Protesting Iconic Megaprojects : a Discourse Network Analysis of The

Article Urban Studies 2019, Vol. 56(8) 1681–1700 Ó Urban Studies Journal Limited 2018 Protesting iconic megaprojects. A Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions discourse network analysis of the DOI: 10.1177/0042098018775903 evolution of the conflict over journals.sagepub.com/home/usj Stuttgart 21 Melanie Nagel University of Constance, Germany Keiichi Satoh University of Constance, Germany Abstract The past decades witnessed enormous transformations in the built environment of cities, and one of these trends is the development of iconic megaprojects. Public protests against these projects occur frequently, and scholars in urban governance have diagnosed this as an emerging ‘post- political’ condition, that is, as a sign of a deficient democratic politics. Others criticise this kind of reasoning as a ‘post-political-trap’ (Beveridge and Koch, 2017), and demand more research. This article responds to this debate with an empirical study of the popular protests against the infrastructural public transport project Stuttgart 21 in Germany. We apply discourse network analysis to investigate the evolution of the discourse, illuminate multiple dynamic connections between issues and actors, and apply factor analysis to identify the key issues of the conflict. Our study complicates and qualifies the arguments for a ‘post-political’ state of urban politics. Keywords built environment, discourse network analysis, infrastructural projects, networks, planning, policy, transport ᪈㾱䗷৫ࠐॱᒤˈ෾ᐲᔪㆁ⧟ຳਁ⭏Ҷᐘབྷਈॆˈަѝањ䎻࣯ᱟḷᘇᙗབྷර亩ⴞⲴᔰਁǄ䪸 ሩ䘉Ӌ亩ⴞⲴޜᔰᣇ䇞⍫ࣘ仁㑱ਁ⭏ˈ෾ᐲ⋫⨶ᆖ㘵ሶ↔㿶Ѫа⿽↓൘ࠪ⧠Ⲵ“ਾ᭯⋫”⣦ ߥˈণ≁ѫ᭯⋫н䏣ⲴḷᘇǄަԆӪࡉᢩ䇴䘉⿽᧘⨶ᱟ“ਾ᭯⋫䲧䱡”˄Beveridge઼Kochˈ 2017˅ˈᒦф䴰㾱ᴤཊⲴ⹄ウǄᵜ᮷䙊䗷ሩᗧഭޜޡӔ䙊ส⹰䇮ᯭ亩ⴞĀᯟമ࣐⢩21āⲴ 㗔Շᣇ䇞⍫ࣘ䘋㹼ᇎ䇱⹄ウˈഎᓄҶ䘉൪ҹ䇪ǄᡁԜ䘀⭘Ā䈍䈝㖁㔌࠶᷀āᶕ⹄ウ䈍䈝Ⲵ ╄ਈˈ䱀᰾䰞仈о㹼ࣘ㘵ѻ䰤Ⲵཊ䟽ࣘᘱ㚄㌫ˈᒦᓄ⭘ഐ㍐࠶᷀ᶕ⺞ᇊߢケⲴޣ䭞䰞仈Ǆ ᡁԜⲴ⹄ウሶޣҾ෾ᐲ᭯⋫“ਾ᭯⋫”⣦ᘱⲴҹ䇪᧘ੁᴤѪ␡ޕ༽ᵲǃᕅޕᴤཊ䲀ࡦᶑԦⲴ 䱦⇥Ǆ ޣ䭞䇽 ᔪㆁ⧟ຳǃ䈍䈝㖁㔌࠶᷀ǃส⹰䇮ᯭ亩ⴞǃ㖁㔌ǃ㿴ࡂˈ᭯ㆆˈӔ䙊 Konstanzer Online-Publikations-System (KOPS) URL: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-2-t4wh6d0ob1df5 1682 Urban Studies 56(8) Received January 2016; accepted April 2018 Introduction tracks when completed will serve high speed regional and European express and local Research on urban politics and urban gov- commuter trains, turning Stuttgart into an ernance has grown over the last three important transport hub situated in the heart decades (MacLeod, 2011), mirroring the of Europe. The name for the proposed proj- immense transformations undergone by cit- ect, Stuttgart 21 (S21), soon became a syno- ies themselves. One of these trends is ‘a pro- nym for the German word ‘Wutbu¨rger’, liferation of megaprojects of iconic which means ‘furious citizens’. The infra- development and associated infrastructures’ structural project was discussed emotionally, (MacLeod, 2011: 2630; see also Douglass protests were staged, and things reached a and Huang, 2007; Graham and Marvin, peak when the protests escalated violently 2001; Young and Keil, 2010). Over the between protestors and the police on 30 course of the last two decades protests and September 2010. While this appears in line discontent in the context of the planning with the ‘democratic deficits’ view, a referen- and building of mega urban infrastructure dum held later in November 2011 showed projects have become a common occurrence, that, in fact, most citizens were pro S21. The and scholars attribute such public resistance incongruity between the vehemence of the to democratic deficits and limited opportuni- protests and majority support (as demon- ties for public participation (Marres, 2005, strated by the referendum results) bears cited in Legacy, 2016). Most strategic urban explaining. This paper applies insights drawn megaprojects currently under construction from theories of discourse coalitions to an are, according to Moulaert et al. (2001), empirical study that combines discourse dominated by ‘neoliberal’ efforts by ‘elite- analysis and network analysis. By analysing formations’ to build ‘the entrepreneurial major newspaper accounts of diverse groups city’. Other scholars also criticise the lack of of actors (including organisations, social democratic consultation and the absence of movements, civil society groups, and politi- coherent social policy to guide new urban cal parties) over a ten-year period, and by development politics, as well as the lack of using factor analysis, our empirical study integration of megaprojects in urban pro- shows which actors were involved at what cesses and planning systems (cf. Moulaert time, and which issues were important to et al., 2003; Salet, 2008; Swyngedouw et al., them. 2002; cf. Graham and Marvin, 2003). Thus, the study contributes to studies on In this article, we challenge the prevailing urban governance, one of the key concepts of view of the post-democracy argument that urban studies (McCann, 2017). The key ques- democratic deficits alone are to blame for tion of governance is not only why cities are strong discontent and polarisation. We ana- the way they are now, but also ‘[.] how they lyse the conflict surrounding the planned are made to be the way they are, through the construction of an underground railway sta- concerted actions of the state, other public tion in the city of Stuttgart, Germany, whose and private institutions, social movements, Corresponding author: Melanie Nagel, Department of Public Policy and Administration, University of Constance, Fach D81, Konstanz 72160, Germany. Email: [email protected] Nagel and Satoh 1683 civil society and the practices of everyday life’ However, our study of S21 shows that (McCann, 2017: 313). The governance there is no straightforward link between citi- approach focuses on the ability of political zen protest and democratic deficits, and that, actors to act, and therefore it is closely related instead of a tendency toward elite-formation to policy output (cf. Gissendanner, 2004: 47). as scholars have warned, popular and elite The case of S21 belies the claims of recent lit- preferences were in fact aligned. Thus, it erature on the post-political condition affirms some of the criticisms made of the (Mouffe, 2005; Rancie` re, 2001), especially in ‘post-political-trap’ (Beveridge and Koch, urban studies, which argues that the new dis- 2017). course platforms created alongside the state This paper is structured as follows. In the are signs of shifted politics, that is, a resis- first section, an overview of the history of tance to the state’s inability to take popular S21, the main actors and their particular preferences into account (Blu¨hdorn, 2013; positions, and a review of scholarly Boland, 2014; Bylund 2012; Oosterlynck and approaches will be given. The next part Swyngedouw, 2010). The post-political fram- introduces the general theoretical approach ing of urban infrastructures introduces of discourse network analysis. Then, we according to Legacy (2016) a strong contrast explain the different steps of the data collec- between state planning and citizens’ counter- tion process, selection of the data sources, action, and other scholars argue that the lack coding procedure, and introduce the method of transparency and lack of democratic con- of the discourse network analysis, before trol in the development of iconic megaprojects presenting the findings. First, we explain ‘play a crucial role in the erosion of democ- who the important actors and discourse racy’ (Vento, 2017: 68). The expressions ‘post- coalitions are and point out their positions democracy’ (Crouch, 2004), ‘post-politics’ visualised in an actor-by-issue network. In (Mouffe, 2005) or ‘post-political’ (Rancie` re, the second part, we present the factor analy- 2009) illustrate ‘[.] a contemporary demo- sis of issue-by-issue networks and the entan- cratic condition in which genuine contestation glement of issues connected to these actors. and conflicting claims [.] are not apparent’ Lastly, we recap our findings and conclude (Beveridge and Koch, 2017: 32–33). with a discussion of how these findings Figure 1. Timeline of the key events of the project Stuttgart 21. Source: Nagel (2016: 156; graphics modified). 1684 Urban Studies 56(8) contribute to urban studies literature by environmental organisation NABU (acronym challenging the argument of post-democracy for Naturschutzbund Deutschland,‘Nature and post-politics. Protection Alliance Germany’) and the The time frame of this study ranges from Mineralbad Berg (Berg mineral spa, a public 2002 until 2011, for two reasons: analysing swimming pool) went to court against the the policy process by means of a policy ana- project in 2005, without success. In 2006, lysis requires a time span of at least 10 years negotiations between DB, the state govern- (e.g. Jenkins-Smith et al., 2014) and in our ment of Baden-Wu¨rttemberg and the city of case study, different crucial phases, as Stuttgart were held, followed by a funding explained in the subsequent part, could be agreement in 2007, which was passed with a identified during that time. Figure 1 shows a total budget of e4.8 billion. In 2006, 67,000 timeline of the major events. people signed a petition against this project, and weekly demonstrations in Stuttgart drew many thousands of protestors. Brief history of Stuttgart 21 The situation escalated in October 2010: S21 is an ambitious infrastructural project thousands were protesting in the Palace by the biggest railway company in Germany, Park, when the conflict between protestors Deutsche Bahn (DB), the city of Stuttgart, and police escalated. Images of the police the state Baden-Wu¨rttemberg and the using water cannons against protestors,

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