europeans and al- 1816 (Lombard, 1996: 83-85), to be used so the Office of Civil Administration for exclusively to serve the European commu- the native population in the Dutch coloni- nity. al administration (Jones, 1976: 38) strive No attraction of the Dutch colonial to improve their skills and recruit more government to the educational affairs of skilled workers. This in turn encourages the indigenous population, thus pioneer- the Dutch East Indies colonial govern- ing effort to introduce modern education ment to give attention to matters of educa- system Western model to layer the Indian tion. Organic Act was enacted in 1854, community in Indonesia, is limited by the and set the colonial government's respon- Christian missionaries (Ricklefs, 1993: sibility to provide education for the indige- 112). Missionary activity in education for nous population, and to follow up the le- the purpose evenings increasingly appar- gislation established the Ministry of Edu- ent towards the end of the Napoleonic cation in 1867. wars in 1816 which coincided with the The basic character of the colonial emergence of so-called 'Age of Mis- world view, indicate that efforts educa- sions' (Age of Mission) (Maier, 1993: 57- tion is containing a dilemma. On the one 59, Adam, 1954: 5-7)). Follow trail Catho- hand, it is important to support the politi- lic mission (Steenbrink, 1993: 98; Coppel, cal economy of industrialization and bu- 1986: 16), began in the 1820s and forth, reaucratization of colonial rule. On the the mission of Christian schools spread other hand, the study contains a potential throughout the islands of the Indies, ex- threat to 'mysticism', the colonial superior- cept for a strong Islamic areas. In addi- ity. The problem was later resolved the tion to making the school as a means to dilemma by building education based on spread the Christian gospel and attract the principle of ethnic segregation and hi- new followers, this school also offers other erarchical status. On the basis of segrega- advantages for new followers. Being a tion and differences in status, the nature of Christian means also westernized, and the initial policy in education in the Dutch education is an integral part of the west- East Indies anti assimilation, elitist and ernization (Furnival, 1944: 218-19). Fur- dualistic (Furnival 1944, 175, 251). thermore, when the Dutch colonial gov- For the public service people from ernment began to pay attention to the af- the highest status group, the prototype fairs of the indigenous population educa- European-style basic education reor- tion, missionary schools served as the ganized into seven years of primary foundation for the development of educa- school, by incorporating subjects Dutch tion in the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia). and other European languages. The school is more popularly known as Euro- peescheLagere School (ELS). At first, the school is reserved exclusively for Europe- an children or who have equal status with

37 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 the Europeans. But after 1864, along with also pioneered the introduction of second- the colonial policy to incorporate the tra- ary school. Until 1850, none of the public ditional ruling class (gentry) into the colo- high schools. At the end of the 19th cen- nial influence, with very limited. Then s e tury, there stood three high schools in Ja- had in 1891, access into ELS is also of- va, known as Hoogere Burgerschool (HBS, ie fered to descendants of wealthy people high school). The first is Gymnasium who qualify. The entry of non-Christian Willem III in Batavia (founded in 1860), indigenous people into European primary and the other was set up in 1875 in Sura- schools is on the increase, ranging from baya, and in 1877. The school about 400 students in 1883 became 762 in is equally with middle schools in the 1898, and reached 1,870 in 1900 Netherlands. This school is not just using (Simbolon, 1995: 128-29; Niel, 1970: 22). Dutch as the language of instruction, but Meanwhile, to meet the educational also applies a rigorous curriculum stand- needs of the indigenous people who are ards similar to those applied in European Christians, they were recruited to be sol- schools, so that pupils learn the failure diers in the colonial army, especially in rate is high, even including Europe among Ambon and the territory controlled by the pupils themselves. School treats exclu- missionaries. In this case the Dutch colo- sively to Europe or the student is consid- nial government to develop what is called ered equal with the Europeans. Few chil- Speciale School (School Specialty). This dren of the natives are allowed to enter the type of school is the result of the reorgani- school, and the total for 1890 not more zation of the previous mission schools by than 5 students (Ricklefs, 1993: 128). adopting a curriculum ELS (Lombard, Although the European school sys- 1996) However, by the passage of time, tem is still very privileging of European the government has established a school students and gentry class, but an oppor- for indigenous people (Boemipoetera). tunity for the lowly natives to obtain a bet- Around 1849, two elementary schools ter education made possible by the exist- built local language; the new school was ence of a window of opportunity in the initially established to prepare children colonial policy of discrimination. Due to from prijajis natives to be employees of the the expansion of bureaucracy liberal re- colonial administration and also to limit quire technical support staff, the govern- the native people who want to enter the ment finally decided to establish vakscholen ELS (Sutherland, 1979: 46; Veur, 1969). (vocational scholl). Lack of qualified Apparently, the son of prijajis prefer teachers make school teacher becomes a schools that provide instruction in the necessity. It was established native teach- Dutch language, because it provides the er schools ( Kweekschool ), which was origi- prospect of jobs and a better social status. nally established in in 1851, fol- To meet this demand, two types of ele- lowed later by the establishment of several mentary schools for the indigenous chil- similar schools, both in Java and outside dren were introduced in 1893, namely: Java, especially after 1870. Likewise, the Eerste Lasse School (Native School Class expansion of health service needs to have One) and Tweede Klasse School (Native some power medical, so the government School Class Two). The first school in- set up the so-called school 'Doctor Java' in tended for children of the gentry and Menteng (Jakarta) (Niel, 1970). Mean- wealthy families. Here the Dutch lan- while, the need for manpower trained na- guage is taught in the first year, and is tive civil servants, encouraging the coloni- used as the language of instruction lessons al government opened Hoofdenscholen in the last year. The second school in- more popularly called "School Radja" tended for children of the common people which was established in 1879 in Ban- and not give Dutch language lessons (J dung, Magelang and Probolinggo. Unge, 1973: 3; Toer, 1985; Hadisutjipto, Vocational school was originally 1977: 29-33). The colonial government established for children prijajis and other

38 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 rich indigenous people to prepare them to wider community, so that it can contribute enter the bureaucracy a new model in the to the success of the Ethical Policy (Veur, indigenous administration (local govern- 1961: 2). The combination of approaches ment) (Ricklefs, 1993: 156). It turned out that spawned a variety of educational in- that in the eyes of children gentry’ upper stitutions, and also plays an important role class, the teacher's position and vaccina- in the divisive and unifying groups within tors are not appealing because it does not colonial society. promise a brilliant career and prestigious. Early 20th century was a starting Because of that, preferring to go to school point for modern education which is Radja(Hofdenscholen) and rarely are in- "illumination light" (light rays) of Ethical terested to participate in teacher education Politics, and are now beginning to filter and school Doctors Java. To attract appli- into the natural life of ordinary people and cants for the school's teachers and doctors villagers. Though indeed, education is Java, government then offer scholarships based on differences in status still contin- and promises to be a government employ- ues, and this is evident with the emer- ee. As far as school doctor Java, a special gence of various types of schools available arrangement was made since 1891, which to all social levels within colonial society allows the students can enter ELS for free. in the Indies. Students who are interested in entering the Since 1907, for ordinary people and school's doctor Djawa many from lesser villagers, the government established by gentry’ family, and often comes from a the people's basic school education three family of traders and villagers (Van Niel, years old called volksschool or de- 1970: 47). saschool. The graduates of these schools may continue their education to Inland- Western Educational Model Under Ethi- scheVervolgschool (indigenous secondary cal Policy school) with a two-year study period that Under the influence of ethical politics, the began to be established in 1915. Further- education system of the future liberal reor- more, the Indigenous School Class Two ganized and adapted to meet new de- (TweedeKlasse School ) l era legacy liberal mands. There are two approaches are turned into Standaardscholen (standard complementary in this project. Snouck school) in 1908. The school is intended for and Director of Education for the first merchants or family circles village farm- Ethical Policy (1900-1905), JH ers. All schools of this type run the pro- Abendanon more like an elitist education cess of teaching using the local language within the framework of their ambition to Malay or local (Latif, 2012: 230). transform the traditional gentry into a new For children of gentry and wealthy elite of Western-educated. In the view of families, the government tried to expand both, providing education to native ruler’s their access to European school systems Western model is something that is very that use the Dutch language as the medi- important to train the native elite loyal um of instruction. This effort is driven by and cooperative, whose members have the the 'policy' associations and the growing ability to handle the work of the Dutch demands of the gentry and wealthy fami- civil administration. In addition, this op- lies who see the school and the mastery of tion could also cut administrative costs, the Dutch language as a new way to main- inhibit the 'fanaticism' of Islam which in tain or elevate their social status. The turn creates an example that could inspire emergence of such a view is driven by the circle the bottom of the Dutch East Indies deepening penetration of what is called by (Maier, 1993: 58-61). In another aspect, Maier as 'process Dutchificationness' in the Governor General JB Van Heutz the social life in the Dutch East Indies (1904-1909) and AWF Idenburg (1909- (Veur, 1961: 29). The appeal 'process 1916) supports the education policy is Dutchification late this' which made the more basic and practical intended for the number of European-style school students

39 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 increased rapidly (Kartodirdjo, 1991: 339). Ambtenaren ) with a five-year long study. To overcome this challenge, established a Son of priyayisindeed remains a major new school for the aristocracy and recruitment of this school; however, this wealthy families. school began to accept every child Boemi- For example at the elementary poeterawho qualify and who have com- school level, the most important develop- pleted education in ELS or its equivalent, ment is the reversal Native School Class regardless of family background (Latif, One ( Eerste Kalasse School ) who have been 2012: 230). there before becoming the Dutch School In 1900-1902, the school doctor Ja- for Natives ( Hollandsch Inlandsche va converted into STOVIA. Soon after, a School, HIS) in 1914 (Sutherland, 1979: long study in these schools was extended 46). Language of instruction in schools to six years Geneeskundige stage (core HIS is the local language or the Malay teaching of medicine) after previously fol- language in the early grades, and then the lowed three years of preparation, and the Dutch language at a higher grade. In the- Dutch are used as languages of instruction ory, this school is for children from the (Eagleton, 1976). After 1913, the length aristocracy and among the population of of study was extended to seven years Boemipoetera privileged or other wealthy Geneeskundige phase and three years of people (Sutherland, 1975). Although the preparation. With this recent reorganiza- number of his school in increasing num- tion, the medical school is equal to Neder- bers, but the children of high officials and landsch-Indische Arts senschool (NIAS) that the rich indigenous natives still go to had been established in the same year in school like ELS. As a consequence, the Surabaya. Both schools are now equal to majority of his students come from the the university, but is still classified as a lesser gentry and the upper layer of the vocational school, and graduates receive lower social classes (Ricklefs, 1993; Niel, the title of 'Indische Arts', or' Doctor In- 1970). dies (Fairclough, 1999: 64-65). A similar At the secondary school level, the reorganization took place for the indige- government is trying to meet the needs of nous teacher education schools indigenous people regarding the availabil- (Kweekschool ) (Benda, 1959: 240). Other ity of school HBS, (Niel, 1970) by estab- than that, the government also introduced lishing Meer Uitgebreid Lager Onderwijs a new vocational school (Nagazumi, (MULO) in 1914. This school is a local 1972). adaptation of the first secondary school in Aside from the reorganization and the Netherlands long study of three year. the introduction of a variety of new Then in 1918, the government introduced schools in the Dutch East Indies people in a high school with a long three-year study, Indonesia, it is worth noting that, before which Algemeenene Middelbare School the transition of the 20th century, there (AMS) is intended for prospective students has been a pioneering experiment to send who have graduated in MULO to be pre- some children who are strictly selected pared to hold a higher office in the govern- from noble families to study in the Nether- ment or continue to the University (Junge, lands. Though the government has never 1973: 58). made an official policy to encourage indig- During the period of Ethical poli- enous children to continue education in cies, some vocational schools still remains the Netherlands. Snouck and JH a means for the children of the lower clas- Abendanon perform special undertakings ses to get into a higher school. To meet to make way for the son of a noble family the needs of government bureaucracies and rich in order to enter a higher educa- and private companies as well, in 1900 the tional level in the Netherlands. So that in government reorganized hofdenschool that 1900 there have been about five students long and turn it into OSVIA from the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) ( Opleidengscholen Voor Inlandsche who studied in the Netherlands. In the

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Table 1. Development of Indigenous Peoples to Sign at the Elementary School (Village School) and the European Model School in 1900-1910.

Year Native school European-style school Vocational Total Primary Secondary schools school school 1900 98.173 2.441 13 376 101 003 1910 303.868 5.108 50 1470 310 496

Source: Modified from Paul W.Van der Veur (1969: 7,11-11a) in Latif "Muslim Intelligentsia and Power: Genealogy Indonesian Muslim intelligentsia Century 20", p: 106. following year, that number increased and also shared interests, the nature and spe- reached 25 in 1908 (Geertz, 1960; Suther- cific national identity. However, this sim- land, 1975). ilarity does not just happen, but are Whatever the motivation for the formed mainly through discursive practic- introduction and reorganized variety of es and development discourse. educational institutions in the Dutch East Discourse structuring our meaning Indies colonial period, the immediate im- and our conception of the world on our pact is significantly increasing significant- identity. As shown either by Michel Fou- ly the number of people getting education cault in the Archaeology of Knowledge Boemipoetera modern Western model. (1972), that discourse or discourse not on- At knew 1900, total indigenous people ly reflect the entities and relationships in who enroll in public and private schools of social, but also reconstruction or forming all types and levels around 101 003 peo- an ideology critics (Hasan, 1979) There ple. This calculation reached 310 496 in are three aspects of the ability of construc- 1910 (Balfas, 1957: 26-27; Noer, 1978), tive development discourse, ie: it contrib- and became double in the next year. This utes to the formation of social identity can be seen in the table 1. (identity aspect), the formation of social Increasing Boemipoetera number of relationships (relational aspects), and the people educated in the West lead to un- establishment of the knowledge and belief foreseen consequences. Mastery of the (ideational aspects) (Salim, 1926: 26). new cultural capital causes increased their Due to the impact of constructive, ideo- expectations, prompting the government logical struggle is the essence of the mani- to accommodate the demands of employ- festation of discourse. As the site and in ment and their aspirations of progress. constant contestation of meaning, With the introduction of vocational 'discourse' shows the effect of ideological schools and European-style native struggle in language function, and its re- schools, many children from among the verse shows the existence of linguistic ma- indigenous population groups as well as terialist ideology. Discursive practices of the lesser gentry other ordinary social sta- the first generation group educated Indo- tus obtain better education. Educated nesian born of Western education in the people from social groups which is the country Indies, was originally a place to backbone for the formation of intellectuals express self-interest and self-actualization Indonesia in the future. of the strata of society Indies educated modern (Committee, 1966: 46; The creation of the Collective Identity dalam Amelz, 1952) . Educational success among Educated through ethical policies have increased Educated class as a social stratum is their expectations in the Dutch East Indies not just a group of people who share the colonial society in Indonesia. They have educational criteria and the same work. same thoughts about a 'progress ' for Hindi But what is important is group educated Indonesian community in a Netherlands.

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themselves from the world of thought reli- The Implication fo Education Model and gious. Even for a child of a devout Mus- the Birth of the Educated Class lim gentry, influence the process of secu- Based on the number of people Boemipoe- larization that is institutionalized in West- tera schooled in European schools public ern education is very difficult to avoid. and private schools, it can be assumed The effect is to produce a synchronic dis- that generation first of the group learned continuity in motion the intellectual devel- Indonesian in the Indies have emerged in opment of the Dutch East Indies (Adam, the decade of the early 20th century as the 1954: 79). result of political liberal on a piece of the As an analysis of the cases above, end of the 19th century, as well as the ini- here can be given an overview of the anal- tial phase of the implementation of the ysis Geertz about 'students - - gen- Ethical politics. Meanwhile, they began to try ' (trichotomy) about the flow of culture enter the modern primary school in the of Java, where it is the nature of life gentry last year the first and second decade of the described as non-Muslims (Latif, 2012: 20th century, which has the knowledge 147) , Some of the new educated class is in and modern thought-colonial against mak- fact derived from a family of gentry de- ing processes, which form the second gen- vout Muslim. Some pioneers of Indone- eration of the educated classes among the sian nationalist movement in the future, natives. The early generation of a class of such as CiptoMangunkusumo (1885- educated Indonesia mostly from the gen- 1943), Sutomo (1888-1938), Tirto Adisur- try who have knowledge and modern jo (1880-1918), and the initial product of thought, equally speak Dutch among the policy of 'association' colonial, like themselves, and have a common aware- Djayadiningrat brothers (Ahmad Djaya- ness of the role and status of their special diningrat, Hasan Djayadiningrat, and Hu- form new stratum in society Indies Neth- sayn Djayadiningrat), as well as an influ- erlands. Newborn educated class is form- ential figure of the organization Sarekat ing a relatively autonomous social strata , Islam (SI) , as but differentiated structural stand-alone, (1882-1934), was of the gentry devout because they are able to separate them- Muslims (Latif, 2012: 149) . selves both from the class of the group es- However, after the Western secular tablished and traditional status. As ob- education in an intense commitment to served by Harry J. Benda, that "more an the Islamization of a boy gentry devout exception rather than a norm that the Muslim was gradually fading (Ingleson, young aristocrat, the son of the landlord, 1979). Recognition reflect or in this case even the descendants of the both changes in the religious: "Although I nascent bourgeois class, so he got a West- was born into a family of devout Muslim ern education of any kind, will be advo- and getting religious education since child- cate and spokesperson of the classes into hood, but s e have entered the Dutch social origins'. Most members of this new school, I was starting to lose faith stratum become government employees (Selosoemardjan, 1981). Salim expressly with lower and middle positions, because recognizes that education obtaining in the Dutch still dominate higher positions Dutch secondary school (HBS) has been (Suryomihardjo, 1980) . away from Islam (Niel, 1970: 52). The first generation of the educated At the end of the 19th century, the class of Indonesia in the Dutch East In- impact of the Liberal education are the dies, experiencing the process of seculari- birth of new elites Indies seem real. The zation ( westernization ) intense as a result graduates of missionary schools, public of the secular nature of education policy schools for the pribumi and the Europe- liberal and the policy of 'association' of ans, especially vocational schools, has ethical politics. As a result, most individu- produced pro to types of hominess novit als of this educated class began to separate hat form civil servants and educated class

42 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 of the 20th century. Despite the many vo- both as individuals and community imagi- cational school graduates who did not nary, which include many things, such as: come from a family of gentry high, rising the advancement of education, moderni- they become employees of the colonial zation (westernization), honor, and suc- administration gave him a sort of aura of cess in life. aristocracy (new gentry) of its own in the For those who are struggling with eyes of the Dutch East Indies. For those the progress, the overflow their aspirations who already have the status of aristocracy, reflected the gap between rising expecta- with its new qualification, their position in tions of their self-esteem with the real ob- the group prijajis strengthened. However, stacles they face. The obstacle is, the im- for some of them, the figure of the old ar- balance between the desires to go to istocracy no longer interesting, because as school with a lack of schools. In fact, until a new professional, they are more ob- 1882 there were only about 300 schools in sessed with personal and social prestige Java, and no more than 400 schools out- associated with the new role that they live side Java, the number of students not in a modern colonial bureaucracy. more than 40,000 people ( Latif, 2012: Which becomes the size of the latest 21) . This raises the demand that the colo- achievements of humans at that time is nial government to do something. that modern techniques and emerging in- Some letters hear from readers in- dustry Company, which entered the coun- digenous post to the press, complaining try Indies as the impact of the economic that the colonial government did not effects of liberalism. This is exemplified by choke up to provide opportunities for in- the introduction of a fast-growing commu- digenous children to attend school be nication systems, such as technology ship- bass. Besides criticism is also done ping, railway train, telephone, telegraph, through the press about the poor condition post office, printing industry, and the of the food, health, and the ability of the news media (Veur, 1961: 29) . Introduc- students in the school. Pioneer of this criti- tion of modern communication systems cism is that the indigenous teacher educa- have evolved throughout the procession tion school graduates. Their criticisms are with the growth of the center city marked generally published in the educational by the expansion of the world of industry, magazine published in response to the in- banks, extension services, and the factory creasing demand for native education, are warehouse containing goods imported like Soeloeh Pengadjaran Probolinggo , pub- from Europe (Latif, 2012: 152). Faced lished in 1887, and Taman Pengadjaran with the amazing modern phenomena, the Semarang, published in 1899-1914. Maga- native population increasingly in awe and zines plays a key role in articulating the regard it as a symbol of progress they want aspirations native teacher for the elimina- to achieve. In this advance, a feat tion of discrimination in terms of educa- achieved by other parties (the others) real- tion, improvement of teaching Dutch ly cannot be rivaled. Europeans as planter school teacher education and teaching in the center of city certainly had been ex- native Dutch language for all indigenous posed well too modern education, new children (Toer, 1985: 21) . All of this rais- media, property-luxury property, Crete es the tension, due to the educational horses, and social clubs. qualifications of the new educated as a Under such historical conditions, social elite has advantages over the nobles the question of how the pursuit of progress feudal. In addition, the colonial govern- into the dominant discourse among the ment officials bureaucracy more likely to educated class emerging as a direct result deal directly with them by bypassing the of the influence of liberalism and political hierarchy and the traditional procedure policy Ethical. For the literate Indonesia feudal. in the Dutch East Indies, progress express- Educated class as a new social elite ing a desire to achieve social status is ideal in colonial society which is growing, is

43 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 actually not one songs. Meanwhile most identity that can unite the educated classes of them come from the environment gen- from various fields into one community. try, there is tension between them veiled This factor, together with the lack of social from the gentry lowly with them from the mobility and the number of media circula- gentry high. Son of prijaji slowly who did tion Massa, making the sound and move- not achieve a high position in the hierar- ment of progress has narrow and local in- chy of traditional status, in reality there fluence. But all this is only a temporary could also achieve an appropriate status in situation could still change in the future the modern bureaucratic structure. While will be dating (Della and Diani, 1999). most children prefer the high gentry en- The idea of progress, which became tered Pradja (School Radja ), because it a new benchmark for social privilege, so- can guarantee a better career and social cial relations and ideational system among status and a higher salary; whereas chil- the elite of the Dutch East Indies era liber- dren from lower gentry can only enter vo- al, continues to be the dominant discourse cational schools, which are usually consid- in the community learned of the newly ered low by the high gentry children, for formed at the beginning of the 20th centu- not offering precise and high salary. Prija- ry. Synchronic dimension of this discourse jis lowly do not accept this discriminatory lies in its emphasis on organic institution- treatment and criticize openly in newspa- alization of the idea of progress. per at that time (Habermas, 1989). This Because, vocational schools still be- shows that there is disharmony linking of come a major dealer in childbirth class of the educated middle prijajis grow old and educated natives who are well educated, coincide with internal frictions within the the main character of the discourse pro- educated class circles. gress remains largely came from graduates Until the end of the 19th century, of vocational schools this. The leading the role of teachers in promoting the ad- group learned from this period is dominat- vancement of discourse is very prominent, ed by those who STOVIA educational at least for two reasons. First, the teaching background. With long education nine profession until now collect the largest year, STOVIA is the highest educational portion of person native best educated, level in the Dutch East Indies to the first and as educators, they are most authori- two decades of the 20th century. This situ- ties feel compelled to carry out the sacred ation provides a cultural capital for stu- mission to brighten compatriots. Second- dents and graduates of the school to take ly, the fact, that the teaching profession is over the leadership of the new educated undervalued when compared to adminis- class which was previously held by the trative positions, may have stimulated graduates of the school teachers. Promi- them to be the articulator of the concept of nent figures from STOVIA graduates / progress in order to make it as a new school doctor in the decade Java cu ma benchmark in determining social privilege. 20th century are: dr. Wahidin Sudiro Prominent role of these teachers showed Husodo, dr. Abdul Rivai, dr. Tirto Adhi- that the ' intellectual organic ' of seedlings surjo, dr. Cipto Mangunkusumo, and dr. learned at the end of the 19th century Suwardi Surjaningrat. were mainly from the teacher community. Obsessed with the idea of progress, However, it should be explained, expectations educated intellectual class of too, that until the end of the 19th century, this increase in social status, in fact, begin the educated class strata have not yet to stumble in a long queue which forced formed a collective entity of its own. His them to face the harsh reality. Despite the presence is still hidden under the black fact that the number of graduates of edu- shadow of the old aristocrat. Not only be- cational institutions is still limited, there is cause their numbers are still limited, but no guarantee that automatically appointed also because they are not yet found a as an employee of the bureaucracy "code" specifically to present a collective (Blumberger, 1931: 12). Since the begin-

44 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 ning of the first decade of the 20th centu- cause the profession vaccinator or "doctor ry, the inaction of dualism government in Djawa" has never been regarded as some- responding to the development of the so- thing prestigious. cial economy in the Indies, especially in Even more worrying, in the school absorbing the graduates of educational Doctor Java (STOVIA), a sense of inferi- institutions, generating a long waiting list ority is maintained by requiring the stu- of candidates who qualify into the post dents who are not Christians to wear tra- chill (Latif, 2012: 239; Rival, 1902) . The ditional dress. Discriminatory and degrad- situation is even more disappointing for ing treatment is reflected in the way they the graduates STOVIA. Despite having greet at the school. They are not called the reached the highest level of education, ' leerling ' (pupil, which is used at the uni- social prestige and economic rewards re- versity level), but they are called by ceived by graduates STOVIA still not in France, eleven which connotes a level be- accordance with the expected. They are tween pupils and students. Even the status victims cu ma of progress itself, because and different treatment also occurs among the system of meritocracy (the award on eleven own. In the ceremony of the the basis of prestige) cannot be applied, school, only eleven senior who is allowed should be in the context of colonial dis- to speak at the Dutch language, while the criminatory policies. junior should use the Malay language or In the first fifteen years of the 20th regional language. century, STOVIA has produced 135 gra- After completing the training, the duates (Adam, 1954: 175). This figure be- graduates STOVIA, what school gradu- comes even greater when it also included ates Doctors Java (STOVIA prior to former graduate of the School Physician 1900), never get socio-economic rewards Java. Based on data from Jaarlijks Verslag as they had hoped. Until the beginning of STOVIA 1904-1905, enrollments and the 20th century, the position of Doctor graduates from the school doctor who lat- Java in the government considered the er became STOVIA Java during the years same as the position of paramedics. Their 1875-1904, respectively 743 and 160 stu- primary role is as a vaccinator does not dents. To understand the meaning of these foster respect as well as the graduates figures, it should be noted the background OSVIA who works in the office of indige- of social from that student's parents. From nous civilian administration. Besides sala- a total of 743 applicants, 146 were from ries earned by graduates STOVIA after family’s gentry and wealthy families, and completing the nine-year long study, gen- 278 people from families lesser gentry and erally only a third of the salary earned by middle-income families, as well as 139 graduates OSVIA long study just five people came from lower class (Giesen, years. This of course raises a sense of in- 1998: 13). While graduates of the total of justice and conflict between the group ed- 160 people; 41 of them come from the ucated, plus the policy of the colonial gov- high aristocracy and wealthy families; 64 ernments have 1900 provides more oppor- are of the lesser gentry and middle-income tunities for prijaji slowly to learn in families, as well as 55 people from the OSVIA. With the ease of this, the privi- lower class (Adam, 1954). Based on these lege of the children gentry high risk. It has data, showing that most of the educated caused resentment among the children up class who graduated from the school phy- and high nobility of the children of the sician Java (STOVIA) comes from a fami- lowly. ly of lesser gentry and the lower class. The main stream of the educated This suggests that, at least not until the class who came from gentry high, tend to early 20th century, the school doctor Dja- maintain a relationship with the old feudal wa (STOVIA) still cannot be categorized aristocracy. Nevertheless, there are always as standen school (school status) for the exceptions, especially those who have not privileged social groups. This happens be- received or those who no longer feel com-

45 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 fortable with aristocratic circles. People Abdul Rival (son of a native teacher), and who deviate from the mainstream along also as an editor of the magazine ' Star with those born of a lowly family as vic- Indies ' (Latif, 2012: 239). The term, tims of discrimination , cause they have a "nobility of mind 'was immediately shared strong tendency to be an opponent of in- by the other Indian journalist, and later justice (Habermas, 1989) . Living the became a slogan in the generation educat- Western ideas and values through a pro- ed in association with the movement ' ke- cess of education and the mass media, but madjoean' (Adam, 1954: 175). In the first frustrated by their colonial discriminatory issue of the magazine in 1902, Rival wrote practices, some of the educated class is an article about the "nobility of mind 'in then to be progressive and compelled to which, after identifying two kinds of nobil- knock 'colonialism' by using its own colo- ity in European society, namely the' nobil- nial weapons. Moreover, because he felt ity oesoel'and' nobility of mind ', he stated: humiliated by the traditional authorities Needless to extend our conversa- were established, they have a strong ten- tions of nobles’ oesoel 'because its appear- dency to reject the hierarchy of feudal ance is already doomed. If our ancestors (Della, 1999). were born as royalty, we too can be called Feeling deprived and humiliated is a royalty, even although knowledge and exacerbated by the global economic crisis our achievements are like the proverbial known 1903 that have an impact that se- "frog in stone '... Timethis, achievements vere for the living conditions of the people and knowledge that a right determines in the East Indies. Discontent socioeco- one's position. This was the situation that nomic from the class of these learned its gave birth the emergence of nobility mind momentum to the historical action s e has ' (Adam, 1954: 175) been the arrival of a wave of 'Revival of Once the nascent intellectual com- Asia' symbolized by the victory of Japan munity of the educated, find a special over Russia in 1905, 'Revolution of the name, creating a 'code' or 'symbol' of a Young Turks' in 1908 and the liberation pattern to mark the difference, and a map movements in Asia ( Blumberger, 1931: that gives the actor a direction and guid- 12) . ance on what to expect and what to do. To articulated dissatisfaction with As stated by the German sociologist Bern- the notion they are better educated than hard Giesen: 'social classification code is a among the lower class and those who do core element in the construction of togeth- not fit anymore with aristocratic circles, erness and diversity, collective identity then turned his attention to the formation and differentiation. There is no limit that of identity by building a new community. could have substance without a code The group learned from the intellectual ' (Gissen, 1998: 13). strata is convinced that the idea of pro- By the creation of the code “nobility gress must be planted on different social of mind”', a follow-up construction made bases. The social base should be formed of for tie code “nobility of mind”' with an those who have "cultural capital ', such as imaginary community and a new collec- educational qualifications, technical skills tive identity. While the members of the and language acquisition. In this effort, oesoel' associated with “community ka- the educated class are encouraged to find oem moeda”. The latter term is also intro- an imaginary spatial boundary between duced by Abdul Rival in Star Indies. In themselves and with the old aristocracy by the Indian Star magazine Volume No. 14 constructing a special marker for the in 1905, Rival defines “kaoem moeda” as members of both groups. The term for “all those Indian (indigenous) old or members of the nobility 'old' is ' royalty young who no longer wish to follow oesoel' and for the members of the nobility atoeran koeno, but instead are eager to 'young' is the ' nobility of mind '. Intro- achieve self-confidence through duced by a graduate school Djawa doctor, knowledge and ilmoe” (Adam, 1954:

46 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017

104) , This term was later used s ecara intelligentsia is organizing the discourse of widely in media coverage Massa and dis- public space in symbolic form and struc- course of the " nobility of mind 'newborn. ture knowledge in their struggle for histor- The term kaoemmoedapresenting a collec- ically. With education and cultural capi- tive entity of those who share a point of tal, changes in economic relations, and the unity in their ambition to renew the then opportunity to participate in the structure Dutch East Indies (aborigines) through of politics existing intellectual leaders ca- movement kemadjoean. Although in prac- pable of creating a collective identity and tice it happens different segmentations in community of their own, and distanced Indiesplural society. The fragmentation of itself from the old aristocracy. In the form- the internal is due to differences in educa- ative phase, they begin to deconstruct the ' tional background and work with other nobility oesoel' to construct ' nobility of categories of groups such status, religion, mind ' of its own, later known as ' ka- ethnicity, and lineage. But the spirit to oemmoeda'. In this formation process, encourage and strengthen the unity of the they begin to form a public space under vertices of this fragmentation is the policy the patronage of the old aristocracy. Until of the Dutch colonial government were the first decade of the 20th century, this discriminatory and segregated. In short, public space ma still limited to environ- kaoem moeda incorporated in group intel- ment city gentry and members of the intel- lectual born of the education system poli- ligentsia. tics Ethical liberal era is a collective ex- In association with people who are pression of a similarity of identity in diver- not educated, the educated is aimed at sity and diversity in togetherness identity fulfilling her sacred duty to promote the towards an independent nation. general welfare, provide education of po- litical and moral standards laid against the CONCLUSION occupation, to serve the nation. In the in- There is so much history lessons that can teraction in society Indies, the idea of pro- be learned from the history of the develop- gress gradually turned into a proto spirit of ment of public life in the Dutch East In- nationalism. So towards the end of the dies around the 19th century until the first second decade of the 20th century, intel- two decades of the 20th century. By open- lectuals born of educated people has ing the pages of history of a critical event paved the way for a specific role of the in this period, we can see many colorful intellectual as a public educator. This configuration and contradiction of the hu- means that they have to wake Dutch East man character. Civilized invaders could Indies (Indonesia) from a long hibernation not obtain justification without civilized during this time. The presence of intellec- enslaved people. Ethical Policy in early tuals educated in the discourse on public liberal Indies impact on the formation of space in turn contribute to the growth of the educated native Indonesia. Through nationalist proto consciousness. In the this policy the Boemipoetera can find the meantime, the more intense the opposi- momentum to get an education in the tion discourse encourage the formation of West. Although in practice there is still a collective identity that stands alone. discriminatory policy that spawned a reac- Although there are differences in tion which in turn paralyze the policy. ideology and conflict in the discourse of When seen in the movement of his- progress, there is still a common ground tory, it is clear that the main character of and a unifying factor. Its first, is the meet- this historical drama is the educated who ing point in the public agenda centered on later joined the intercommunity actual the issue of progress, the general welfare newly born after the implementation of and the importance of national unity that political policies Ethical. Forms of social was built by the discourse in the vernacu- learning that is born of this policy caused lar press. Its second, is their affiliation on birth practices symbolically makes the (membership) multiple that serves as a

47 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(1), 2017 bridge between the educated youth associ- Giesen, B. 1998. Intellectuals and the Nation; ations in articulating his thoughts about Collective Identity in a German Axial Age . the progress of the indigenous peoples. trans. N. Levis &AWeisz. Cambridge: Finally Ethical era liberal policies have led Cambridge University Press. Habermas, J. 1989. The Structural Transfor- the people of the Dutch East Indies mation of the Public Spere . Cambride: (Indonesia) to the advanced Western edu- Polity Press. cated, and then become the ultimate Hadisutjipto, SJ. 1977. Building STOVIA for weapon to fight for the people of the Heritage , Jakarta: Department of Muse- Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) achieve the ums and History. ideals of independence at a later date. Halevy, Etzioni E. 1985. The Knowledge Elite and the Failure of Prophecy . Sidney: REFERENCES George Allen & Unwin. Adam, AB. 1954. The Vernacular Press and the Hamka. 1952. “HOS Tjokroaminoto opened Emergence of Modern Indonesian Con- my eyes” in Amelz (ed) HOS Tjokroam- sciousness (1855-1913) . Ithaca: Cornell inoto Life and Struggle . Jakarta: Bulan University (SEAP) . Bintang. Benda, J. tt. The Betrayel of the Intellectuals. Ingleson, John. 1979. To Road Exile: The Indo- trans. R. Adington. Boston: The Bea- nesian nationalist Movement from 1927 to con Press. 1934 . Singapore: Heinemann for the Balfas, M. 1957. Dr.TjiptoMangoenkoesoemo Asian Studies Association of Australia. Democrats Sedjati . Jakarta: Djambatan. Junge, G. 1973. The Universities of Indonesia: Blumberger, JTHP. 1931. De National- History and Structure . Bremen: The Bre- istischeBeweging in Nederlandsch Indie . men Economic Research. Den Haque: HD TjeenkWillink& Zo- Jones, GW. 1976. “Religion and Education”. on. Indonesia 22. Coppel, CA 1986. “From Christian Mission to Kartodirdjo, S. 1991. Modern Indonesia: Tradi- Confucian Religion: The Nederland- tion and Transformation: A Social Histori- schZendings Vereeniging and the Chi- cal Perspective . Yogyakart a: Gadjah- nese of West Java 187 0-19110 in Nine- Mada University Press. teenth and Twentieth Century Indone- Latif, Yudi. 2012. Muslim intelligentsia and Pow- sia .” in DP Chandler and MC Ricklefs er: Genealogy Intelligentsia Muslim Indone- (Eds). Essay and Honour of Professor JD sia 20th Century . Jakarta: Democracy Ledge . Monash University, Melbourne: Project. Center of Southeast Asian Studies . Lombard, D. 1996. Nusa Java Cross-Cultural . Della Porta, D &Diani, M. 1999. Social Move- Vol. 2, The Limits of Westernization. ments: Introduction . Oxford: Blackwell Jakarta: Gramedia, 1996. Publishers. Maier, HMJ. 1993. “From Heteroglessia to Dick, H. 2002. 2002. Formation of the Nation Polyglessia: The Creation of Malay and State 1930's-1966 in the Emergence of a Dutch in the Indies.” Indonesia , 56. National Economy: An Economic History of Nagazumi, Akira . 1972. The Dawn of Indone- Indonesia from 1800 to 2000 . NSW: Allen sian Nationalism: The Early Years of the & Unwin. Budi Utomo from 1908 to 1918 . Tokyo: Eagleton, T. 1976. Criticism and Ideology . Lon- Instituteof Developing Economics. don: New Left Books. Neuwenhuys, R. 1999. The Mirror of the Indies . Furnivall, JS. tt. Netherlands Indie: A Study of Singapore: Periplus . Plural Economy . Cambridge: Cam- Noer, Deliar.1978. Jong Islamieten Bond bridge University Press. University (PersatuanPemuda Islam) in Mohammad Press. Roem 70 Years: Fighting Negotiator . Jakar- Fairclough, N. 1999. Discourse and Social ta: Bulan Bintang. Change. Cmbridge: Polity Press. Rival, Abdul. 1902. Nobility Mind . Star Hind Gella, A. 1976. An Introduction to the Sociology it, Specimen Issue No. 1 (July). of Intelligentsia, in Intelligentsia in Intellec- Ricklefs, MC. 1993. A History of Modern Indone- tuals: Theory, Method and Case Study . sia Since 1300 C . London: Macmillan. London: Sage Publications Ltd. Said, E. 1989. Representation the Kolonialized: Geertz, C. tt. The Religion of Java , Chicago: Antropologysinterlocutors, Critical Inquiry , University of Chicago Press. Vol. 15, London: Vintage.

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