Master of Arts Thesis

Euroculture

University of Göttingen (Home)

University of Uppsala (Host)

August 2016

The Refugee Discourse in German Media An analysis of the changes provoked by the events of New Year’s Eve 2015 in Cologne

Submitted by:

Anika Braun-Klöpper Matrikelnummer: 21434765 Student ID Uppsala: 9752238221672325 +49 15789560922 / [email protected]

Supervised by:

Andreaz Wasniowski Prof. Dr. Samuel Salzborn

Place, date Signature

MA Programme Euroculture Declaration

I, Anika Braun-Klöpper, hereby declare that this thesis, entitled “The Refugee Discourse in German Media - An analysis of the changes provoked by the events of New Year’s Eve 2015 in Cologne”, submitted as partial requirement for the MA Programme Euroculture, is my own original work and expressed in my own words. Any use made within this text of works of other authors in any form (e.g. ideas, figures, texts, tables, etc.) are properly acknowledged in the text as well as in the bibliography.

I hereby also acknowledge that I was informed about the regulations pertaining to the assessment of the MA thesis Euroculture and about the general completion rules for the Master of Arts Programme Euroculture.

Signed ......

Date ......

“Fear has never been a good adviser, neither in our personal lives nor in our society.” 1

Angela Merkel

1 “TIME Person of the Year 2015: Angela Merkel,” TIME.com, accessed July 23, 2016, http://time.com/time-person-of-the-year-2015-angela-merkel/. 2 “Migrant Men and European Women,” The Economist, accessed January 31,

III I Table of content

I TABLE OF CONTENT ...... IV

II TABLE OF FIGURES ...... V

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2 THEMATIC BACKGROUND ...... 4 2.1 THE REFUGEE CRISIS AND NEW YEAR’S EVE 2015 IN COLOGNE ...... 4 2.2 LÜGENPRESSE ...... 6

3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 11

4 STATE OF THE ART ...... 13

5 METHODOLOGY ...... 16

6 APPROACH – DATA COLLECTION ...... 19

7 DATA ANALYSIS ...... 22 7.1 PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS ...... 22 7.2 MAIN ANALYSIS ...... 26 7.2.1 QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS ...... 27 7.2.2 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS ...... 30 7.2.2.1 Threat of the foreign male ...... 31 7.2.2.2 The integration of Muslim refugees ...... 37 7.2.2.3 Right-Wing Extremism ...... 41 7.2.2.4 Fear and Insecurity ...... 43 7.2.2.5 The politische Mitte ...... 46 7.2.2.6 Concerned Citizens ...... 47 7.2.2.7 Solutions offered ...... 49 7.2.2.8 Changes provoked by Cologne ...... 51 7.3 RESULTS ...... 52

8. SUMMARY AND OUTLOOK ...... 55

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 57

ANNEX ...... 65 ANNEX 1: COMPLETE LIST OF ANALYSED ARTICLES FOR THE PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS ...... 65 ANNEX 2: COMPLETE LIST OF ANALYSED ARTICLES FOR THE MAIN ANALYSIS ...... 67

IV II Table of Figures

Figure 1: Topics brought into connection with NYE in articles from January 1-9 ...... 23 Figure 2: Quantitative results of the SZ ...... 28 Figure 3: Quantitative results of the FAZ ...... 28 Figure 4: Quantitative results of Der Spiegel ...... 29 Figure 5: Quantitative results of FOCUS ...... 29

V 1 Introduction

Since the summer of 2015, when the refugee crisis became an immediate reality for Germany, the topic of refugees has dominated the print media. The high amount of people entering Germany daily, has wide-ranging affects on the country. Repercussions could also be felt on EU-level, where the Schengen Agreement was put to a test and evermore EU-countries reintroduced border controls. In the international press, Germany became portrayed as one of the main European actors in the search for humanitarian solutions to the refugee crisis. The political engagement, especially the commitment of Chancellor Angela Merkel and the civic commitment that was shown by helpers all over the country received international attention and praise. In early January 2016 reports about sexual gang assaults on women in Cologne and other German cities became public. As the culprits were reported to be large groups of immigrant men, Germany’s handling of the refugee crisis became re-evaluated as a whole in the international news. Concerns were expressed that the country had lost control over the situation, and that it was becoming increasingly insecure. Others worried that the renewed assessment of the circumstances would be at the expense of all refugees, who might now be taken under general suspicion. In Germany, the happenings of NYE triggered a range of political decisions, such as a change in the law governing sexual offences and in the deportation proceedings of Asylum seekers. If similarly drastic changes have also occurred in the refugee discourse is to be assessed in this thesis. While the changes on the political landscape are clear, definable and recorded in writing, a possible change in the general media refugee discourse could have passed without much notice. It would be a subtle change that probably happened subconsciously rather than that it was dictated and decided on. This does not mean that it is of lesser impact. In fact, language can affect the way people feel about things and the presentation of news can influence people’s opinion about the matter. The selection of print media that will be analysed in the scope of this paper consists of mainstream, high-circulation papers and magazines. A relevant share of the German population is thus confronted with the papers’ presentation of refugees and the framing of the crisis. As Germany has a democratic political system, these people can affect the political system. The power of such a discourse design is just indirect and often disguised, which does not mean that it is neglectable. It is

1 consequently important to inspect possible alterations closely and to render them visible. The refugee discourse in the print media in particular, is of interest at this point in time. On the one hand, there is the refugee crisis that has had political consequences of significant effect. The shakiness of the Schengen Agreement and the refugee deal made between the EU and Turkey are only two examples that illustrate the implication the situation has on the intra-European relations. Furthermore, an increase in right-wing movement all over Europe and rising numbers of right-wing extremist motivated crimes in Germany can be observed in correlation to the expanding numbers of refugees. On the other hand, the print media make up for a valuable study object at this point in time, as much criticism about the way the German media works has been uttered. Some people, who vociferously declare their distrust for the press at demonstrations, are of the opinion that the press collaborates with the politics and consequently spreads lies in their favour. To look at the refugee discourse from the angle of before and after NYE is significant, as no such large-scheme sexual crime has ever happened before in the Federal Republic. The analysis of such an event thus offers yet inexistent insights. The aim of this thesis is to identify the potential changes in the refugee discourse after NYE. This will be done by looking at the discourse before and after NYE and comparing the ways of reporting in a qualitative manner. The changes in the discourse will be presented and their link to NYE will be evaluated. In order to present a more wholesome picture, a short quantitative analysis will be created to further underpin the findings. While the main goal of the thesis is the definition of shifts in the discourse, the analysis is also designed to assert if the criticism of the press has been substantiate. The analysis will be based upon the four before named papers that are all looked at in the same time frame around NYE. The scope of the study does not allow a specific analysis of the refugee discourse as a whole, as this is a discourse of an immense size due to its significance for various sectors (internal politics, security, international relations, real estate, education…). Hence, certain parts of the discourse will be sought out in a preliminary analysis that will then be used as a basis for the main research. Seen as there were changes provoked in other areas, such as the political one, an influence of NYE on the refugee discourse can be expected. One assumption is that the impact was mostly negative and that it has lead to an increasingly negative portrayal of immigrants. A positive affect on the discourse cannot be expected, as the behaviour of the involved men at NYE was openly antagonistic as well as radical and cannot be

2 expected to be framed in a positive way. Quotes like this one from the Economist support the suspicion that NYE triggered changes in the refugee debate:

After Cologne, when Europeans think of refugees, many no longer picture persecuted families or toddlers. Instead they see menacing young men imbued with the sexism that is all too common across the Middle East and North Africa.2

The analysis is based on both newspapers as well as magazines. To facilitate the reading of the analysis the sum of both was regularly referred to as ‘papers.’ As all original texts used for the analysis were in German language, the author, an English translation of all quotes used was done by the author. To avoid hard reading, only the short quotes can be found in both English and German in the main text. Longer quotes are used in the English version only in the main text. The original quote can be found in the respective footnote.

2 “Migrant Men and European Women,” The Economist, accessed January 31, http://discover.economist.com/?a=21688397&cid1=d/soc/Facebook/dyn/21688397/20160120- 00:00am/paid/social-LA/BR-PO/BRPII/n/subs/DE/BR-LIT&cid3=UM.

3 2 Thematic Background

In order to understand the dimensions of the evening of 31st December 2015 and the often referred to Lügenpresse, the first part of the thesis will be giving a thematic introduction into the issues.

2.1 The Refugee Crisis and New Year’s Eve 2015 in Cologne

According to the UNHCR there were more than 60 million people fleeing in 2015, either cross borders or within their own country.3 The war in Syria is one of the main reasons for the massive movement of people, but also conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as expulsion, persecution and poverty in various regions have lead to a great augmentation of refugee numbers. Catastrophic conditions in refugee camps along the border have lead to massive waves of people attempting to enter Europe. In the night between September 4th and 5th German Chancellor Angela Merkel decided to open the German border to let thousands of refugees - who were stranded in Hungary under catastrophic conditions - into Germany. An article in FOCUS later referred to this night as “historischer Wendepunkt” (a historic turning point), another article nominated September 4th the day of the year 2015.4 Trains from Hungary arrived with thousands of refugees who were greeted enthusiastically by local helpers. It is the day that marked the beginning of the refugee crisis in the German consciousness. FOCUS author van Ackeren goes so far as to claim that this decision and the wave of refugees that it entailed permanently changed Germany.5 Having made the decision to open the borders, Merkel became a symbolic figure in the fight for the human rights of the refugees. As advocate for the open-door-policy and firm believer in the humanitarian imperative, she was named person of the year by the TIME magazine, which also gave her the title “chancellor of the free world.”6 These politics, just as much as the pictures of refugees being welcomed in Germany became known world-wide as an example of the establishment of a welcome culture for refugees.

3 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, “Global Forced Displacement Hits Record High,” UNHCR, accessed July 22, 2016, http://www.unhcr.org/news/latest/2016/6/5763b65a4/global-forced- displacement-hits-record-high.html. 4 Margarete van Ackeren, Daniel Goffart, and Gregor Mayer, “Der Tag, Der Deutschland Veränderte,” FOCUS, December 19, 2015, 24; Ulrich Reitz, “Die Hundertjährigen, Die ...,” FOCUS, December 19, 2015, 3. 5 van Ackeren, Goffart, and Mayer, “Der Tag, Der Deutschland Veränderte.” 6 “TIME Person of the Year 2015.”

4 This welcome culture was challenged when the assaults at the end of the year became public knowledge. During the night of the 31st December 2015 to the 1st of January 2016 many German cities experienced violence in a dimension that was yet unknown to them: large groups of men of Arabic and Northern African decent gathered on public squares and sexually harassed women while often also stealing their phones and wallets. More than 1200 women became victims of over 2000 men.7 Comparable crimes executed in similar ways, though on a much smaller scale, happened in various cities in Germany and other countries, like Finland, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria the same night.8 The extent of the attacks in Cologne (650 reported cases) was the reason that the incidents in this city received the most media attention. About half on the men are assumed to have come to Germany less than a year ago and a correlation between the refugee crisis and the events of NYE can thus be made.9 The men who are believed to be the culprits are for the most part from Maghreb, Morocco and Algeria.10 Cologne became internationally used as a symbol for failed refugee politics. The news from Cologne created a counter-image of Germany’s relation with the refugees. The potential danger that was suddenly connected with the uncontrolled wave of incoming people was presented as a negative antithesis to Merkel’s famous exclamation “Wir schaffen das!” (We can handle this!). The solution-oriented and welcoming attitude received deep cracks from the events of NYE. It was not just what happened that night, but also the reactions of the police and the press that shed a negative light on the German refugee politics. The magnitude of the attacks on women in Cologne stayed mostly unknown until Monday afternoon, four days after the attacks had taken place. Apart from in local newspapers in Cologne, which interviewed victims early on, there was little press coverage. The press conference given by Lord Mayor, Henriette Reker, and Chief of

7 Georg Mascolo and Britta von der Heide, “BKA-Bilanz: 1200 Frauen wurden Opfer von Silvester- Gewalt,” sueddeutsche.de, July 10, 2016, sec. politik, http://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/uebergriffe-in- koeln-frauen-wurden-opfer-von-silvester-gewalt-1.3072064. 8 “Sex-Übergriffe Zu Silvester Auch in Schweiz Und Österreich,” Http://www.hna.de, January 7, 2016, http://www.hna.de/welt/sex-uebergriffe-silvester-auch-stuttgart-oesterreich-zr-6014642.html; “Silvesternacht in Finnland: Auch in Finnland Und Schweden Gab Es Übergriffe Auf Frauen,” accessed July 25, 2016, http://www.handelsblatt.com/politik/international/silvesternacht-in-finnland-auch-in- finnland-und-schweden-gab-es-uebergriffe-auf-frauen/12807022.html. 9 Mascolo and Heide, “BKA-Bilanz.” 10 Caroline Fetscher, “Ist Es Angst? Wirklich Angst?,” Tagesspiegel, April 9, 2016, http://www.tagesspiegel.de/politik/100-tage-nach-den-uebergriffen-von-koeln-ist-es-angst-wirklich- angst/13425324.html.

5 Police, Wolfgang Albers, on Monday afternoon made the extend of the attacks clear and finally triggered national as well as international reporting.11 The initial press release of the Cologne police force stated that the festivities had been mostly peaceful.12 This was a clear misrepresentation of the actual circumstances. The systematic concealment of the offenders’ nationality was considered to be a mishandling of the situation.13 As a consequence of this, Chief of Police Albers was moved to early retirement on the morning of Friday January the 8th. After the information about the full extend of the attacks of New Years Eve became public, the media in Germany received a lot of criticism and the Tagespresse called the night of New Year’s Eve “the best propaganda present the AfD14 has received until now.”15 The fact that the reports about the event were published with a significant delay made people believe that the press wanted to hide the events as best as possible from becoming known and fuelled the movement of Lügenpresse.

2.2 Lügenpresse

The phenomenon of Lügenpresse will be discussed as the counter discourse to the mainstream media. It is a term used by people who have lost their respect for and believe in the German press. The term means as much as “Lying press” or “press of lies” and is supposed to describe the press by accusing it of presenting wrong facts or changing realities. The term stems from the nineteenth century and has since then been repeatedly used for radical right purposes. Joseph Goebbels used it systematically during the Second World War to denounce his critics.16 The term has peaked again in 2015 as a more mainstream term in the context of the refugee crisis. The term has been used especially much in the discourse of Pegida demonstrations, where it is used as a political catchword that undermines the authority of the press. It also came up in a tight entanglement with an anti-Merkel discourse and has become increasingly aggressive. Attacks on journalists have happened in the form of aggressive verbal confrontations,

11 Jan Bielicki, “Der Weg Zum Skandal,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 8, 2016. 12 Bernd Dörries and Kristiana Ludwig, “Nicht Zu Fassen,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 7, 2016. 13 Bernd Dörries, “Sturz Eines Pannen-Präsidenten,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 9, 2016. 14 Note by the author: AfD is the abbreviation for ‘Alternative für Deutschland’ (an alternative for Germany), a populist party founded in early 2013 that has received increasing attention for the utterance of racists comments and could assemble a growing voter ship through protest attitude they have towards mainstream politics. 15 Fetscher, “Ist Es Angst? Wirklich Angst?” 16 Sonja Vogel, “Die Kleine Wortkunde: „Lügenpresse“,” Die Tageszeitung, Spring 2015, sec. Alltag, http://www.taz.de/!5023884/.

6 deathly threats and physical attacks that ended with hospitalisation.17 The Managing Editor for BILD in Eastern Germany, Thomas Liebenberg, says that they are only ever attending demonstrations like Pegida with at least two journalists anymore, as reporting from such events has become dangerous. The loud voices of protests have directed a lot of attention to the relationship between the people and the mainstream media. Studies and surveys have been carried out to understand how much of the trust in the media has been lost. A study of the Institut für Demoskopie Allensbach shows that the numbers of sceptical people is relatively high, but that it is not higher than in other years, despite the feeling the protests might transmit. 39 per cent of the adult population of Germany in general and 44 per cent of the adult population in the Eastern parts believe that there is something to the allegation of calling the press Lügenpresse, meaning they believe that media twists certain facts and cover up others.18 As parts of the population are now so vocal about their disapproval it is easy to overlook the fact that that the general feeling towards the media has improved: the percentage of people who are generally content with the coverage of the media has risen by 5 per cent in the last six years to 52 per cent.19 The refugee crisis though, is seen more critical than the average reporting: Only 42% of the people state that that they are happy with the coverage in this field.20 Things that are being criticised are, for instance, that too many families are shown on the pictures, while it’s mostly men who arrive, that there is not much information on the risks of the mass immigration and that critical voices are largely ignored.21 The criticism often implies that this is not a choice the media make for themselves. The term “Systemmedien” (system media) is used like a synonym to Lügenpresse and often claims that the press, just as other institutions, are underlying the rules of the governing politics. A common belief is that there is an agreement between journalists and the politicians in Berlin not to report about the negative consequences of the refugee crisis.22 The assumed control of the media is often described as coming “von oben” (somewhere from the top).23

17 Markus Brauck et al., “Die Vertrauensfrage,” Der Spiegel, February 13, 2016, 58–64. 18 Renate Dr. Köcher, “Vertrauen Und Skepsis - Bürger Und Medien,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, n.d. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid. 21 Uwe Buse et al., “Angespannt,” Der Spiegel, December 12, 2015, 29–34. 22 Brauck et al., “Die Vertrauensfrage.” 23 Ibid.

7 The late appearance of the information about NYE and the reluctance to publish the men’s nationalities fuelled the accusations anew. Those people already critical of the press felt reassured in their assumption. As a consequence of the lack of trust, the Internet has been increasingly used as a platform to exchange the information that is believed is be held back by the authorities. In comparison to the mainstream media, which often present resembling views of the same events, the Internet shows a great variety of opinions. The World Wide Web provides content that people can add and alter at an incredible speed. While print journalists might need to take some time to research and cover a certain story adequately, people can already exchange their personal version of what happened online. The general participation online has allowed the creation and spreading of obscene and fake stories about refugees. The discrepancies between the reports in the print media and the accounts online has created more distrust and thus strengthened the protest movements further. The Lügenpresse discourse can be seen as a conspiracy theory. It is fuelled by the right and populist forces, which also use the rumours to gain more popularity. The discourse was shaped to a significant part at Pegida demonstrations as well as is discussion of the AfD. One example is the creation of the word “Pinocchiopresse” (Pinocchio press) which is used as a synonym for Lügenpresse, but moves the word away out of the right corner. Apart from the scepticism of the press, slowly growing scorn for democracy and a quickly growing movement of xenophobia have been taken place in Germany.24 According to French writer Houellebecq dropping the publication of critical reports about Muslims, out of fear that these will be seen as xenophobic, results in movements like Pegida. 25 And he seems to be right: Accounts like the one of criminologist Christian Pfeiffer, who was a guest at a political talk show and was asked not to mention refugees in correlation with sexual attacks on women, play into the hands of people from the Right.26 Just as much as the request made in an internal document by the police of North-Rhine Westphalia that asked to avoid the word “refugee” and to use “immigrant” instead and by that changes the reality slightly.27 It

24 Melanie Amann, Maik Baumgärtner, Markus Feldkirchen, et al., “Aufstand Der Ängstlichen,” Der Spiegel, no. 51 (December 12, 2015): 19. 25 Karin Beier and Edgar Selge, Reiz der sanften Diktatur, Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 6, 2016. 26 miha., “Regieführung,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 9, 2016. 27 Jan-Philip Hein et al., “Das Schweige - Kartell,” FOCUS, January 16, 2016.

8 thus seems as if the right has been able to profit from the avoidance of certain topics in the mainstream press. The debates about Lügenpresse and the obvious misinformation after NYE raised much awareness and resulted in various attempts of the press to regain trust among the people. In some cases, high ranked news operators reacted to the accusation by admitting mistakes. ZDF Chief editor Elmar Theveßen publicly declared the omission of the report about NYE in the 7 pm news show on January 5th an error of judgement.28 Other media operators referred to the German press codex, a voluntarily set of rules for self-control for journalists, which states that the belonging to the respective ethnic, social, religion or national group shall only be named if they are relevant to the case.29 This rule serves especially the protection of minorities, and cannot be considered a general restraint. In the case of NYE, it would have been correct for the media to report that the offenders were from Northern Africa if the police and the victims were of such an impression, said Lutz Tillmanns, General Manager of the Presserat. 30 Other reactions have been increasing attempts of the press to work transparently and to explain their work and their challenges to their doubters. One example is the creation of the domain www.Lügenpresse.de, a page where journalists shed light on their point of view of the Lügenpresse reproaches. In the scope of trying to regain trust, the mentioning of the nationality of people involved in a crime has been discussed widely among politicians, journalists and society. If a problem can only be solved once it has been addressed, it is important to do so, even if this means to tell the public that the majorities of rapists in Cologne are of Turkish decent claims Alice Schwarzer.31 Also Minister of Internal Affairs, Thomas de Maizière, warned not to blame refugees as a whole group, but if refugees were among the culprits this is a fact that can be addressed.32 Social worker Ercan Yasaroglu claims that making migration a taboo would entail negative consequences for all migrants, as they would all be taken into account for what few of them had done.33

28 Elmar Theveßen, “Warum Die Heute 19 Uhr-Sendung Am Montag Nicht Über Köln Berichtete.,” January 5, 2016, https://m.facebook.com/ZDFheute/photos/a.275406990679.144521.112784955679/10153865883565680/ . 29 Presserat, PUBLIZISTISCHE GRUNDSÄTZE (PRESSEKODEX), n.d. 30 Heribert Prantl, “Wann Schweigen Geboten Ist,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 19, 2016. 31 Alice Schwarzer and Anne Wizorek, Ich möchte nicht deine Erbin sein, Der Spiegel, January 16, 2016, 32. 32 “Köln: De Maizière Kritisiert Polizeieinsatz,” Die Zeit, January 6, 2016, http://www.zeit.de/politik/deutschland/2016-01/koeln-silvester-uebergriffe-polizei-thomas-de-maiziere. 33 Julian Kutzim, “Köln Passiert Hier Täglich,” FOCUS, January 23, 2016, 30.

9 It seems like the German media needs a new way of dealing with mistakes. If mistakes occur they need to be addressed and corrected after. A bigger diversity of information, and showing issues from different sides might contribute to an increase in trust again. The negative way that media is now talked about can create a negative spiral. Brinkbäumer argues how it is dangerous if established media is talked about in a negative way, as this negative way to speak eventually creates distrust.34 The discussions that started after Cologne might help the media to restructure their culture and regain trust again. It might be a chance for everybody involved in the process to start having more transparent processes again. What should not happen though, is what some people witness: that Cologne is misused as an excuse to voice all negative thoughts about immigrants in vulgar ways. 35 Danish Journalists Ulrik Haagerup knows that negative headlines are easier to sell, but showing different sides of the same story will enhance credibility.36 It is not the task of the media to protect the reader from the truth, so naming the nationality of the delinquent is acceptable to do, as long as the freedom of press is not used to systematically mark a certain group of people.37 It is vital that the media doesn’t take over the job of politicians; their reporting should show all sides of the issue and not just reproduce the goings-on of the politics. To wonder about the origin of the culprits and to ask about the influence their cultural had on them and their behaviour must not be deemed racist.38

34 Klaus Brinkbäumer, “Das Jahr Der Flüchtlinge,” Der Spiegel, December 12, 2015, 10. 35 Beier and Selge, Reiz der sanften Diktatur. 36 “HORIZONT:Dänischer Journalist Soll ORF-Redakteure Inspirieren,” HORIZONT, accessed July 22, 2016, http://www.horizont.at/home/news/detail/daenischer-journalist-soll-orf-redakteure-inspirieren.html. 37 Heribert Prantl, “Maulkörbe, Selbstgemacht?,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 16, 2016. 38 Christiane Hoffmann, “Misere Und Machismo,” Der Spiegel, January 9, 2016, 20.

10 3 Theoretical Framework

There are various theoretical frameworks that help understand the struggles triggered in a society by the arrival of large amounts of people from a different part of the world. It is first of all the way that humans define themselves as differently from others that needs to be understood. The first theory that will be introduced is therefore the one of ‘Imagined communities’ by Benedict Anderson. It clarifies the creation of nations and the separation of groups of people into “Us” and “Them,” or the in- and the out-group, as they will be also referred to in this thesis. The specificity of the out-group that will be in the centre of this thesis will then be clarified by the theory of ‘Orientalism’ by Edward Said. Anderson calls nation-ness and nationalism “artefacts of a particular kind” that have “profound emotional legitimacy.”39 He describes a nation as an imagined (as both limited and sovereign) political community. It is imagined because the people in the community will, to a large extend, never know the majority of the people who they are in the community with and even though the distinction between one community to another is made up, it is still there, as the nations have borders and boundaries. The people within one group feel a sense of belonging to each other, “a deep horizontal, comradeship” as Anderson calls it.40 To illustrate how deep this devotion to the society as such is, he names the commitment of fighting for ones nation, and thus showing the willingness to kill and die for a group of people that is largely unknown to oneself. As everybody in the modern world is expected to have a nation, as Anderson stresses, identification with the nation can be expected to happen to some degree. The separation into certain groups requires the definition of the Other as opposite and demarcation to the own group.

Otherness is a fundamental category of human thought. Thus it is that no group ever sets itself up as the One without at once setting up the Other over against itself.41

The construction of one certain Other, namely people from the Orient and Muslim people, has been described by Edward Said in 1979. In his book ‘Orientalism’ Said

39 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Verso, 2006), 4. 40 Ibid., 7. 41 Simon de Beauvoir, “The Second Sex,” in Understanding Inequality: The Intersection of Race/ethnicity, Class, and Gender (Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), 75–84.

11 talks about the creation of the concept ‘Orient’ by the West and thereby touches upon the Western misconception about the East. The goal of the explanations of the Orient was to defeat and dominate the region, not the aspiration to live peacefully together.42 Western societies have been prone to call the Orient “lamentably underhumanised, antidemocratic, backward, barbaric.”43 This superior and patronising attitude of the West towards the Orient can be seen today, in the political interference of the Western powers in the Middle East. Even though the concept is not new, it is still relevant today and it is particularly interesting in the scope of the refugee crisis in which Western people come face to face with those who they describe as oriental. Fear and hostility towards the Orient and its people can still be felt today, when Muslim people are increasingly identified as the Other. Islamist terror has exacerbated this idea. The Western discourse about Muslims is still described as a “chronically one-sided dialog that Muslims are invited to join but not change” and thus as a discourse that creates an image about Muslims while simultaneously excluding them from its creation.44 For the framing of Muslims two components come together, as there is both a racial as well as a cultural Otherness that creates fear.45

Whether the controversy is over veiling, cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed, conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq and Israel-Palestine, or protests about the knighthood given to Salman Rushdie, Muslims appear always as a problematic presence, troubling those values of individualism and freedom said to define Western nations.46

42 Edward W Said, Orientalism, 1979, xix, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlabk&AN=842875. 43 Ibid., 150. 44 Peter Morey and Amina Yaqin, Framing Muslims (Harvard University Press, 2011), 2. 45 Ibid., 55. 46 Ibid., 1.

12 4 State of the Art

Teun van Dijk, a renown scholar in the field of text linguistic, once clarified that most media – especially mainstream media – will avoid any extremism or racism, but that the media exacerbate racism.47 Some of the problems that van Dijk identifies with the mass media discourse, is the one-sided reporting and the continuous definition of groups into “Us” and “Them.” What the in-group do wrong, is of little interest.48 Since communism as common enemy of the Western world was defeated, people from Muslim countries and Arabic States have been increasingly defined as the Other that is associated with danger and the idea that it must be fought.49 Portraying Muslims as the Other has consequences for a great amount of people in Germany. A study by the BAMF (Federal Agency for Migration and Refugees) of 2008 estimated the number of Muslim population in Germany to be between 3.8 and 4.3 million people, thus accounting for 4.6 to 5.2 per cent of the population.50 Numbers are hard to specify as no such thing as a church tax (as it exists for Christian people) exists, and thus doesn’t allows the state to estimate the numbers more clearly. With the high percentage of refugees coming to Germany in the scope of the refugee crisis being Muslims, this number can be expected to grow within the next years. While few studies can be found about the perception of refugees in Germany, much research has been done about the attitudes towards Islam. The image German people have of Islam, as a religion is predominantly negative: A majority of the people from all compared countries consider Islam to be a misogynist (80 per cent agreement), radical (70 per cent agreement) and violent (60 per cent agreement) religion. 70 per cent of Germans are of the opinion that religious diversity will lead to conflicts. Since October 2014 this widespread scepticism has been channelled within the Pegida (German acronym for “patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the occident) movement. Comparative studies have shown that the acceptance of Muslims and the willingness to provide them and their religion with the same rights as Christians is much

47 Teun A. van Dijk, “The Mass Media Today. Discourses of Domination or Diversity?,” Javnost/The Public, 1995, 28. 48 Ibid., 29. 49 Edward W. Said, Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World (Fully Revised Edition) (Random House, 2008), XIX. 50 Sonja Haug, Stephanie Müssig, and Anja Stichs, Muslimisches Leben in Deutschland, 1st ed, Research Report 6 (Nürnberg, Germany: Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, 2009), 11.

13 lower in Germany than in other European countries.51 The resistance towards Muslims is higher in the East of Germany than it is in the West, a phenomenon that can also be seen with xenophobic attitudes. Stereotypes and negative perceptions of the Other can often be reduced by establishing or increasing contact between the in- and the out- group. In relation to this it could be shown that the contact between Muslim people and the rest of the population is more limited in Germany than it is in the other countries. One other reason for the deficiency of acceptance brought forward by the study was the lack of debate about the Islam and integration.52 Without any existing contacts or limited interaction between the groups, it is often the media that takes part in the creation of the image of the Other. Research has shown that the word choices picked by newspapers to describe certain phenomena are often able to “create or confirm prejudicial attitudes“ and can thus take part in the creation and strengthening of racist ideologies.53 Discursive strategies that have been used by foremost the conservative media usually aim at affecting the way of thinking of the audience by creating a polarisation between the in- and the out-group and attributing various problems such as social and cultural ones to the out-group. In contrast to this, the liberal press has sometimes presented the out-group as victims as well and thereby shown a different side of the story.54 Dijk reminds his reader to keep in mind that “the media are profit seeking cooperations and therefore, quite understandably, have an interest in promoting some images of reality rather than others.”55 In Germany, people recognize media to be both a very powerful and important tool, but the general perception is also that the media represent migrants rather negatively and that they take part in the creation and reinforcement of negative stereotypes.56 The study by the Eurobarometer that was carried out in 2011 showed that Germans believe the portrayal of migrants to be scare mongering, mostly inaccurate and that a more positive media representation would help to improve the public understanding of migrants.57 It could also be shown that “sexist attitudes and behaviours

51 Exzellenzcluster „Religion und Politik“, “„Deutsche Sind Viel Weniger Tolerant Gegenüber Muslimen“” (Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster, December 2, 2010). 52 Ibid.nen 53 van Dijk, “The Mass Media Today. Discourses of Domination or Diversity?,” 32. 54 Ibid., 38. 55 Said, Covering Islam, 49. 56 European Commission, “Qualitative Eurobarometer - Migrant Integration,” May 2011, 6. 57 Ibid., 28.

14 are attributed to immigrants.”58 The position of the woman in Western societies is, on the other hand, largely ignored by Western media.59 Even though there is a general understanding that the media discourse is mostly negative and not completely realistic, migrants were still associated with crime, the bad treatment of women and religious preconceptions. Many of the negative connotations are made in relation to Islam: the percentage of people who feel threatened by the Islam in Germany rose from 53 per cent in 2012 to 57 per cent in January 2015. 61 per cent of the German population don’t believe that the Islam fits into the Western World (in comparison to 52 per cent in 2012). 60 The religion is instead often described with the term “Backwardness.” The entanglement between the discourse of people from the Middle East and crime, violence, terrorism, ethnic conflicts and fundamentalism has been shown to be clearly visible.61 In contrast to these numbers from 2011, a study from the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) that was carried out in 2015, has shown that the image of refugees shown in German press was in many categories much more positive than it was in Spain, Italy, and the UK. The portrayal of refugees as a cultural threat or as a threat to national security or to community cohesion was discussed much more seldom in the German press.62 Many times the refugee crisis was framed as having a positive affect on Germany, its demographics and its labour market. 63 Figures recorded by the Eurobarometer in 2009 showed that the majority (52 per cent) of Germans did not believe that immigration would have a beneficial affect on the age structure of the country.64

58 Siegfried Jäger and Florentine Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Faucauldian Critical Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” in Methods for Critical Discourse Analysis (SAGE, 2009), 47. 59 van Dijk, “The Mass Media Today. Discourses of Domination or Diversity?,” 30. 60 Bertelsmann Stiftung, “Muslime in Deutschland Mit Staat Und Gesellschaft Eng Verbunden,” January 8, 2015, https://www.bertelsmann- stiftung.de/de/presse/pressemitteilungen/pressemitteilung/pid/muslime-in-deutschland-mit-staat-und- gesellschaft-eng-verbunden/. 61 van Dijk, “The Mass Media Today. Discourses of Domination or Diversity?,” 29. 62 UNHCR, “Press Coverage of the Refugee and Migrant Crisis in the EU: A Content Analysis of Five European Countries,” December 2015, 8, http://www.unhcr.org/protection/operations/56bb369c9/press- coverage-refugee-migrant-crisis-eu-content-analysis-five-european.html. 63 Institut für Arbeitsmarkt und Berufsforschung, “Mehr Chnacen Als Risiken Durch Zuwanderung,” January 2015. 64 European Commission, “Eurobarometer 71 - Future of Europe” (European Comission, January 2010), 55.

15 5 Methodology

Discourse describes the way in which a certain topic is talked about by a certain group of people at a specific point in time. It determines what is accepted to say and what is not. Discourses have a “normalisierende Wirklung”65, a normalising effect, on society. Not following the discourse, so the accepted and normalised way of speaking about a specific theme, may entail negative consequences for the speaker. Discourses are institutionalised and thereby exercise power.66 This power is critical and can affect society on a large scheme, as humans use knowledge to shape their reality and interpret their environment.

People derive this knowledge from the discursive surroundings into which they are born and in which they are enmeshed throughout the rest of their lives.67

Discourses create social reality by presenting knowledge in a recursive way and thus shape the societies consciousness. 68 What behaviour a society accepts and what utterances they tolerate, depends - among other things - on the prevailing discourse. Discourses alter over time, but no person alone has the power to create this change. All members of society can take part in reproducing certain discourses. The extensive or regular exposure to a certain discourse will most likely provoke acceptance and understanding for this way of speaking. The discourse in the leading media is therefore a very important and sensitive topic, as it is presented to so many different people at the same time and has the potential to influence a big part of the respective society. Media is an opinion-forming resource that interprets reality for its readers and presents the interpreted version of reality to their audience. Discourse analysis can help to provide a group’s understanding of a topic by analysing in what way reality is presented. The knowledge that is conveyed through the news can affect the opinions and attitudes of their readership, but the readers are also free to choose to disbelieve and reject the given knowledge.69 According to van Dijk journalists often know what affect

65 Margarete Jäger and Siegfried Jäger, Deutungskämpfe: Theorie und Praxis kritischer Diskursanalyse, 1. Aufl, Medien - Kultur - Kommunikation (Wiesbaden: VS, Verl. für Sozialwiss, 2007), 19. 66 Ibid. 67 Jäger and Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Faucauldian Critical Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” 31. 68 Jäger and Jäger, Deutungskämpfe, 23/34. 69 Teun A. van Dijk, “Aims of Critical Discourse Analysis,” Japanese Discourse, 1995, 22.

16 their words can have on the public, but few theories of communicative influence deal with the precise affect speech and text can have on the mind of the individual.70 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a problem-orientated approach that can be used in various ways, seen as methodology and theory are chosen differently depending on the social problems that are being inspected.71 What discourse analysis can do is to explore the way knowledge is produced. It can outline how a certain topic is dealt with and spoken about. This includes uncovering the various threads (Diskursstrang) that are part of a discourse and their respective layers, occurrences and fragments.72 The main focus of CDA does not lie on linguistic units, but instead concentrates on complex social phenomena like the power structures of a society.73 Power is a very important concept for critical discourse analysis, as power, despite being (or maybe exactly because it is) invisible, legitimises and controls the dynamics and structures in a society. Structures, power relations, abuses and reinforcements can be made visible by looking at language as a place where power is manifested.

CDA can be defined as being fundamentally interested in analysing opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language. In other words, CDA aims to investigate critically social inequality as it is expressed, constituted, legitimized, and so on, by language use (or in discourse).74

CDA does not focus on paradigms but on issues or problems.75 The social issue this work will concentrate on is the issue of mass immigration through the refugee crisis. According to van Dijk, CDA is both about dealing with the strategies and structures of the elite discourse as well as observing the counter discourse.76 The evaluating element that lies within this method makes CDA a less objective way of doing academic work. Van Dijk calls this element “critical adequacy,” a criterion that “presupposes social norms and values and introduces a political a social ethics (what we find wrong or right) within the scholarly enterprise as such.”77 The subject is thus political and the author will interpret the material from her respective socialisation of

70 Ibid., 23. 71 Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer, “Critical Discourse Analysis: History, Agenda, Theory and Methodology,” in Methods for Critical Discourse Analysis (SAGE, 2009), 31. 72 Jäger and Jäger, Deutungskämpfe, 30. 73 Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer, Methods for Critical Discourse Analysis (SAGE, 2009), 2. 74 Wodak and Meyer, “Critical Discourse Analysis: History, Agenda, Theory and Methodology,” 10. 75 van Dijk, “Aims of Critical Discourse Analysis,” 17. 76 Ibid., 19. 77 Ibid.

17 social norms and values. O’Halloran describes this subjectivity as problematic when analysts are not among the target audience of the texts they analyse, as the analyst might conclude facts from the texts that the target audience would not derive from it.78 The latter is a problem that will not occur in this case, as the author is part of the target audience of all newspapers and magazines that are to be analysed in this paper. Jäger and Maier emphasise that the analysts will never be able to make themself free from discourse, but that their culture and values are embedded in them and will be used as standards for the analysis.79

78 Kieran O’Halloran, “Critical Discourse Analysis,” in The Routledge Linguistics Encyclopedia (Routledge, 2009), 126. 79 Jäger and Maier, “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Faucauldian Critical Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis,” 36.

18 6 Approach – Data Collection

This thesis undertakes a diachronic analysis of the discourse about refugees in four German mass and mainstream magazines and newspapers. The analysis was carried out over the time of 9 weeks around the 1st of January 2016: the three last weeks of 2015 and the first six weeks of 2016. The time frame in 2015 serves as an evaluation of the situation before NYE. As there were no significant changes with regard to the situation of refugees in Germany in the last weeks of 2015, a period of three weeks will provide an adequate presentation of the status quo. In order to be able to portray the discourse after Cologne just as realistically, the analysed time frame is twice as long, in order to see the possible effects of Cologne on the discourse on a longer basis. The analysis carried out in this paper has the goal to pinpoint the effect the events of Cologne had on the mainstream media discourse in Germany. The analysis shall show potential differences in the reproduction of knowledge, changes of the “diskursive Sagbarkeitsfelder”80 (what is accepted to be said and what isn’t), and shifts in the presentation of refugees. The study objects were chosen based on both their political orientation and their circulation numbers. The political orientation is crucial in order to present the whole spectrum, the wide circulation is relevant for the influence they have by reaching a large amount of the German population. It is also essential to look at a certain number of newspapers, as the goal of this thesis is not to analyse the possible changes in single texts, but to analyse the current discourse, of which each analysed text is a fragment. The entirety of texts presents the discourse strand of German mainstream media about refugees of that time. The four sources the analysis is based on are Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ), Der Spiegel and FOCUS. The FAZ is a conservative- liberal daily newspaper that publishes international and national news with a special focus on the Frankfurt area. The regional focus leads to the circulation numbers being especially high in the Frankfurt area and higher in general in the South-Western area than in the eastern regions.81 With a circulation of 253,000 the paper belongs to the top

80 Jäger and Jäger, Deutungskämpfe, 15. 81 Jens Schröder, “Interaktive Deutschland-Karte: Wo Verkauft Sich Die F.A.Z. Am Besten – Und Wo Am Schlechtesten?,” accessed July 14, 2016, http://meedia.de/2016/07/11/interaktive-deutschland-karte- wo-verkauft-sich-die-f-a-z-am-besten-und-wo-am-schlechtesten/.

19 newspapers of the country.82 The FAZ has an archive that holds all newspaper articles in digitalised form. These online archives, which are accessible through certain libraries, were used for the collection of the material for this thesis. The SZ is a left-liberal daily newspaper with a circulation of 381,844. 83 Published in Munich; it has a special focus on Bavaria where the biggest clusters of readers can be found.84 The articles of the SZ are often long and detailed and are mostly read by high-educated people with a salary above the average.85 According to the information on their website the overlap of readership between the SZ and other over- regional newspapers is very low with about 5 per cent. The online archives of the SZ work similar to the ones of the FAZ and were used to access all print articles online. Der Spiegel, is a left-liberal weekly magazine with no regional focus. The readership is largely male (68 per cent) and from the northern or western regions of Germany.86 The magazine presents lengthy articles about a big variety of topics such as politics, economics and science but also health, culture and sports. The online section of the magazine SPIEGEL ONLINE was disregarded for the data collection, as the digital content varies from the printed version. The printed copies of the magazine were used just as much as the digitalised PDF versions for the analysis. The bourgeois-liberal weekly magazine FOCUS is part of the Hubert Burda Media group. The weekly magazine presents news in a much shorter form than Der Spiegel. The articles deal with a similar range of topics with a focus on economics. The texts used for the analysis were taken from their online archives that are accessible under http://www.focus.de/magazin/archiv. As these are the official archives of the magazine that show all magazines from 1993 on with their table of content and link to all articles, variations from the printed text are possible but not expected. All four chosen publications are considered good sources to quote from by national and international media in both print and digital, as a five yearlong study of pressemonitor has shown. In the category of weekly publications Der Spiegel is the

82 “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung Für Deutschland,” FAZ.media, accessed July 13, 2016, http://www.faz.media/medien/frankfurter-allgemeine-zeitung-fuer-deutschland/. 83 “Süddeutsche Zeitung Media,” SZ-Media, n.d., http://sz-media.sueddeutsche.de/de/service/markt--und- mediastudien-mafo.html. 84 Jens Schröder, “Interaktive Deutschland-Karte: Wo Verkauft Sich Die Süddeutsche Zeitung Am Besten – Und Wo Am Schlechtesten?,” accessed July 14, 2016, http://meedia.de/2016/07/12/interaktive- deutschland-karte-wo-verkauft-sich-die-sueddeutsche-zeitung-am-besten-und-wo-am-schlechtesten/. 85 “Süddeutsche Zeitung Media.” 86 Jens Schröder, “Print-Analyse: Der Typische Spiegel-Leser,” accessed July 14, 2016, http://meedia.de/2013/01/15/print-analyse-der-typische-spiegel-leser/.

20 most quoted medium (35 per cent) followed by Bild Am Sonntag (15 per cent) and FOCUS (14 per cent). As for the daily publications, the SZ and the FAZ are on place two and three respectively with 18 and 12 per cent of the quotes, topped only by Bild with 26 per cent. In all four papers the refugee crisis has received much attention since the summer of 2015 when it became a topic of special interest in Germany. The issue became relevant for a wide range of sectors and contexts (eg. political, economical, social, geographical, cultural, demographical…). Due to the overwhelming amount of articles not all items could be taken into account for the analysis. Instead, the author opted for a precise and narrow focus on just small amount of discourse strings. In order to not choose discourse strings arbitrarily, a preliminary analysis was conducted with the aim to filter out the main discourse threats that dominated the pieces about NYE in Cologne. The database for the main analysis was then created on the results of this first investigation. For this part of the research the FAZ, the SZ, Der Spiegel and FOCUS were searched for articles about New Year’s Eve in Cologne that were published in the time from January 1st until January 9th. The time frame of nine days has been chosen based on the date of publication of Der Spiegel and FOCUS, which both came out on the 9th of January with their respective first articles about the attacks on women. By analysing the first nine days of 2016, the first wave of reporting of all four papers is being gathered in the preliminary analysis. These articles will not be re-analysed in the main screening. Examining the articles about New Year’s Eve in a separate analysis from the general research has several advantages: for instance, this analysis allows a closer look at the handling of the media of the event. On top of that, the reporting about Cologne will not distort the main database with the unusually high discursive entanglement between the discourse about refugees and the discourse about sexual crimes. The argument of a falsification of the main database due to the articles about Cologne can thus be pre-empted. In order to avoid cherry picking (“choosing the examples which best fit the assumptions”87) the analysis will hold both qualitative and quantitative elements, like it is suggested by Wodak and Meyer.

87 Wodak and Meyer, Methods for Critical Discourse Analysis, 11.

21 7 Data Analysis

As described, the discourse analysis of this paper will be done in several parts. The first part is the preliminary analysis that looks at the reporting of NYE and on the basis of which the composition of the database for the main analysis will be determined.

7.1 Preliminary Analysis

In order to be taken into account for the database articles had to mention both the word “Silvester” (New Year’s Eve) and “Köln” (Cologne). The archives of the FAZ and the SZ were searched with the Boolean search with the command “Silvester$ AND Köln” in order to also include articles that mention words starting in “Silvester” as “Silvesternacht” (the night of New Year’s Eve) or “Silvesterereignisse” (the events of New Year’s Eve). Der Spiegel and FOCUS were searched manually on the basis of the same criteria. In case articles mentioned these words without any relation to what happened on the night of the 31st December they were disregarded for the sample collection. In the nine first days of the New Year the scrutinised papers published in total 63 articles about the attacks in Cologne. 23 articles appeared in the SZ, 31 in the FAZ, four in FOCUS and five in Der Spiegel. While there is only a slight difference in the amount of articles in the magazines, the FAZ has printed significantly more articles than its left-liberal counterpart. The main goal of the majority of articles was to inform about the night in question and to report about the immediate consequences. The first articles published are for the most part reporting facts and describing the situation, resulting in similar accounts for the various papers. The culprits, the victims, the police and the media were the subjects in most. Articles published subsequently are written in a more investigative manner. They tried for instance to provide explanations and interpretations for what happened or they reported about reactions or expected consequences. In these articles, topics that were not immediately visibly connected to the sexual assaults were discussed. These articles were of much interest for this research, as they create entanglements between different discourses. These topics that become linked to the

22 actions of the men of NYE were filtered out, listed and compared for frequency of occurrence. The most common topics brought into context with NYE are fear and worry (mentioned in 20 articles), Islam and right-wing extremism (brought up in 13 articles each) and gender equality (referred to in 12 articles). Other discourses that were brought into connection with the events of the night were among others integration, Chancellor Merkel and her politics, and personnel changes. The full list can be seen in Annex 1.

Figure 1: Topics brought into connection with NYE in articles from January 1-9

Others, 6 Insecurity, Fear, 9 20

Gender Equality , 12 Islam, Right wing 13 Extremism, 13

A closer look at the different topics shows strong discursive entanglements between gender equality and Islam. They are often tied together merely by a chain of association. The connection is created by describing the issue of gender inequality or the problematic view of women in correlation with foreign cultures, that are not clearly identifies as being Muslim, but there are markers that are prone to trigger an association among the target readers, e.g.

What connects the two acts is the ‘problematic view of women’ that is characteristic for groups of perpetrator from Arabic-speaking countries.88

88 “Sexuelle Übergriffe Auch in Hamburg Und Stuttgart,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 6, 2016. Original quote: "Was die beiden Taten verbinde, sei das "problematische Frauenbild", das für Tätergruppen aus arabischsprachigen Ländern charakteristisch sei."

23 or

And here comes into play if they are from ‘pasha-cultures’ where the man has the power and can do almost everything.89

In both these examples the reader is given a comparison to a region, which in both cases are commonly known predominantly Muslim regions: “Arabic-speaking countries” on the one side and “pasha-cultures”, which refers to the Ottoman Empire, on the other. Another similar link similar to this is made when the scene in Cologne is compared to situations on Tahrir Square in Egypt in various articles in all papers except FOCUS.90 Again, it can be assumed that the readers of these papers have enough background knowledge to understand that the great majority of people in Egypt are Muslim and the discussion about the mistreating and suppression of women is linked to Islam on a subconscious level. For the reader the gender discourse thus becomes part of the discourse about Islam. Another entanglement can be seen between the topics fear and right-wing extremism. The entanglement takes place with two different kinds of fear: either the fear of the right or the fear that is induced by the right. The fear of a rise of the right seems to have been increased by the events of Cologne and the worry that the incident will increase xenophobia is raised several times. 91 The two topics the main analysis will concentrate on are fear and Islam, as they are the most often mentioned topics and their discourses are entangled to a high degree with others that have been mentioned often. The before described entanglements lead me to believe that both gender equality and Islam will reappear as topics in the main analysis. The results of this preliminary analysis fit together with the conclusions drawn by Der Spiegel-author Christiane Hoffmann, who identifies fear and alienation as the two main reactions to NYE in Cologne.92 One last observation that can be made about the reports about NYE is that the description of the culprits shows that the media was very carful in calling the perpetrators neither Muslim nor refugees. The great majority refers to the men either

89 Robert Vernier, “Angst Vor Einem ‘Politisch Heißen Eisen,’” FOCUS, January 9, 2016, 28–30. Original quote: "Und da komme ins Spiel, wenn sie aus „Pascha-Kulturen“ stammen, in denen der Mann die Macht hat, sich fast alles erlauben kann." 90 Cordt Schnibben, “Das Attentat,” Der Spiegel, January 9, 2016, 6; Ursula Scheer, “Eine Männergruppe Und Ihr Hintergrund,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 6, 2016; Sonja Zekri, “Verfolgt Vom Mob,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, n.d. 91 Berthold Kohler, “Mitten in Köln,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 1, 2016. 92 Hoffmann, “Misere Und Machismo.”

24 very general as men or drunk people e.g. “Gruppen junger Männer zwischen 15 und 35 Jahren”93 (groups of young men between 15 and 35 years old), or “alkoholisierte, enthemmte Banden”94 (alcoholised, disinhibited gangs) or by giving their (assumed) nationality e.g. “überwiegend arabisch und nordafrikanisch aussehende Männer”95 (predominantly Arabic and Northern African looking men) or “Gruppen von Nordafrikanern.”96 Much fewer articles mention the religion or refugee status in direct correlation with the assignment of guilt. This shows an interesting discrepancy: when describing the attackers of NYE, the media for the most part seem to refrain from describing the men as refugees, or Muslim, but, nevertheless, a discursive entanglement with the refugee or Islam discourse is made and a correlation is hereby suggested. The way of reporting of FOCUS about the culprits is harsher in the tone (e.g. “an aggressive mob of North Africans and Arabs whose archaic image of women and society does not fit into the German modernity in the least”97). FOCUS is also the only paper that brought up the term “Nafris” as an abbreviation for “Northern African intensive culprits.” The use of the word adds a stigma to the group of Northern African immigrants that cannot be found in the other papers. The late publishing of the articles is also a relevant detail, as it was partly due to this that the case became the embodiment of the criticism of Lügenpresse. The first articles about what had happened appeared on January 5th in the SZ and it the FAZ. Der Spiegel and FOCUS both published the first information on January 9th. The late publishing date leads back to the misinformation politics of the police. When Der Spiegel and FOCUS were published the news of Cologne were featured on the cover pages. While the Spiegel headline “Auf der Kippe. Wie die Silvesternacht Deutschland verändert” (On the edge. How the night of New Year’s Eve changes Germany) refers to the changes provoked by the events, FOCUS directs the discussion towards possibly misplaced tolerance towards immigrants already in the headline “Frauen klagen an. Nach den Sex-Attacken von Migranten: Sind wir noch tolerant oder schon blind?” (Women accuse. After the sexual attacks by migrants: Are we still tolerant or already blind?).

93 Kristiana Ludwig, “„Völlig Enthemmt“,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 5, 2016. 94 Schnibben, “Das Attentat.” 95 kamu, “Männer Die Solche Sachen Machen Sind Krank,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 9, 2016. 96 Andrea Bachstein, “Verlierer in Der Übermacht,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 9, 2016. 97 Jan-Philip Hein et al., “Nacht Der Schande,” FOCUS, January 9, 2016, 22–28. Original quote: “Ein aggressiver Mob aus Nordafrikanern und Arabern, dessen archaisches Frauen- und Gesellschaftsbild so gar nicht in die deutsche Moderne passt.”

25 7.2 Main Analysis The preliminary analysis has laid down the parameters that the main analysis will be constructed after. The goal of the main analysis is to define changes that have occurred in the refugee discourse due to the events of NYE. In order to monitor the development of the refugee discourse at the example of the discourse strings of fear and Islam, a database was established that holds all articles of the selected newspapers that mention either one of the discourse strings in correlation to the refugee crisis. The strategy of how each magazine was searched was different, depending on the respective version and access given, but the criteria the articles had to fulfil in order to be taken into account were the same for all four publications. For the generation of the criteria the discourse strings of the preliminary analysis were scrutinised for repeating words that signal the occurrence of a certain discourse, as for instance the word “Muslim” would indicate the discourse is about the religion of Islam. The words that were used frequently for the discourse of fear were “Sorge” or “sorgen” (worry or being worried), “Angst” (fear), “Furcht” (fear) and “Bedrohung” or “bedrohen” (threat or threaten). The words that appeared repeatedly in relation to the discourse of Islam were “Islam,” ”Muslim, “ and in relation to the gender inequality “Patriarch.” These words including some alternating spelling e.g. “Moslem” and some variations of the words like the plural form were then used as indicators for the appearance of the specific discourse. The publications were filtered in two different ways: Der Spiegel and FOCUS were searched manually and for the archives of the daily newspaper the Boolean search was used. The archives of both newspapers have filters that can be used for the sake of finding articles from the specific parts of the papers an from a specific time. In the case of the FAZ a filter was added that only shows articles in relation to happenings in Germany, for the SZ only articles from the main edition were taken into consideration. The Boolean search makes it possible to look for certain words, as well as specific combinations. The first requirement was for the articles in the time frame between December 11th 2015 and February 12th 2016 to contain the word “Flüchtling” or any word that starts on “Flüchtling.” This was indicated by the search term “Flüchtling$.” The second requirement was for the article to hold at least one of the before named words, or one of the variations of the words from either the one discourse or the other. The complete search term that was used was “Flüchtling$ AND ((Islam$ or

26 Moslem$ or Muslim$ or Patriarch) OR (Sorge or sorgen or Angst or ängstlich or $ängste or beängstig$ or Furcht or fürchten or bedroh$)).” These first results were not the final amount of articles that were used, as not every article that fit the criteria of the Boolean search necessarily matched the requirements for the database. Reasons for disqualification could for instance be that the refugee discourse is not brought into connection with either fear or Islam, that the article is not reporting about a situation in Germany or that one of the words is used in a different context and therefore bears a different meaning (e.g. “dafür Sorge tragen“ meaning „to ensure that“ and not worry). This assorting was done manually.

7.2.1 Quantitative Analysis

While the majority of the analysis will deal with qualitative factors, this first short part will look at some of the quantitative facts. The main analysis was based on a total of 333 articles. With 143 and 146 articles from the SZ and the FAZ respectively, the daily newspapers generated the biggest amount of articles. There are furthermore 17 FOCUS articles and 34 articles from Der Spiegel. While the total number of articles from the daily newspapers is surprisingly similar, a large difference can be seen in the weekly magazines. In order to have comparable figures, the average number of articles per issue will be given. The number of issues varies between the different papers. FOCUS was published one time fewer than Der Spiegel in the evaluation period, the SZ was not published on Sundays, while the Sunday edition of the FAZ was taken into account and even though both the SZ and the FAZ are not published on holidays, they were impacted by different holidays due to their place of business in different Federal States. For the SZ, 143 articles out of 49 issues were taken into account for the analysis. The largest proportion of these texts belongs to the discourse of fear, with 109 articles. The discourse of fear experiences an increase after NYE that is higher than the increase in any of the other papers. The entanglement of the two discourses increased slightly with NYE, while the discourse of Islam was brought up fewer times. In the total amount of articles, an increase can be registered.

27 Figure 2: Quantitative results of the SZ Discourse Discourse Entanglement Total SZ Islam fear fear & Islam Amount of articles before 11 30 2 43 NYE Amount of articles after NYE 13 79 8 100 Total amount of articles 25 109 10 143 Average of articles/issue 0.65 1.76 0.12 2.53 before NYE (17 issues) Average of articles/issue 0.41 2.45 0.25 3.13 after NYE (32 issues) Increase of articles/issue -0.24 0.69 0.13 0.6

Out of the 146 articles published in the FAZ that appeared in 59 issues, 42 articles appeared before NYE and 104 articles after. The total amount of articles was higher than the amount found in the SZ, but the average number per issue was lower in all categories except the average of articles that mention both discourses before NYE. Like the SZ, the FAZ can register an increase in articles after NYE, but in comparison to the SZ the increase can even be seen in the discourse of Islam. The increase in articles is the highest in the discourse of fear for both daily newspapers. Here, the increase is stronger in the SZ, which had featured more articles initially as well.

Figure 3: Quantitative results of the FAZ Discourse Discourse Entanglement Total FAZ Islam fear fear & Islam Amount of articles before 7 31 4 42 NYE Amount of articles after NYE 27 74 3 104 Total amount of articles 34 105 7 146 Average of articles/issue 0.33 1.48 0.19 2 before NYE (21 issues) Average of articles/issue 0.71 1.95 0.14 2.74 after NYE (38 issues) Increase of articles/issue 0.38 0.47 -0.05 0.74

With an increase of 0.25 articles per issue for all articles analysed, Der Spiegel has the lowest increase after NYE out of all four papers. It is also the only paper with a

28 category that shows no change after NYE, namely the category of the discourse of fear, which is the category with the highest change in all other papers. Like the SZ there is a slight decrease in articles concerned with Islam and a strong increase in articles that mention both Islam and fear.

Figure 4: Quantitative results of Der Spiegel Discourse Discourse Entanglement Total Der Spiegel Islam fear fear & Islam Amount of articles before 3 10 0 13 NYE Amount of articles after NYE 3 15 3 21 Total amount of articles 6 25 3 34 Average of articles/issue 0.75 2.5 0 3.25 before NYE (4 issues) Average of articles/issue 0.5 2.5 0.5 3.5 after NYE (6 issues) Increase of articles/issue -0.25 0 0.5 0.25

FOCUS has the lowest total of articles in general and with an increase of one article per issue also the biggest increase in articles after NYE. Like its conservative counterpart FAZ, also the results of the analysis of FOCUS show an increase in the Islam discourse. The increase in articles about both Islam and fear is only a slight one while the growth of the fear discourse is the second highest one of all papers after the one registered in the SZ. Figure 5: Quantitative results of FOCUS Discourse Discourse Entanglement Total FOCUS Islam fear fear & Islam Amount of articles before 1 2 0 3 NYE Amount of articles after NYE 3 8 1 12 Total amount of articles 4 10 1 15 Average of articles/issue 0.33 0.67 0 1 before NYE (3 issues) Average of articles/issue 0.5 1.33 0.17 2 after NYE (6 issues) Increase of articles/issue 0.17 0.66 0.17 1

29 Summarised it can be said that all newspapers experience an increase in relevant articles per issue, even though the distribution is not the same for all papers. The discourse of Islam is addressed fewer times after NYE in all newspapers apart from the FAZ, and the discourse of fear experiences a boost in all newspapers apart from in Der Spiegel, where it stays at the same level. Articles that connect fear and Islam have also become more in all newspapers apart from in the FAZ, where the number has dropped ever so slightly. The fact that all papers register change after NYE does not mean that the change is necessarily provoked by what happened in Cologne. So far, all the changes could also be regular fluctuations. In order to proof a link to NYE the qualitative analysis will look closer at each of the discourses.

7.2.2 Qualitative Analysis

The main goal of the qualitative analysis is to compare the way in which refugees were talked about before and after NYE. This will be done, by looking at the content of the articles, their themes and their stylistic elements. The findings will be presented by topics, so that potential changes can be tracked and presented by subject. The preliminary analysis showed that the discussions about NYE were often influenced by the discourses of fear and Islam and the quantitative analysis indicated an increase in the discourse of fear that occurred after NYE. In what way this change took place on a qualitative level and if it is linked to NYE in some way shall be determined by the qualitative analysis. The fear and worries that are triggered by the refugee crisis and connected events are comprehensive and far-reaching. Foreign domination, fear for women and children, reduced freedom of mobility, social inequalities, not enough jobs and flats and the soon coming to an end national prosperity are all fears that are being raised in connection with refugees.98 The sum of these fears creates a large uncertainty whose effects of the various sectors of live in Germany and Europe in general cannot yet be estimated. In the media the refugee crisis is thus presented as one of the major reasons for concern that gets evaluated along with other major challenges like the increasing

98 Uwe Ritzer, “Jobs Für Flüchtlinge,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 3, 2016.

30 number of geopolitical confrontations in the world, the arrival of the terror in Europe or the development of the Chinese economy.99 The quantitative analysis also revealed a general downward trend of the discourse of Islam. In the course of NYE both the religion of Islamic men as well as the culture they grow up in was thematised. Questions about the integration of Muslims into German society, the standing of the woman and the compatibility of Islam and Germany were discussed with regard to the fact that most of the perpetrators came from Islamic countries. The fear of men of Arabic decent, their behaviour towards women as well as the integration of Muslims will be the subthemes that will be looked at more closely, to be able to spot possible discourse changes that occurred together with NYE.

7.2.2.1 Threat of the foreign male

The attacks of NYE were of an extend that was until then unknown to most Western European countries, but despite never having happened like this before, they yet confirmed fears and stereotypes about foreign men and rape that had existed before. A fear of men from Islamic countries is addressed in the media even before NYE. This entanglement of the discourses of fear and Islam is again sometimes created merely by connotations and therefore not very definable. “It is about fear (a soup-like one, in which somewhere also the German woman swims along, who needs to be protected of potent Arab men).”100 The use of the term “Arabic men” creates a subconscious connection to Muslim men, even though the religion is not clearly mentioned. A clear separation of “them” and “us” is also visible in the way the groups are divided by the demarcating terms “Arabic men” versus “the German woman.” This blurry fear of foreign men is hard to define yet clearly audible in the text. A young, male Syrian refugee is described with these words: “In the newspapers he is portrayed sometimes as the flood, sometimes the wave, sometimes welcome, sometimes a threat, he is a hundred times routine and the biggest challenge since the fall of the wall, he is potential terror, a very much needed skilled worker and the masculinisation of the public sphere.”101 This

99 Thomas De Maizière, Die Zeit läuft davon, Der Spiegel, January 30, 2016; Michael Psotta, “Die Fallhöhe Nimmt Zu,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 22, 2016. 100 Antonia Baum, “Nervt Einfach Nicht!,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 3, 2016. Original Quote: “Aber eigentlich geht es um Angst (so eine suppenhafte Angst, in der irgendwo auch die deutsche Frau herumschwimmt, die vor den potenten Arabern beschützt werden muss).” 101 Jonathan Stock and Emin Özmen, “„Ich Bin Da“,” Der Spiegel, December 24, 2015, 52–61. Original Quote: “In den Zeitungen ist er mal die Flut, mal die Welle, mal willkommen, mal Bedrohung, er ist hunderttausend- fache Routine und die größte Herausfor- derung nach dem Fall der Mauer, er ist

31 is a different threat attributed to male refugees, which is expressed in a much milder form but touches an important topic, namely the masculinisation of the public sphere. In a country that has been working on diminishing the societal difference between the sexes, the predominantly male refugees coming to the Federal Republic are a reminder that society might make a step backwards in gender equality. “The perception of the woman” is also one of the three things German citizen Jenn Smith names, along with cultural differences and increasing crime rates, as facts that scare her about the amount of incoming refugees.102 In all three named examples the foreign male refugee is presented as a danger to women in Germany. This peril is addressed much more concretely in the context of increasing sales of self-defence weapons in Germany where (after ISIS terrorists, Eastern European burglar gangs, purse thieves, sex offenders and free-roaming dogs) also “refugees with supposedly bad intentions” are named as a potential reason for such a purchase.103 This shows that the fear of refugees and - refugee men in particular - already existed before NYE and was part of the German media discourse. What all these examples have in common though, are that the fear might still be considered unfounded. The “supposedly” in “refugees with supposedly bad intentions” shows how the fear of refugees is considered arbitrary, its position in the enumeration (as last point, just like the “masculinisation of the public sphere” in the description of the Syrian refugee) classifies its priority as lesser. Immigrant men are brought into connection with masculinity, but are not defined by it. Another context, in which the potential issues concerning refugee men are raised in the media discourse, is the context of cultural introduction classes for refugees. The media discussed that gender equality was part of the classes before the mass assault happened. Acceptance and equality of all genders and religions was one of the main points that was frequently used as an example of class content.104 Already in 2015, the

potenzieller Terror, eine dringend benö- tigte Fachkraft und die Maskulinisierung des öffentlichen Raumes.“ 102 Buse et al., “Angespannt.” 103 Conny Neumann, “Schussbereit,” Der Spiegel, no. 51 (December 12, 2015): 50. Original Quote: “Ob die Deutschen sich nun fürchten vor IS-Terroristen, osteuro- päischen Einbrecherbanden, Handtaschen- räubern, Sextätern, freilaufenden Hunden oder Flüchtlingen mit angeblich finsteren Absichten – Fachhändler und Onlineshops jedenfalls freuen sich über ein glänzendes Weihnachtsgeschäft.” 104 Dieter Greysinger, “Nachrichten Aus Hainichen,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 29, 2015; Lisa Schnell, “Der Rechtsstaat in 03:14 Minuten,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 18, 2015; Hans Riebsamen, “Gemeinsames Schicksal,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 21, 2015.

32 view of refugees on gender equality and the perception on women was thus identified as a possible source for conflict by the newspapers. The communication about gender equality, women’s rights and respect of women are topics that are addressed after NYE similar to the ways they were discussed before NYE.105 Only one slight addition can be found in this context after NYE: ”the right to physical integrity and the respect of the constitutional state” is added to this list of things that are taught.106 One clear change in regard to the education of refugees came with the preparation for Carnival. Cologne was exemplified as a concrete scenario that had to be avoided to ever happen again, and the media presented measures that were taken to inform refugees that women have to be treated with respect.107 In the SZ the discourse of Islam gets entangled once again with the discourse of the attacks of Cologne: “After the shock of the attacks of New Year’s Eve, Refugees from Muslim countries are now undergoing targeted awareness-raising that a Carnival kiss is no invitation for more.“108 Even though few of the perpetrators could be identified, their origin is said to be to a majority from Muslim countries.109 Despite the little knowledge about the group of men, the newspapers have still tried to present explanations for their behaviour. The post-Cologne discourse provides various ways of argumentation for why the men committed the sexual crimes. The arguments can be summarised in three different groups that put the blame either with the religion of Islam, the customs and the culture of the country of origin or the socio-economic situation of the men. The consent seems to be that only problems that have been addressed can be changed; so various grievances are talked about. The least often the blame is searched for in solely the religion. The topic is raised, but mostly very carefully and in no generalising way. The SZ mentions „religions-morale imprinting“ or the fact that „there is a way of understanding the Islam that supports patriarchal and sexist ways of thinking“ and an article in Der Spiegel

105 Sebastian Beck, “Schützt Den Schweinsbraten!,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 19, 2016; Thomas Hahn, “Schade,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 19, 2016; Mounia Meiborg, “Der Weltenerklärer,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 19, 2016. 106 Przybilla, Olaf, “Demokratie Für Einsteiger,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 12, 2016. Original quote: “das Recht auf körperliche Unversehrtheit und den Respekt vor dem Rechtsstaat” 107 Kristiana Ludwig, “Im Raster,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 5, 2016. 108 JKÄ, “Bützchen,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 6, 2016. Original quote: “Flüchtlinge aus muslimischen Ländern werden nun, nach dem Schock der Kölner Silvester-Übergriffe, gezielt aufgeklärt, dass ein Bützchen nicht die Aufforderung zu mehr ist.” 109 eer., “Ausnahmslos,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 13, 2016.

33 admits that „patriarchal and misogynist beliefs are often justified with the Koran“ and that „the majority of Muslims do not take it for granted that men and women have the same rights.“110 From all of these examples it becomes clear that it does not concern all Muslims. Terms like “often,” “a way,” and “the majority” do not minimise the issue, but make sure there is room for the part of the group that does not agree. The FAZ finds a significantly rougher tone than the other newspapers: “Until this day people like Lamya Kaddor and Ayman Mazyek want to make us believe that the perverted sexual behaviour of certain Muslim men has nothing to do with the code of morals of their religion, but with their sad situation in our country.”111 The much more common opinion is that what happened in Cologne was against everything Islam stands for and that people would not have acted that way if they were true believers.112 Instead, many texts reason that the cultural background and the customs the men learn in their home countries are the triggers of the problem. Often times Arabic countries are referred to specifically. “The integration of a very large number of young men from Arabic countries, who grew up in a Muslim culture of male dominance” is described as a big challenge.113 SZ author Zielcke names (together with the high numbers of incoming refugees) the Muslim-Arabic background and the foreign culture that entails as one of the two main fear factors.114 Grossarth, who writes for the FAZ, says that he, who describes himself as an insider, draws the connection between the Muslim and Arabic migrants and the prevalence of verbal and physical violence towards women in those cultures.115 While it is mostly just the general term “Arab

110 Till Briegleb, “Schäm Dich!,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 30, 2016 Original quote: “Da Scham nur auftritt, wenn der Mensch gegen seine eigenen Wertmaßstäbe und Selbstbilder verstößt und dabei ertappt wird, sind religiös-moralische Prägungen von entscheidender Bedeutung.”; Ahmad Mansour, „Übrig bleibt Macho-Gehabe“ Original quote: “Aber es gibt ein Islamverständnis, das patriarchales und sexistisches Denken unterstützt”, Süddeutsche Zeitung, September 1, 2016; Christiane Hoffmann et al., “Ein Verquerer Begriff von Ehre,” Der Spiegel, January 23, 2016, 29–31 Original quote: “Patriarchalische und frauenfeindliche Überzeugungen werden oft mit dem Koran begründet.” and “Und dass Männer und Frauen gleiche Rechte haben, ist für die Mehrzahl der Muslime nicht selbstverständlich.”. 111 Monika Maron, “Wir Sind Verantwortlich Für Unser Land,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 14, 2016. Original quote: “Bis heute wollen uns Leute wie Lamya Kaddor und Ayman Mazyek weismachen, das abartige Sexualverhalten bestimmter muslimischer Männer habe nichts mit dem Sittenkodex ihrer Religion, sondern mit ihrer traurigen Situation in unserem Land zu tun.” 112 Christian Pfeiffer, “Wir Brauchen Muslime Als Integrationslotsen,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 24, 2016; Stefan Toepfer, “Unglaublich, Undenkbar, Unislamisch,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 29, 2016. 113 Pfeiffer, “Wir Brauchen Muslime Als Integrationslotsen.” Original quote: “Doch dann wartet eine große Aufgabe auf uns: die Integration einer sehr großen Zahl junger Männer aus arabischen Ländern, die in einer muslimischen Kultur männlicher Dominanz aufgewachsen sind.” 114 Andreas Zielcke, “Staatsversagen,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 23, 2016. 115 Jan Grossarth, “Ich Bin Euer Arzt,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 5, 2016.

34 countries” that is used, Egypt is used as a negative example of a society where women are not treated equally or even discriminated in group-settings.116 Presenting Egypt as the sample for an unequal society had already been used as a stylistic element in the reports about NYE in Cologne, as the preliminary analysis has shown. In both the FAZ as well as the SZ the cultures of the countries of origin are mostly presented in a negative light where “sexual abuse is part of their mainstream culture” or where civic tradition doesn’t exist.117 Only the SZ finds a soothing tone, admitting that refugees have been socialised in a certain culture, but that does not mean they are more inclined to commit crimes, they just need to understand how the Western world works first.118 The third group of arguments that tries to explain the aggressive behaviour of the men goes back to mostly socio-economic reasons. “These problems do not come from some Arabic gene, they are clearly nameable: population boom and economical liberalisation, that have lead to a visible wealth of few that is getting continuously bigger and more obscene.”119 More often than the situation at home, the new situation in Germany is used to elucidate the origins of the frustrations that eventually lead to the attacks of Cologne. FOCUS names the jealousy of the native youth and their lives, the sexual freedom of the woman and the marginalisation and insignificance the men experience in Germany.120 This last reason is also given in other articles that add powerlessness and the fight to regain this lost power by creating a group-dynamic and subduing and humiliating members of society they believe should be weaker than them: women.121 Apart from these changes in the discourse, which provide a clear link to Cologne, some other changes with regard to reports about sexual abuses and Arabic men have occurred. Maybe triggered by the reproaches about concealing news about

116 Wilhelm Heitmeyer, “Wie Eskalation Funktioniert,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 13, 2016. 117 Frederike Haupt, “[GUT UND BÖSE],” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 17, 2016 Original quote: Sind es Menschen, in deren Heimatländern sexuelle Belästigung zur Leitkultur gehört?; Christoph Quarch, “Achtung, Öffentlicher Raum!,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 27, 2016. 118 Monika Frommel, “Legal, Illegal, Alles Egal,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 10, 2016. 119 Navid Kermani, Schaffen wir das?, Der Spiegel, January 23, 2016. Original quote: “[…]diese Probleme sind keinem arabischen Gen geschuldet, sondern sind benennbar: Bevölkerungsexplosion und wirtschaftliche Liberalisierung, die zu einem sichtbaren Reichtum einiger weniger geführt haben, der immer größer, obszöner wurde.” 120 Matthias Franz, “Gewalt Gegen Frauen Hat Mit Gewalt Gegen Jungen Zu Tun,” FOCUS, June 2, 2016, 38. 121 Heitmeyer, “Wie Eskalation Funktioniert”; Christoph Ehrhardt and Julia Schaaf, “Hatten Die Taten System ?,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 17, 2016; Slavoj Žižek, “Ein Karneval Der Underdogs,” Der Spiegel, January 16, 2016, 115–17.

35 crimes by refugees, the SZ published a long article that tackles the issue of refugees in nightclubs where they have sexually violated women just as on a public square in Stühling where refugees committed crimes and sexual assaults.122 Voices about crimes, especially of sexual nature, have become louder. Klaus Bullion, the minister of internal affairs from Saarland, says in an interview with the FAZ that assaults in swimming pools should not be belittled.123 The fear of Arabic men is voiced more openly: Greens politician Boris Palmer admits that he would be worried for his two blond daughters if “60 Arabic men” moved in close to his place and in Der Spiegel “young Arabs and sexuality” is named as the one topic that has the potential to make the Germans as nervous as the topic of terrorism.124 To confront these allegations, SZ author Steinberger writes that black-haired men cannot be allowed to become a source of fear and worry for women, but it seems like they already have.125 Rumours about refugees committing sexual crimes are booming and the discussion about the German-Russian girl Lisa, who was supposedly raped by refugees, illustrated how little it takes to convince a whole group of people that the Other poses a danger for their children.126 All in all, it can be said that Cologne triggered a new wave of discussions about the link of refugees and foreign men to sexual offences, but the connection had been made in the discourse before. There is much discussion about the imported sexual violence, and only a few articles mention the German man as part of the problem of sexual violence against women.127 What seems to have increased is the direct link that is made between the Arabic cultures, the Muslim believe and their potential danger for women as well as their fear inducing effect on the German society. If this discussion affects the way the newspapers discuss the integration of Muslim men is to be looked at in the next part of the analysis.

122 Josef Kelnberger, “Heimatschutz,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 29, 2016. 123 Klaus Bouillon, Wenn noch mehr kommen, sehe ich den inneren Frieden in unserem Land in Gefahr, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 10, 2016. 124 Boris Palmer, Wir müssen das aushalten, Der Spiegel, February 13, 2016; Sebastian Hammelehle, “Opfer Und Täter,” Der Spiegel, January 30, 2016, 130–31. 125 Karin Steinberger, “Antihysterie,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 23, 2016. 126 Verena Mayer and Jan Schneider, “Wut Sucht Wahrheit,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 28, 2016; Jan Schneider, “Der „Fall Lisa“ Ist Aufgeklärt,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 30, 2016. 127 Mechthild Harting, “Auf Twitter Gegen Sexismus,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 27, 2016; Antonia Baum, “Wären Sie Nur Nicht so Dumm,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 10, 2016.

36 7.2.2.2 The integration of Muslim refugees

“The typical refugee in 2015 was male, Muslim and younger than thirty.”128 The integration of the refugees thus carries various challenges that were brought up in the refugee discourse. First of all the sex of the refugees was presented as a challenge, as it does not only affect the demography drastically, by creating an unbalance between the sexes, but also creates fear among the native population. As this part of the discussion was already analysed in the previous chapter, it will not be included in this section again. The second challenge that is presented is the religion. According to FAZ author Schwarzer, experience has shown that migrants from Muslim countries are harder to integrate, often even in the second generation.129 In most texts the rules and the values of Islam are referred to when discussing if the compatibility of Islam and Germany. One reason for repeated concern is the relationship to other religions and family constellations. Especially the lack of acceptance for other religions, anti-Semitism and the missing recognition of the existence of Israel are mentioned in many articles of the FAZ and SZ both before and after NYE.130 It is mostly left unmentioned that these anti- Semitic sentiments also exist among the German population. The SZ reports differently from the FZ in the regard that they also address the fact that not all of these problems are created abroad and that they are thus not new to the German population. In contrast to the much-discussed Muslim anti-Semitism the SZ brings up that 20 to 25 per cent of the people in Germany also have anti-Semitic sentiments and that the AfD complains about the attitude of Muslims while they are not willing to discuss the issue of right- wing extremism among young people in Germany.131 Furthermore, homosexuality is often named as a critical element of the Western life that Muslim immigrants will have to learn to accept. This, as well, is mentioned before NYE just as much as after.132 In the scope of this discussion the SZ points out the

128 Moritz Aisslinger et al., “Agenda 2016,” Der Spiegel, January 30, 2016, 67–74. Original quote: “Der typische Flüchtling 2015 war männlich, Muslim und unter dreißig.” 129 Karl-Peter Schwarzer, “Der Kulturelle Unterschied,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 2, 2016. 130 Volkhard Knigge, “Deine, Meine, Unsere Erinnerung,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 11, 2015; Heinrich August Winkler, “Wer Hat Die Deutschen Zu Richtern Der Nationen Bestellt?,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 22, 2015; rieb., “Sorge Vor Antisemitismus Wächst,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 21, 2015; HANNES HINTERMEIER, “Basecap Statt Kippa,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 21, 2016; Thorsten Schmitz, “Unter Feinden?,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 1, 2016. 131 Samuel Korn, „Wir werden sehr viel Geduld haben müssen“, Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 30, 2016. 132 Heribert Prantl, “„Obergrenze Ist Noch Keine Politik“,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 14, 2015; Winkler, “Wer Hat Die Deutschen Zu Richtern Der Nationen Bestellt?”; Hannes Munzinger, Antoine

37 absurdity that it is conservative Christian parties that are now fighting for the rights of homosexuals as well as for the right of women to dress revealingly. 133 Muslim immigrants putting the law of their religion above the law of their new country is another concern that is voiced both before and after NYE. Words like “Paralleljustiz” (parallel judiciary) “Parallelgesellschaften” (parallel society) and “Kontragesellschaften” (contra society) are mentioned in this context.134 Just as with the explanations for the behaviour of the men at NYE, some articles claim it is not the religion that is responsible for the lack of acceptance towards Judaism or Homosexuality, but much rather the people’s origin from Arabic countries and the influence of Arabic media.135 Surprisingly much attention was also paid to the participation of Muslim girls in swimming classes in school by the SZ.136 That this topic is more than about just cultural participation, but also about gender equality and violence becomes clear from this sentence: “For me, violence begins when a father won’t let his daughter participate in swimming classes.”137 In comparison to this seemingly marginal topic, much less attention was addressed to general integration issues like learning the German language.138 This might be due to the fact that it is not an issue attributed to specifically Muslim refugees and therefore does not show such a strong entanglement with the discourse of Islam. Some issues seem to have gained or lost importance after NYE. Crime and violence for example were issues that were not addressed in relation to specifically Muslim refugees before NYE, but that appeared several times after.139 A topic that received more attention before NYE was cultural inappropriate behaviour (non-sexual) towards women. The acceptance of a woman as a boss or in her position in general,

Rietzschel, and Hauke Bendt, “Verführerisch Logisch,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 4, 2016; Heike Schmoll, “Mint Statt Militärdienst,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 21, 2015. 133 Drobinski, Matthias, “Endlich Mal Was Sagen,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 13, 2016. 134 Schnell, “Der Rechtsstaat in 03:14 Minuten”; Ulrich Herbert, Überdruss am liberalen Alltag, Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 10, 2016; Rupert Scholz, “Von Der Verspäteten Zur Negierten Nation?,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 18, 2015. 135 rieb., “Sorge Vor Antisemitismus Wächst”; rieb., “Antisemitismus Im Gepäck,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 20, 2016. 136 Prantl, “„Obergrenze Ist Noch Keine Politik“”; Wolfgang Wittl, “CSU Entdeckt Die Leitkultur Neu,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 19, 2016. 137 Thorsten Schmitz, “Bekehrung,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 28, 2015. Original quote: „Für mich beginnt Gewalt, wenn ein Vater seiner Tochter nicht erlaubt, am Schwimmunterricht teilzunehmen.“ 138 Wittl, “CSU Entdeckt Die Leitkultur Neu.” 139 Andreas Glas, “Fremde in Der Stadt,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 8, 2016; Reinhard Veser, “Die Propaganda-Attacke,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 4, 2016; Grossarth, “Ich Bin Euer Arzt.”

38 shaking a woman’s hand or agreeing to be treated by a female doctor or advised by a female attorney were all issues that were named mostly before NYE.140 The massive influx of refugees does not only mean a change in the demographics and the sex ration in Germany, it also means that the practicing Muslims might soon outnumber the practising Christians. They are thus described as a threat to German culture and western and Christian values, a thought that was already expressed before NYE. The national identity is claimed to be on approbation.141 The FAZ, being slightly harsher in their verdict than the other newspapers, pronounce both before and after NYE pessimistic assumptions about the chances of success of the integration. They proclaim that “The religious and state-political demands of Islam are not compatible with the basic principles of the Western world and their national identity”142 and that “Islam has a tendency to violence. It is barely adjustable to the new world.”143 Even though most voices direct their criticism towards the refugees, in some discourses a change of perspective occurs. A text in the SZ demands that the Germans do their part for the integration, for example by creating equality between Muslims and Christians in the German society and accepting that Islam can be a functioning part of the German democracy.144 There is little discussion about the challenges Muslim people are facing in Germany and no accounts about their point of view and what they are already doing to integrate into society. Instead, some references are made to the increasingly difficult situation Muslims in Germany find themselves in now. The SZ talks about a general suspicion, der Spiegel notes that there is an atmosphere of fear and uneasiness among Muslims and the FAZ recalls that it is mostly Muslim people who suffer from the terror of ISIS.145 The change of perspective exists, mostly among the liberal papers. Few of the changes that occur in the discourse of Muslim integration can be linked directly to NYE. Merely the increase in the discursive entanglement with crime

140 Ralf Neukirch, “„Fleischwurst, Jemand?“,” Der Spiegel, December 12, 2015, 40–41; Hoffmann et al., “Ein Verquerer Begriff von Ehre”; Buse et al., “Angespannt”; Holger Steltzner, “Das Verlorene Vertrauen,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 2, 2016; Schnell, “Der Rechtsstaat in 03:14 Minuten.” 141 Scholz, “Von Der Verspäteten Zur Negierten Nation?” 142 Ibid. Original quote: “Die religiösen und auch staatlich-politischen Vorgaben des Islams sind mit den Grundprinzipien der westlichen Welt und ihrer nationalen Identitäten nicht zu vereinbaren.” 143 Grossarth, “Ich Bin Euer Arzt.” Original quote: “Der Islam hat eine Tendenz zur Gewalt. Er ist kaum anpassungsfähig an die moderne Welt” 144 Paul Scheffer, Grenzen zu, Augen auf, Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 1, 2016. 145 Matthias Drobinski, “Was Denn Noch?,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 11, 2015; Annette Großbongardt, “„Uns Jeiht et Joot“,” Der Spiegel, February 6, 2016, 28–31; ben., “Neue Vorschläge Für Erleichterte Abschiebungen Noch in Dieser Woche?,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 12, 2016.

39 and the upsurge of describing Muslims at “the Other” shows a strong link to Cologne. Many times the focus of the discussion on integration lies on the religion, which creates an increased awareness of their Otherness of Muslims. The fear of the Other, of something and someone foreign is one of the main rhetoric used in populism and right-wing rhetoric. The idea of the Other itself is not a harmful one, and the SZ defends the general idea by saying “It is a human constant to react –let’s say- carefully to new things.”146 So while the idea itself might not be extremist, it creates a constant separation into “us” and “them,” an “in-group” and an “out-group.” Rumours are used to create a stronger bond between the social groups and to exclude others. The creation of the Other is an important stylistic element that is found repeatedly in the articles both before and after NYE. The factors that determine if somebody is in the “in” or the “out” group vary and are reasons like the cultural identity, nationality, gender or social standing. The reason why the other is to be seen critically does not need to be bound to any specific event or reason, as the reports before NYE showed. The Otherness that was addressed here was mostly undefined, described as “uncontrollable foreignness” the fear as “undefined feeling of insecurity.”147 The fear about the otherness of the refugees is even induced by factors that are officially known to not be an issue like health risks that don’t actually exist. When 29 pupils from refugee families were given the possibility to take classes not with German children, but still on the same school grounds, the school had to organise an information evening about health as this turned out to be a major concern of parents, discussing matters such as separate toilets for refugee and local children.148 The blurriness of the insecurity that is felt leads to a separation into various in- and out-groups: “We pit people against each other. Muslims against women. People who are out of work against refugees.”149 Again, it become clear that Muslims were seen as the opponent of women even before NYE. Terror is given as the reason for the alienation Muslims and the increasingly visible separation between Muslim and non-Muslim people.150

146 Daniela Schadt, Erwartungen, Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 2, 2016. Original quote: “Es ist eine menschliche Konstante, auf Neues – sagen wir – erst einmal vorsichtig zu reagieren.” 147 Tilman Allert, “Wir - Und Die Anderen,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 24, 2015; Oman Deininger, Cornelius Pollmer, and Ralf Wiegard, “Schwarz-Rot-Grob,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 12, 2015. 148 Miriam Olbrisch, “Die Pausen-Frage,” Der Spiegel 52 (December 19, 2015): 47. 149 Majid Sattar, “Auf Der Suche Nach Einer Gesamtstrategie,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 11, 2015. 150 Drobinski, “Was Denn Noch?”

40 There are no very big changes that come with NYE, apart from that the presentation of “the Other” is more often describes as male and Muslim, or even Arabic. Fear is also emphasised slightly more. FAZ author Haupt speculates if the Muslims who came to Germany are considered to be the wrong kind of Muslims, as they are “aggressive Arabs” and Baum, who writes for the same paper, creates the contrast of “western women” and the “Arabic man.” 151 The in-group has “Kollektivängste” (collectively shared fears) and more than half of the Germans are said to feel threatened by the Islam.152 This separation is portrayed as a goal of the Islamist, Pegida, and right- wing extremism in general.153 The latter have already been successful at the creation of a separation that Kister calls it the “Wir-gegen-Die-da-oben-Politik” (us-against-those- up-there-politics).154 The Other here takes the form of people from the same nationality and culture, but who have a different social standing. “The distance between ‘up’ and ‘down’ does sometimes swell up to sheer hatred. The right wing consequently profits from an upsurge of support.”155

7.2.2.3 Right-Wing Extremism

How a topic is talked about will affect the way that people think and act was stressed in many articles. Discourses even have the power to influence political tendencies. Sometimes discourses were addressed directly in the newspaper articles, for instance by claiming, “a discourse of demarcation increases the worry of the people and strengthens the actors to the far right of the political spectrum.” 156 Acknowledgements that xenophobic discussions and the hateful discourse that takes place mostly online fuels right-wing extremism can be found even before NYE. 157 Hate speech online is addressed both before and after NYE. Before NYE the talk was mostly about the worry

151 Haupt, “[GUT UND BÖSE]” Original quote: “Sind es die falschen Muslime, nicht etwa sanfte Indonesier, sondern aggressive Araber, die am Tag siebenmal -?”; Baum, “Wären Sie Nur Nicht so Dumm.” Original quote: “Etwas zu den Angriffen in Köln zu sagen ist zweitens schwer, weil sie in eine Zeit fallen, in der man eigentlich auf gar keinen Fall die problematische Geschichte des arabischen Mannes erzählen will, der nicht mit westlichen Frauen klarkommt und sie erniedrigt.” 152 Ute Frevert, “Noch Einmal Mit Gefühl,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 21, 2016; Susanne Höll, “Deutsch, Mathe, Moschee,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 21, 2016. 153 Kermani, Schaffen wir das? 154 Kurt Kister, “Geschrei Aus Der Wagenburg,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 6, 2015. 155 Berthold Kohler, “Gaucks Hinweise,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 6, 2016. Original quote: “Die Entfremdung von "oben" und "unten" steigert sich nicht selten bis zum schieren Hass. Der rechte Rand genießt darüber immer mehr Zulauf.” 156 Marc Helbling, „Islamophobie gab es aber auch vor dem Terror“, Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 4, 2016. Original quote: “Ein Diskurs der Abgrenzung befördert die Sorgen der Bürger weiter und stärkt die Akteure ganz rechts.” 157 Stefan Braun, “Gemeinsam Gegen Den Hass,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 16, 2015.

41 about the intensity of the displayed hatred and the consequences this would have on xenophobic actions.158 After NYE more attention is directed towards the rumours in relation to refugees that are spread online. Those false rumours are concerned with terrorism and sexual abuses.159 Right-wing actions are also described as a consequence of social insecurity, both before and after NYE. This social insecurity is described to occur among two different groups of people, namely middle-class people who fear that they will have to climb down the social ladder and lower-class people who think that they are not receiving enough help because all the benefits might go to the refugees. The first one is called „Wohlstandsfaschismus“ (prosperity Fascism), meaning that the more affluent white people who are aware that they could be affected negatively by the mass immigration, feel fear, resentments and envy.160 The latter derives from a feeling of concurrence with the migrants and creates resentments among the poorer people who feel forgotten by society.161 For the most part it is not that easy to attribute the rise of the right to one certain group of people. Spiegel author Brinkbäumer assigns the growth of the movement (and the increased anger, the invention of rumours and the resentment of the upper-class that go along with it) to that part of the population that is in fear because of the changes the refugee crisis will bring to their country.162 He thereby mentions fear as a catalyst for right-wing extremism, something that can be seen in many other articles, as the analysis showed a strong discursive entanglement between fear and right-wing extremism. The fear seems both omnipresent as well as comprehensive, and depending on the respective political angle and aim, it is either used systematically or ignored across-the-board. It becomes obvious that there is not just one Other, but that all groups involved have different parties they fear. There is both fear of extremists as well as the fear that extremists exploit for their needs.163

158 Matthias Bartsch and Anna Clauß, “Der Ziegenmord von Lostau,” Der Spiegel, January 2, 2016, 37– 39; Heinrich Bedford-Strohm, Der Staat ist die Herberge, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 20, 2016. 159 Göran Schattauer, “Falscher Alarm Durch Doppel-Fotos,” FOCUS, June 2, 2016, 16; Brauck et al., “Die Vertrauensfrage.” 160 Joschka Fischer, “Der Niedergang Des Weißen Mannes,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 29, 2015; KC and MEST, “Integrationsplan Für München,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 18, 2016. 161 Wolfram Eilenberger, “Fördert Willkommenssport!,” Der Spiegel, January 9, 2016, 93; Christian Krügel, “Gemüse Und Gemoser,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 28, 2015; Matthias Drobinski, “Neue Heimat,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 30, 2015. 162 Brinkbäumer, “Das Jahr Der Flüchtlinge,” December 12, 2015. 163 Daniel Brössler, “Einsam in Europa,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 21, 2016.

42 Fear as a catalyst for right-wing sentiments is a much bigger topic after NYE than it is before. Before NYE it is only mentioned once that people start to follow Pegida and to vote for the AfD as a consequence of political frustration, and that it is a way of coping with the fear and hate.164 The link between fear and the right is established much more clearly after NYE. It is brought up that the fear of the general situation is one of the reasons that the AfD could receive the high amount of votes that they did and that they have profited massively from the large-scale immigration.165 Apart from Pegida and AfD also other groups, like the extreme right-wing party NPD (The National Democratic Party of Germany) or “Bürgerwehren” (Home Guards), trying to become bigger and more accepted in the political centre under the pretence that they are taking care of the fears of the population.166 The other kind of fear, namely the fear of an increase in extremism is talked about both before and after NYE.167

7.2.2.4 Fear and Insecurity

The themes fear and security appear to have become omnipresent with the attacks of New Year’s Eve. The attacks on women - not in a dark alley way but right in the centre of society –have changed the way people talk about safety, security, and fear. The title of the Spiegel magazine from the 16th of January 2016 is “Staatsohnmacht. Rechtsfreie Räume, hilflose Polizei – Können wir uns noch sicher fühlen?” which translates to “The powerlessness of the state. Zones of legal vacuums, helpless police – where can we still feel safe?” represents an often-formed opinion. Cologne turned the vague suspicion that immigration could potentially be dangerous into a concrete fear of people. This influenced the discussion about insecurity in relation to immigration. This channelled fear was also transferred to other situations, unconnected to what happened in front of the dome. After NYE the SZ aims a lot of articles at the fear and how people perceive a danger where there is none.168

164 Matthias Drobinski, “Es Kommt, Wie Es Kommt,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 2, 2016. 165 Jens Scheider, “Ein Geschenk an Die Rechtspopulisten,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 21, 2016; Sebastian Beck, “Das Elend Der Opposition,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 14, 2016. 166 Jan Heidtmann, “Die Innere Unsicherheit,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 23, 2016; Steffen Winter, “Atmosphäre Der Angst,” Der Spiegel, January 9, 2016, 38–39. 167 Bernd Dörries and Nico Fried, “Jäger: Kölner Polizei Hat Versagt,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 12, 2016; Renate Dr. Köcher, “Vertrauen Und Skepsis - Bürger Und Medien,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 16, 2015; gb. and Kno., “Gauck Fordert Asyldebatte,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 21, 2016; Nico Fried, “Schäuble Und Die „Dumpfbacken“,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 28, 2015. 168 Cerstin Gammelin, “Die Jobmaschine,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 26, 2016; Jan Bielicki, “Räuberbanden Und Schwarzfahrer,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 1, 2016; Lisa Schnell, “Das

43 Later published articles about Cologne (meaning not directly after the event and thus included in this part of the study) make clear that the event has in influence of the refugee discourse as a whole. It is addressed that the occurance triggered a fear that was deeply rooted in society, Baumgärtner et al. call it “Urängste” (“Primal fears”).169 What happened in front of the Dome in Cologne unleashed a wave of fear and anxiety that will demand a change in the current refugee politics, even if, so claim Baumgärtner et al., it were proven that no single refugee of the current wave had been part of the scenario.170 The fear itself thus becomes the topic of articles after NYE, when articles argue about the origin of the fear and how it was influenced by Cologne.171 Even though Cologne might have had an influence on the discourse of fear, the feeling is by no means left unmentioned before NYE. On the contrary, many of the retrospective views describe fear to be one of the major sentiments that characterised the year 2015, eg. “The year 2015 appears to be very sinister to many, as a time of wars, terror and fear” or “One was often afraid in the year 2015.”172 According to Baum the fear of refugees before NYE can be seen in publications such as “Deutschland - Erste Informationen für Flüchtlinge“ by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, a book that presents first information for refugees in Germany.173 She believes that the way Germany, its rules and values are explained shows how much fear there is of refugees being different. It is again the fear of change that is referred to here. Even though fear was a much-discussed concept already in 2015, the versions of fear and their respective triggers that are discussed in the media after NYE are different. Some topics were equally important before and after Cologne. The amount of refugees (174), the concern about losing European values by the increased influence of others, and the fear of becoming estranged with ones own culture (175), for instance. Topics like

Märchen von Der Panzerfaust,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 2, 2016; Ritzer, “Jobs Für Flüchtlinge”; Hubert Wetzel, “Die Rückkehr Der Alten Leiden,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 10, 2016. 169 Maik Baumgärtner et al., “Es Kommen Härtere Tage,” Der Spiegel, September 1, 2016, 10–19. 170 Ibid. 171 Heidtmann, “Die Innere Unsicherheit”; Zielcke, “Staatsversagen.” 172 Thomas Steinfeld, “Der Berufsoptimist,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 31, 2015 Original quote: “Das Jahr 2015 wirkt auf viele sehr düster, als eine Zeit der Kriege, des Terrors und der Angst.“; Heribert Prantl, “Der Engel Des Jahres,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 24, 2015. Original quote: “Man hat sich oft gefürchtet im Jahr 2015.“ 173 Antonia Baum, “Nervt Einfach Nicht!,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 3, 2016. 174 Ulrich Reitz and Margarete van Ackeren, “Weinen Sie Ins Kissen, Weil Europa Vor Die Hunde Geht?,” FOCUS, December 19, 2015, 32; Zielcke, “Staatsversagen.” 175 Wittl, “CSU Entdeckt Die Leitkultur Neu”; Angelika Slavik, “Wird Schon Werden,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 12, 2015; Joachim Fischer, “Deutschland Im Dreifachen Liebesrausch,” FOCUS, December 19, 2015, 40.

44 terror and Islamism (176) as well as the housing situation (177) were only before NYE listed as reasons for unease. After NYE they seemed to have become less important in the light of events. The fear about the consequences of closed borders only became part of the discourse after NYE (178), as did the anxiety in relation to Merkel’s refugee politics (179). The closing of the border was discussed in a more pressing manner after NYE and is thus logically a bigger reason for worry, as are the German refugee politics, that became scrutinised more critically after the events in front of the Dome. Published statistics agree that fear among the German population has increased: A study of the Institut für Demoskopie Allensbach that was published in the FAZ on January 27th shows that the fear that crime and violence will increase has risen from 60 per cent in July 2015 to 82 per cent in January 2016.180 In the data analysis a connection between the attacks of Cologne and the increase in this fear is drawn. In the discourse after NYE exists an acknowledgement that people are entitled to be scared, even though the fear is still identified as a problem that can destabilise the democracy.181 The fear is hard to grasp and harder yet calmed down by facts. The case of the German-Russian girl Lisa (who wrongly claimed to have been raped by refugees) showed that people, even after all rumours were falsified still thought they had a reason to be scared. The discourse about fear and refugees is presenting a very one-sided view, as the fears that are talked about, although diverse, are always the fears of the German people. The concerns of the refugees are only very sporadically addressed. The terror that people feel about the people left behind at home, the anxiety they suffer from with regards to the new situation they find themselves in in Germany, the dread of the future and the despair that made them leave their old home present a broad range of reasons to

176 Nikolaus Piper, “Wirtschaft Voller Zuversicht,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 31, 2015; Stefan Kornelius, “Sorge Und Vorsorge,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 2, 2016; KARI, “Das Fängt Ja Gut An!,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 2, 2016; elo., “Asylbewerberzuzug Um Die Hälfte Gesunken,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 23, 2015. 177 rsch. and lenb., “2000 Flüchtlinge Ziehen Auf Neckermann-Areal,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 16, 2015; Bedford-Strohm, Der Staat ist die Herberge. 178 Margarete van Ackeren, “Merkels Plan B,” FOCUS, January 16, 2016, 28; K.-H. Büschemann et al., “Ein Rückfall in Die 80er-Jahre,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 22, 2016; Stefan Braun and Stefan Kornelius, “Finale Furioso,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 23, 2016; Gathrin Kahlweit and Christian Wernicke, “Grenzwertig,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 23, 2016; itz., dc., and maxw., “Deutschland Streitet Über Die Flüchtlingsobergrenze,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 22, 2016. 179 Le Figaro, “Blick in Die Presse,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 18, 2016; Nico Fried and Wolfgang Wittl, “Aufgewühlte CSU Erwartet Merkel,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 20, 2016. 180 Thomas Dr. Petersen, “Die Angst Vor Veränderung,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 27, 2016. 181 Herbert, Überdruss am liberalen Alltag; Bouillon, Wenn noch mehr kommen, sehe ich den inneren Frieden in unserem Land in Gefahr.

45 be scared, but only few articles direct attention towards it.182 Despite the fact that refugees are the subjects of each single article, the readers find out little about their perspective. This lack in change becomes clear when the angles are challenged, e.g. “Refugees are not dangerous, but rather endangered.”183 The reason for this inequality in perspectives might be that the readership is mostly German, but it also shown that the power relations are very much to the local’s people advantage, as the refugees are rarely given a voice. Within the discourse of fear a division of the nation into two different groups can be spotted: Those who live in fear and those who don’t. This division of the people, especially of the “politische Mitte” (the political centre) is another topic that has been referred to often in the refugee discourse.

7.2.2.5 The politische Mitte

The refugee discourse shows that the media present a concern for both the instability of the centre of the society as well as for the increasing separation into different groups. The Mitte receives attention before and after NYE, although most of the coverage before the event is from Der Spiegel. This paper deemed the topic important enough to devote its cover page on the 12th of December 2015 to this topic. The headline was “Die verstörte Nation – verliert Deutschland seine Mitte?” (The distraught nation – is Germany loosing its centre?). The Mitte is mostly presented as powerless, small and quiet. Der Spiegel refers to the centre as “still irritiert” (annoyed in silence), pronouncing the passivity and inaction of the group of people, the SZ uses the term “schweigende Mehrheit” (quiet majority).184 It is the political margins that are portrayed as more vocal, and thus tear apart the society in between the margins into two different factions. “The refugee topic cleaves the opinions in Germany unlike nothing else in the recent past. The speakers of

182 Inga Rahmsdorf, “Ein Leben Im Wartestand,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 12, 2015; Inga Rahmsdorf, “Wenn Wirklich Jeder Tag Zählt,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 21, 2015; Friederike Böge, “Aus Kandahar in Den Karneval,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 6, 2016; Constanze von Bullion, “Jung, Elternlos, Gefährdet,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 8, 2016; Carsten Holm, “„Auf Keinen Fall Zurück“,” Der Spiegel, December 19, 2015, 38–40. 183 Werner Bartens, “Sie Sind Keine Gefahr, Sondern Gefährdet,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 4, 2016. Original quote: “Die Flüchtlinge sind nicht gefährlich, sie sind vielmehr gefährdet.” 184 Klaus Brinkbäumer, “Das Jahr Der Flüchtlinge,” Der Spiegel, December 12, 2015, 10; Deininger, Pollmer, and Wiegard, “Schwarz-Rot-Grob.”

46 society blare from both margins, right and left.”185 Fractions are built for and against the admittance of more refugees.186 After NYE the Mitte is portrayed as less quiet than it was before. It is described as a group for which it suddenly became more accepted to openly voice ones hatred.187 The radicalisation of people is addressed more often. The fear that the political centre will move to the right, or that the thoughts and mind-sets of the extreme right will become adopted more and more by the Mitte is discussed.188 Again, the fear and the growing sentiment of insecurity are identified as the triggers of such movements.189 The two different factions that Germany splits into are stressed more in the discourse after NYE, “anthology "Willkommen!" vs. German Angst” as the FAZ puts it.190 What separates the nation is described as a “deep rupture in the centre of society.”191 An SZ article claims the nation is “allegedly as disrupted as never before: the people here, the others there,” alluding to the proclamation used on Pegida demonstrations “Wir sind das Volk!” (We are the people).192 A Der Spiegel report describes the atmosphere of Germany with the help of a simile to a woman who does not know if she can still believe the media: “It is as if the whole of Germany were reflected on the woman’s face. So ruptured, so unsettling, so conflicting.”193

7.2.2.6 Concerned Citizens

One of the before mentioned separations that is created in German society is the one into concerned citizens and people who think the amount of incoming refugees is manageable. Many of the protests in demonstrations such as Pegida have described themselves as concerned, as a way to distinguish themselves from the political right

185 Deininger, Pollmer, and Wiegard, “Schwarz-Rot-Grob.” Original quote: “Das Flüchtlingsthema spaltet Meinungsdeutschland wie lange nichts mehr. Die Lautsprecher der Gesellschaft plärren an den Rändern, von rechts und von links.” 186 Stefan Locke, “Wir Stecken Alle Fest,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 21, 2015; Brinkbäumer, “Das Jahr Der Flüchtlinge,” December 12, 2015; Buse et al., “Angespannt.” 187 Korn, „Wir werden sehr viel Geduld haben müssen“. 188 Volker Breidecker, “Die Jüdische Erfahrung,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, 01.21.21016; ADA, “Die Angst Der Mittelschicht,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 22, 2016; KC and MEST, “Integrationsplan Für München.” 189 ADA, “Die Angst Der Mittelschicht.” 190 ELKE HEINEMANN, “Kann Man Mit Jubel Und Wohlstandsmüll Flüchtlingen Helfen?,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 6, 2016. Original quote: “Anthologie "Willkommen!" vs. German Angst” 191 ADA, “Die Angst Der Mittelschicht.” Original quote: “tiefen Risses durch die Mitte der Gesellschaft.” 192 Kister, “Geschrei Aus Der Wagenburg.” Original quote: “[…] angeblich so zerrissen wie nie zuvor: hier das Volk, dort die anderen.” 193 Bernd Kastner, “Hausbesuch,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 10, 2016. Original quote: “Es ist, als spiegle sich im Gesicht dieser Frau ganz Deutschland. So zerrissen, so verwirrend, so widersprüchlich.“

47 wing. “Not right, not left, just a concerned citizen,” read a sign by a protestor who stood in between AfD and the left protestors at a demonstration.194 Even though fear can be a reason for people to drift to the extreme right, as the discourse has already acknowledged, there are few times the discourse before NYE admits to the German citizens that it is acceptable to be scared. According to Sabine Wagner, a concerned citizen, the German politics claim that everybody who does not agree entirely with the refugee politics is pushed in the right wing corner.195 Only one article before NYE admits that “humanitarian engagement and scepticism are not mutually exclusive.”196 Another addresses the popularity of the AfD and refers to politician Thomas Strobl, who thinks that taking the concerns of he people seriously is part of the fight against the AfD.197 After NYE the discourse here changes drastically. Fears are addressed and the media admit that not all people who are worried are oriented politically far right.198 “Some of the worries are justifiable, by far not all of them are right-wing populists.”199 Other articles admit that the fears of people were not taken seriously before and that even though these fears might be irrational, they are still existent and require answers.200 The consent of the discourse has become that fears need to be taken seriously and the question is raised if the politics should react when fears exists or only when fears are founded.201 From the way the media discourse did not pay much attention to the existing fears of the population, much about the power relations of this discourse can be inferred. The discourse is lead by the powerful and presents the opinion of the elite by denying movements like Pegida any recognition. Pegida was never a small movement though, but instead presented a non-neglectable part of the population that was portrayed as right wing in the media. They are not “the people” as they claim, as they do not represent the majority of the population, but they were not given a voice in the

194 Buse et al., “Angespannt.” Original quote: „Nicht links, nicht rechts, nur eine besorg- te Bürgerin“ 195 Ibid. 196 Reinhard Müller, “In Der Anstalt,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 21, 2015. 197 Patrick Welter, “[WIR SCHAFFEN WAS?],” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 27, 2015. 198 Bertram Eisenhauer, “Stresstest,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 10, 2016. 199 Tobias Rösmann, “Eine Wagenburg Voll Angst Und Wut,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 22, 2016. Original quote: “Manche Sorge ist berechtigt, längst nicht alle sind Rechtspopulisten.” 200 Bouillon, Wenn noch mehr kommen, sehe ich den inneren Frieden in unserem Land in Gefahr; Helbling, „Islamophobie gab es aber auch vor dem Terror“. 201 Thorsten Winter, “Das ‘Powerhaus’ Feiert Seine Stärke,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 20, 2016; bie., “Erst Sollen Die Fakten Auf Den Tisch,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 30, 2016; Bouillon, Wenn noch mehr kommen, sehe ich den inneren Frieden in unserem Land in Gefahr.

48 media discourse. It took until after NYE to admit that some of the fears are reasonable, when a realisation that fears must be taken seriously has kicked in.202 Another big change that occurs with NYE is the way and amount that newspapers correct facts. This is something that seems to have been boosted through the increasing accusations that were made against the press after NYE. Few times before NYE did articles refer to wrong facts in order to correct them. Before NYE only twice rumours (the request from teachers to their students to wear clothing that is considered decent by Muslisms, and the risk of contagion) were named and disconfirmed.203 After NYE many more of these clarifications are found. Data or expert opinions are provided or mentioned to help to debunk the claims. Many of the arguments that are refuted stand in correlation with crime and refugees. Data, statistics from the past and a report from the Federal Criminal Police Office (Bundeskriminalamt) are used to explain that refugees do not tend to be more criminal than the respective comparison group in the German population.204 The suspicion that refugees will take away jobs and affect the financial well being of German people negatively, is addressed frequently as well: The fear is recognized, but pronounced to be unfounded.205 Another group of rumours addressed is about sexual crimes, as this is the subject area in which most rumours are created.206 Another matter that is corrected is the claim that is made by the movement under the hash tag #Ausnahmslos. The movement is directed against sexual offenses of any crime, saying it is wrong to direct the attention towards Muslim men at the moment as even in Europe sexual violence is on the rise – the number is actually dropping as the SZ sets straight.207 This last example shows that not all voices are correcting facts in order to present refugees in a better light, but newspapers are also willing to admit difficulties.

7.2.2.7 Solutions offered

So far the analysis has looked mostly at issues and problems. In this subchapter the suggestions offered for the trouble-free handling of the refugee crisis will be described.

202 Herbert, Überdruss am liberalen Alltag. 203 Melanie Amann, Maik Baumgärtner, Markus Feldenkirchen, et al., “Aufstand Der Ängstlichen,” Der Spiegel, December 12, 2015, 18–28; Bartens, “Sie Sind Keine Gefahr, Sondern Gefährdet.” 204 Frommel, “Legal, Illegal, Alles Egal”; Aisslinger et al., “Agenda 2016”; Briegleb, “Schäm Dich!” 205 Stephan Lessenich, “Die Volksmaße,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 25, 2016; Gammelin, “Die Jobmaschine”; Detlef Scheele, “Wir sollten nicht auf Winterdepression umschalten,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 1, 2016; Michael Stenger, Niemand ist motivierter als Flüchtlinge, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 7, 2016. 206 Mayer and Schneider, “Wut Sucht Wahrheit.” 207 Frommel, “Legal, Illegal, Alles Egal.”

49 In general, the tone is positive and encourages people to stand behind their culture. One suggestion is that people in Germany have to make sure they understand their own culture, so that they can teach the people who are new in the country, as values can only be passed on if they are acted upon and understood by the hosts themselves.208 Especially texts published around Christmas try to animate Christians to live their religion, to spread hope and discourage them from believing that a few million Muslims will be able to diminish the Christian culture.209 As for the worries about the possibly existing biases between Jewish and Muslim people, an increase in dialog between the two groups is suggested as solution.210 The range of solutions offered after NYE is much more diverse. The resolutions that are offered hint at a broader range of problems that need solving than before. The ideas about the preservation of culture and ideology have not changed much. Just as before, calls for increasing ones understanding and reflection of the own culture are considered to be of value just as increasing the understanding between the different religions.211 New to the discourse are proposed solutions for right-wing extremism and gender equality. From the fact that no solutions were suggested before, the deduction that the problems were not part of the discourse until NYE follows. Educational work, taking fears seriously, directly addressing problems created by migrants and not excluding parties like the AfD, as to not give them even more power, are suggested measures against the increase of right-wing groups and extremism. 212 Also, the importance of the transmission of the values that go along with gender equality has increased. Suggestions include showing migrants that gender equality is lived in Germany by including them in our system where they will meet female police officers as well as female bosses and reminding refugees of Angela Merkel when they have difficulties accepting things from women.213 The refugee descriptions that are used in

208 Eberhard v. Gemmingen, “Der Europäer Aus Galiläa,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 2, 2016. 209 SZ, “„Die Welt Ist Nicht Bei Trost“,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 2, 2016; Bedford-Strohm, Der Staat ist die Herberge. 210 Frank Pergande, “Wer Reisepläne Schmiedet, Ist Sich Seiner Heimat Sicher,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 27, 2016. 211 Quarch, “Achtung, Öffentlicher Raum!”; Ritzer, “Jobs Für Flüchtlinge”; Höll, “Deutsch, Mathe, Moschee.” 212 Helbling, „Islamophobie gab es aber auch vor dem Terror“; Bastian Brinkmann, “Scheinangriff,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 21, 2016; Max Hägler and Josef Kelnberger, “Zwischen Den Fronten,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 15, 2016; Scheider, “Ein Geschenk an Die Rechtspopulisten.” 213 Josef Isensee, “Was Wir Fordern Dürfen,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 4, 2016; Rüdiger Soldt et al., “Merkels Welt,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 11, 2016.

50 these sentences are “a macho from Aleppo” and “Syrian refugees.” No mention of Arabs or Muslims occurs in these proposals. A yet different position is taken in an SZ article that claims no changes in this regard will be reached on a short time basis. The only solution author Briegleb sees is to include the refugees and bring them to the centre of society, a process that will demand for much patience.214 A similar opinion is expressed by historian Ulrich Herbert in an interview with the SZ: “Those waiting for fast solutions will be disappointed.”215 Furthermore, solutions are offered within the debate about punishment for criminal refugees, a discussion that was triggered by NYE. Harder sanctions and faster deportation are suggested to present a consequent state system and to set boundaries for gangs.216 Otherwise the solutions provided are similar, even if the problems are diverse: integration, participation, education and transparency.217 In this part of the analysis it is especially notable that the SZ has the most problem solving approach of the analysed papers. Almost all of the solutions and suggestions, both before and after NYE, were from articles in the SZ.

7.2.2.8 Changes provoked by Cologne

Apart from the changes that were provoked through Cologne that have already been filtered out through the analysis, it is also interesting to look at the way the effects of Cologne are made a topic themselves. The night of NYE is considered to be an event that shattered trust in the Christian Democratic Party and the course of politics of Angela Merkel.218 The newspapers also describe the change in discourses at town hall meetings, in the politics or on the Internet that have been provoked by the assaults. An often-mentioned modification that can be witnessed mostly online is the freedom with which people feel free to speak their mind after NYE. “Those who demanded two months ago, what today is federal policy was right-wing extreme or a Nazi, or at least racists and xenophobe. Those who warned about the mass integration of young man two months ago were considered to be islamophobe.”219 People who kept

214 Briegleb, “Schäm Dich!” 215 Herbert, Überdruss am liberalen Alltag. Original quote: “Wer auf schnelle Lösungen wartet, wird enttäuscht werden.” 216 Mansour, „Übrig bleibt Macho-Gehabe“; Stefan Braun, “Kühlen Kopf Bewaren,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 9, 2016; Hahn, “Schade.” 217 Scheele, “Wir sollten nicht auf Winterdepression umschalten”; Przybilla, Olaf, “Demokratie Für Einsteiger”; Mayer and Schneider, “Wut Sucht Wahrheit.” 218 Günter Bannas, “Merkels Kanzlerjahr,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 20, 2016. 219 Maron, “Wir Sind Verantwortlich Für Unser Land.” Original quote: “Wer vor zwei Monaten verlangt hat, was heute Regierungspolitik ist, war rechtsradikal oder ein Nazi, wenigstens aber Rassist und

51 their racism to themselves now dare to utter it, the self-censorship seems to have vanished with NYE.220 It is not a small portion of the population that is sceptical anymore, but big parts of the population put Muslims under general suspicion.221Navid Kermani, a scholar of Islam, uses the term “kulturellen Überlegenheitsdiskurs” (discourse of cultural superiority) in his interview with Der Spiegel to describe the phenomenon of people uttering racist views about the Arab man as such.222 NYE appears to have triggered a change from “Willkommenskultur” (welcome culture) to fear and doubt.223 Newspapers worry about a possible change of atmosphere to follow Cologne.224 They also refer to the increasing concern for safety in general, sometimes connected to “young Arab men.”225 Additionally a renewed focus on women is considered to be laid down in the integration debate, emotionally charged with fear and the feeling of insecurity.226 Cologne is describes to be a catalyst of fear, that heightened already existing fears and that affects how people now approach refugees.227 An FAZ articles adds the same assumption that has been one of the underlying assumptions at the basis of the thesis: “Since the assaults in front of the Cologne Dome in the night of New Year’s Eve, anxiety about the foreigners determines the public discussion.”228

7.3 Results

The fear of men was part of the German media discourse even before NYE. Men were describes as a potential danger, especially with regard to German women and the increasing masculinity they bring to the country. The main change that was brought to

Fremdenfeind. Wer vor Masseneinwanderung junger muslimischer Männer gewarnt hat, war islamophob.” 220 Johannes Boie, “Hassvorlage,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 9, 2016; Isensee, “Was Wir Fordern Dürfen.” 221 Thomas Hahn, “Zu Große Freiheit,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 16, 2016. 222 Kermani, Schaffen wir das? 223 Großbongardt, “„Uns Jeiht et Joot“.” 224 mr., “Licht Für Die Sport-Sterne,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 27, 2016; Hoffmann et al., “Ein Verquerer Begriff von Ehre”; De Maizière, Die Zeit läuft davon. 225 Bernhard Biener, “Nach Köln Ist Alles Anders,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 15, 2016; Herbert, Überdruss am liberalen Alltag. 226 Hoffmann et al., “Ein Verquerer Begriff von Ehre”; Nico Fried and Wolfgang Wittl, “Klimawandel,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 22, 2016. 227 Heidtmann, “Die Innere Unsicherheit”; Kastner, “Hausbesuch”; Philip Eppelsheim, “Die Befreiung,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 17, 2016. 228 Inge Kloepfer, “Der Fremde,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 17, 2016. Original quote: “Seit den Übergriffen auf der Kölner Domplatte in der Silvesternacht bestimmt die Sorge vor den Fremden die öffentliche Diskussion.”

52 the discourse of men was the discussion about the reasons for the outburst of sexual violence all over the country on NYE. This is a change that can be entirely linked to NYE and mostly affected the two weeks right after the assaults had happened, but was also still visible in articles on the last day of the study. In the scope of these debates, the discursive link between sexual offences and Muslims and Arabs has been strengthend. Furthermore, the “diskursives Sagbarkeitsfeld,” the area that is described as what can be said and be accepted in a discourse, seems to have been enlargened by NYE: More cases of sexual assaults committed by refugees are reported about. Even though NYE has stimulated a debate about the integration of Muslims, most of the issues discussed in this context can also be found in texts that were written before the change of the year. The emphasis of the discourse shifted from cultural adaption issues to problems with violence and crime. These results are in accordance with the results from the quantitative analysis, where a slight drop in the discoursive elements of Islam already hinted at the fact that not a great many changes might occur in this part. The preliminary analysis showed a tight entanglement between the discourse of fear and right-wing extremism. This entanglement became very visible in the main analysis as well. The fear of the rise of the right was part of the discourse before and after NYE. The topic of fear being a catalyst for the right became inflated after NYE. The exploitation of the fear that was triggered by Cologne was both expected and feared in the discourse. As the quantitative analysis indicated that the discourse about fear increased with NYE. The qualitative analysis showed that while Cologne unleashed a new wave of fear of immigration, the fear was projected and brought into connection with situations that stand in no relation to Cologne. It is important to stress that even though the discourse became more pronounced after NYE, it was already existent before. The average of mentionings of this discourse increased in three of the four analysed papers (in Der Spiegel where it stayed equal) but was already high before. The influence of what happened in Cologne on the general discourse of fear and refugees is both observable as well as it is addressed directly in the articles. The refugee politics are questioned and border controls are increasingly demanded. One result of the fear is the increased rupture in society, that splits the political centre into two different factions, a topic that is increasingly regarded after NYE.

53 One of the biggest changes could be registered in the way the fears of citizens were talked about. While the worries of common people were addressed little before NYE, a new diskursives Sagbarkeitsfeld opened up after NYE, that made it acceptable to talk about the uneasiness that people felt in relation to the refugee topic. A distinction between people who are just concerned and those who are right-wing extreme is uttered. While more space is created for the discussion of fears, more attention is also payed to the refutal of rumours. As for the differences between the newspapers in can be said that the approach of the SZ is oftentimes less radical than the one of the FAZ. Like introduced in the chapter State of the Art, the liberal paper was the one to reflect the actions of the in-group and to also describe the refugees as the victim group. Both Der Spiegel and the SZ are more inclined to present the topic from a different perspective and in a positive light. They relativise issues, by reminding their readership of similar issues in the German culture. They are also more likely, especially the SZ, to suggest solutions. The tone of the FAZ is slightly harder and more pessimistic in contrast to that. FOCUS presents a more tabloid-like discourse. The discourse about the culprits after NYE is generalised, the usage of the abbreviation “Nafri” short for the German term for “multiple offenders from Northern Africa” attracts negative attention. While the SZ addresses the problem, as “a small but aggressive ‘problem group’” the FOCUS seems to make more sweeping assumptions by calling them “aggressive mobs” and “thief and burglar gangs” who are “ready to use violence and merciless.”229 All in all it can thus be said that the discourse about fear and Islam in relation to refugees was broadened with NYE. Most of the connections that are made within the discourse are not new, they were merely strengthened by NYE. The night of the 31st of December 2015 has itself become a part of the discourse that is often used for reference.

229 Bernd Dörries and Kristiana Ludwig, “Gesetz Der Straße,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 16, 2016 Original quote: „Bereits im Oktober 2014 waren „allein reisende Nordafrikaner“ Thema im Innenausschuss des Landtags – als kleine, aber aggressive 'Problemgruppe' unter den Flüchtlingen.”; Jan- Philip Hein et al., “Nacht Der Schande,” FOCUS, January 9, 2016, 22–28. Original quote: Ein aggressiver Mob aus Nordafrikanern und Arabern, dessen archaisches Frauen- und Gesellschaftsbild so gar nicht in die deutsche Moderne passt. Räuber- und Diebesbanden aus dem Maghreb, gewaltbereit, kompromisslos, überrumpelten inmitten Tausender Landsleute vor allem in Köln die Staatsmacht.

54 8. Summary and Outlook

The analysis of the German mainstream print media before and after NYE has shown that the sexual assaults that happened in Cologne and other cities did trigger changes in the refugee discourse. They changes did not, as before expected, contribute to a more negative representation of refugees in general. The consequence was rather triggered by the initial concealment of the nationalities of the perpetrators, as well as the belated reporting of the facts of the crimes. The uproar provoked by this, lead to a higher coverage of crimes committed by immigrants, paired with an increasing rebuttal of rumours and the concrete addressing of false assumptions. The commitment to deliver more open and critical coverage seems to have been heightened by Cologne. With Cologne, people’s fears were eventually accepted and discussed without drawing conclusions to right-wing extremism. This is a step that might work against the reproaches of Lügenpresse. Due to the small scope of this research, the analysis was purely based on the discourse in the papers and could not look into reactions of the people. Further research could be done, to investigate the effects of the implemented changes in the discourse on the people’s attitude towards the media. It would be essential to find out if the new way of reporting could regain the trust of people in order to show the full impact of the discourse. As the concealment of immigrant related crimes was also an issue in another European countries, international comparisons could be created as a follow-up research.230 The fear of racism (both of appearing racists oneself as well as fuelling racists thought of others by confirming certain ideas they have) seems to be a recurring problem that should be addressed in more detail. Even though the thesis does not cover the whole scope of the research field, a first important step was made. To point out that the concerns of citizens in relation to refugees were not taken very seriously before is essential, as it shines light on an area the media needs to improve in. The inclusion of all citizens in the political debates that determine the future of Germany is relevant in order to not create further rupture in society. As the media create a link between the people and the politics, it is important to not lead a discourse of exclusion. This counts both for the concerned citizens as well as for Muslims. The fact that all people must have a chance to participate becomes ever

230 “Kriminalität: Schwedens Polizei verheimlichte sexuelle Übergriffe,” sueddeutsche.de, January 12, 2016, sec. panorama, http://www.sueddeutsche.de/panorama/kriminalitaet-schwedens-polizei- verheimlichte-sexuelle-uebergriffe-1.2814366.

55 more important in times when terrorism and right-wing extremism are on the rise. Germany cannot lose their politische Mitte. As for the discourse of Muslims increasing generalisations and alienation could be seen. It is crucial to reveal this process, as it needs to be addressed and solutions need to be found to stop it. While a lot of weight and high expectations for the correct and smooth handling of the refugee crisis are constantly put on the politicians and the helping civilians, the importance of the media in this process needs to be further stressed. Only a discourse that does neither conceal crimes committed by refugees, nor belittle the fears of concerned civilians nor one that takes Muslims and refugees under general suspicion can work for all people in Germany and strengthen the democracy.

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63 SZ. “„Die Welt Ist Nicht Bei Trost“.” Süddeutsche Zeitung. January 2, 2016. Theveßen, Elmar. “Warum Die Heute 19 Uhr-Sendung Am Montag Nicht Über Köln Berichtete.,” January 5, 2016. https://m.facebook.com/ZDFheute/photos/a.275406990679.144521.1127849556 79/10153865883565680/. “TIME Person of the Year 2015: Angela Merkel.” TIME.com. Accessed July 23, 2016. http://time.com/time-person-of-the-year-2015-angela-merkel/. Toepfer, Stefan. “Unglaublich, Undenkbar, Unislamisch.” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. January 29, 2016. UNHCR. “Press Coverage of the Refugee and Migrant Crisis in the EU: A Content Analysis of Five European Countries,” December 2015. http://www.unhcr.org/protection/operations/56bb369c9/press-coverage-refugee- migrant-crisis-eu-content-analysis-five-european.html. Van Ackeren, Margarete. “Merkels Plan B.” FOCUS, January 16, 2016, 28. Van Ackeren, Margarete, Daniel Goffart, and Gregor Mayer. “Der Tag, Der Deutschland Veränderte.” FOCUS, December 19, 2015, 24. Van Dijk, Teun A. “Aims of Critical Discourse Analysis.” Japanese Discourse, 1995. ———. “The Mass Media Today. Discourses of Domination or Diversity?” Javnost/The Public, 1995. Vernier, Robert. “Angst Vor Einem ‘Politisch Heißen Eisen.’” FOCUS, January 9, 2016, 28–30. Veser, Reinhard. “Die Propaganda-Attacke.” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. February 4, 2016. v. Gemmingen, Eberhard. “Der Europäer Aus Galiläa.” Süddeutsche Zeitung. January 2, 2016. Vogel, Sonja. “Die Kleine Wortkunde: „Lügenpresse“.” Die Tageszeitung, Spring 2015, sec. Alltag. http://www.taz.de/!5023884/. Von Bullion, Constanze. “Jung, Elternlos, Gefährdet.” Süddeutsche Zeitung. February 8, 2016. Welter, Patrick. “[WIR SCHAFFEN WAS?].” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. December 27, 2015. Wetzel, Hubert. “Die Rückkehr Der Alten Leiden.” Süddeutsche Zeitung. February 10, 2016. Winkler, Heinrich August. “Wer Hat Die Deutschen Zu Richtern Der Nationen Bestellt?” Süddeutsche Zeitung. December 22, 2015. Winter, Steffen. “Atmosphäre Der Angst.” Der Spiegel, January 9, 2016, 38–39. Winter, Thorsten. “Das ‘Powerhaus’ Feiert Seine Stärke.” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. January 20, 2016. Wittl, Wolfgang. “CSU Entdeckt Die Leitkultur Neu.” Süddeutsche Zeitung. January 19, 2016. Wodak, Ruth, and Michael Meyer. “Critical Discourse Analysis: History, Agenda, Theory and Methodology.” In Methods for Critical Discourse Analysis. SAGE, 2009. ———. Methods for Critical Discourse Analysis. SAGE, 2009. Zekri, Sonja. “Verfolgt Vom Mob.” Süddeutsche Zeitung. n.d. Zielcke, Andreas. “Staatsversagen.” Süddeutsche Zeitung. January 23, 2016. Žižek, Slavoj. “Ein Karneval Der Underdogs.” Der Spiegel, January 16, 2016, 115–17.

64 Annex

Annex 1: Complete List of Analysed Articles for the Preliminary Analysis

Paper Date Title Topics SZ 05.01.16 „Völlig enthemmt“ n.a. SZ 07.01.16 Mehr als 100 Anzeigen in Köln n.a. SZ 07.01.16 Nicht zu fassen Islam, fear, right-wing populism SZ 07.01.16 Verfolgt vom Mob Islam SZ 07.01.16 Vertrauen und Versagen Fear SZ 08.01.16 Kölner Ereignisse zeigen bei n.a. Merkel Wirkung SZ 08.01.16 Der Weg zum Skandal n.a. SZ 08.01.16 „Ihr könnt mir nix!“ n.a. SZ 08.01.16 Schock, Schwere, Not Fear SZ 08.01.16 Ein Wort zu viel right-wing extremism SZ 08.01.16 BLICK IN DIE PRESSE De right-wing extremism Standaard SZ 09.01.16 Kölns Polizeichef muss abtreten personnel changes SZ 09.01.16 Verlierer in der Übermacht Islam SZ 09.01.16 Unter Männern fear SZ 09.01.16 Sturz eines Pannen-Präsidenten personnel changes SZ 09.01.16 Lücke im Strafrecht n.a. SZ 09.01.16 Koalition will Video-Überwachung insecurity ausweiten SZ 09.01.16 PRESSESTIMMEN la Repubblica n.a. SZ 09.01.16 PRESSESTIMMEN THE WALL n.a. STREET JOURNAL SZ 09.01.16 Den Anfängen wehren insecurity, Islam, gender equality, fear SZ 09.01.16 Chaotische Ermittlungen n.a. SZ 09.01.16 WOCHENCHRONIK VOM 2. BIS n.a. 8. JANUAR 2016 SZ 09.01.16 Sexuelle Übergriffe auch in Bayern n.a. FAZ 05.01.16 Empörung über Gewalt in der fear, right-wing Silvesternacht in Köln extremism FAZ 05.01.16 Straftaten einer völlig neuen n.a. Dimension FAZ 06.01.16 Mainzer sorgen sich wegen insecurity Fastnacht FAZ 06.01.16 Mitten in Köln fear, right-wing extremism

65 FAZ 06.01.16 Merkel verspricht harte Antwort n.a. des Rechtsstaats FAZ 06.01.16 Eine Männergruppe und ihr insecurity Hintergrund FAZ 06.01.16 Die Frage des Zusammenhangs fear FAZ 06.01.16 Sexuelle Übergriffe auch in gender equality Hamburg und Stuttgart FAZ 06.01.16 Exzesse unterm Dom n.a. FAZ 07.01.16 Übergriffe auf dem Eisernen Steg Islam, gender equality FAZ 07.01.16 Die Freiheit der Frauen Islam, fear, gender equality FAZ 07.01.16 Nach Silvestergewalt scharfe Kritik n.a. an Kölner Polizei FAZ 07.01.16 Dein Freund und Sündenbock n.a. FAZ 07.01.16 Prinzip Columbo, nicht Prinzip gender equality Tatort FAZ 08.01.16 Land: Greifen hart durch n.a. FAZ 08.01.16 Frankfurt nicht mit Köln n.a. vergleichen FAZ 08.01.16 Merkel erwägt Erweiterung von gender euqality Abschiebemöglichkeiten FAZ 08.01.16 Wer eine Gefahr darstellt gender euqality FAZ 08.01.16 In der Höllenhitze der Nacht n.a. FAZ 08.01.16 Hamburg will Videoüberwachung n.a. wiederaufnehmen FAZ 08.01.16 Nagelprobe - Wie ausländische Islam, insecurity, fear, Medien die Silvesternacht in Köln right-wing extremism, sehen Merkel's politics FAZ 08.01.16 AfD-Kreisverband lädt right-wing extremism Verfassungsschützer ein FAZ 09.01.16 Später Wettlauf um Transparenz n.a. FAZ 09.01.16 Es darf keine Schweigespirale insecurity, internet, geben fear, right-wing extremism FAZ 09.01.16 Allgemeine Verunsicherung insecurity, right-wing- extremism FAZ 09.01.16 Männer, die solche Sachen machen, n.a. sind krank FAZ 09.01.16 Regieführung right-wing extremism, media critique FAZ 09.01.16 Die dementierte Kanzlerin Islam FAZ 09.01.16 Slowakei will keine muslimischen Islam Flüchtlinge aufnehmen FAZ 09.01.16 Im Nebel der Tatsachen n.a. FAZ 09.01.16 De Maizière: Herkunft von n.a. Straftätern nicht verschweigen FOCUS 09.01.16 Nacht der Schande fear, gender equality

66 FOCUS 09.01.16 Angst vor einem "politisch heißen gender equality, fear Eisen" FOCUS 09.01.16 Verteidigt unsere Würde! integration, gender equality, insecurity, Islam, fear FOCUS 09.01.16 Kölle alaaf! fear, Islam, gender equality Der 09.01.16 Das Attentat fear, right-wing Spiegel extremism, Merkel, Islam, integration Der 09.01.16 Es kommen härtere Tage integration, fear, right- Spiegel wing extremism Der 09.01.16 Das besorgt mich tief fear, insecurity, right- Spiegel wing extremism Der 09.01.16 Misere und Machismo fear, Islam, gender Spiegel equality Der 09.01.16 "Wir dürfen das nicht hinnehmen" fear Spiegel

Annex 2: Complete List of Analysed Articles for the Main Analysis

Paper Date Title Theme FOCUS 12.12.15 Wie viel Europa? Wie viel Nation? Islam FOCUS 19.12.15 "Weinen Sie ins Kissen, weil Europa vor die Fear Hunde geht?" FOCUS 19.12.15 Deutschland im dreifachen Liebesrausch Fear FOCUS 16.01.16 Merkels Plan B Fear FOCUS 16.01.16 "Ich frage: Wohin mit den Menschen?" Fear FOCUS 16.01.16 Wohlmeinende Torheit Islam FOCUS 23.01.16 "Köln passiert hier täglich" Fear & Islam FOCUS 23.01.16 Aktiv, hartnäckig, emanzipiert: „Ich liege Fear keinem auf der Tasche“: Das sagen Flüchtlinge über ihre deutsche Zukunft FOCUS 23.01.16 Die Pop-Priesterin Fear FOCUS 06.02.16 Grenz-Verletzer Islam FOCUS 06.02.16 Gewalt gegen Frauen hat mit Gewalt gegen Islam Jungen zu tun FOCUS 06.02.16 Falscher Alarm durch Doppel-Fotos Fear FOCUS 13.02.16 Schaffen die das? Fear FOCUS 13.02.16 Sicher bleibt nur die Krise Fear FOCUS 13.02.16 Die verlorene Generation Fear SZ 11.12.15 Was denn noch? Islam SZ 11.12.15 Deine, meine, unsere Erinnerung Islam SZ 12.12.15 Wohnen Fear

67 SZ 12.12.15 EU will Staaten zu mehr Granzschutz Fear zwingen SZ 12.12.15 Schwarz-Rot-Grob Fear SZ 12.12.15 Wird schon werden Fear SZ 12.12.15 Ein Leben im Wartestand Fear SZ 14.12.15 „Obergrenze ist noch keine Politik“ Islam SZ 14.12.15 Raus, aber zackig Fear SZ 16.12.15 Seehofer: Die CDU kommt auf uns zu Fear SZ 16.12.15 Gemeinsam gegen den Hass Fear SZ 18.12.15 Wir werden viel Arbeit haben Islam SZ 18.12.15 Der Rechtsstaat in 03:14 Minuten Islam SZ 19.12.15 Ein Quäntchen Lob Fear SZ 19.12.15 Westgeist Islam SZ 21.12.15 Flüchtlingspolitik entzweit die Koalition Fear SZ 21.12.15 Verordnung gegen die Wehrlosigkeit Fear SZ 21.12.15 Wenn wirklich jeder Tag zählt Fear SZ 22.12.15 18 000 Abschiebungen Fear SZ 22.12.15 Formwandel der Demokratie Islam SZ 22.12.15 Wer hat die Deutschen zu Richtern der Islam Nationen bestellt? SZ 24.12.15 Im Land der Räuchermännchen Fear SZ 24.12.15 Mutlu Noeller Islam SZ 24.12.15 Streit und Menschlichkeit Fear SZ 24.12.15 Gemüse und Gemoser Fear SZ 28.12.15 Bekehrung Fear & Islam SZ 28.12.15 Schäuble und die „Dumpfbacken“ Fear SZ 29.12.15 Der Niedergang des weißen Mannes Fear & Islam SZ 29.12.15 Zuckerfest als Feiertag Islam SZ 29.12.15 Nachrichten aus Hainichen Fear SZ 30.12.15 prosit Feinstaub! Fear SZ 30.12.15 Neue Heimat Fear SZ 30.12.15 Städte fordern Wohnbau-Initiative Fear SZ 31.12.15 Wirtschaft voller Zuversicht Fear SZ 31.12.15 Aufschwung der Flüchtlinge Fear SZ 02.01.16 Sorge und Vorsorge Fear SZ 02.01.16 Der Europäer aus Galiläa Islam SZ 02.01.16 „Die Welt ist nicht bei Trost“ Fear SZ 02.01.16 Das fängt ja gut an! Fear SZ 02.01.16 Es kommt, wie es kommt Fear SZ 02.01.16 In Familienbesitz Fear SZ 02.01.16 ERWARTUNGEN Fear SZ 04.01.16 Sie sind keine Gefahr, sondern gefährdet Fear SZ 08.01.16 Leute Fear

68 SZ 08.01.16 Wackeliger Wohlstand Fear SZ 09.01.16 Hassvorlage Fear SZ 09.01.16 „Übrig bleibt Macho-Gehabe“ Islam SZ 09.01.16 Kühlen Kopf bewahren Fear SZ 11.01.16 Die Angst der Nachbarn Fear SZ 11.01.16 Blick in die Presse: Fear SZ 12.01.16 Jäger: Kölner Polizei hat versagt Fear SZ 12.01.16 Demokratie für Einsteiger Fear SZ 12.01.16 Flüchtlinge: „Wir sind entsetzt“ Islam SZ 13.01.16 Wie Eskalation funktioniert Fear SZ 13.01.16 Endlich mal was sagen Islam SZ 14.01.16 Und niemand lobt Fear SZ 14.01.16 Rüge für die Regierung Fear SZ 14.01.16 Das Elend der Opposition Fear SZ 15.01.16 Kant’scher Integrativ Fear SZ 15.01.16 Das bleibt Fear SZ 15.01.16 Zwischen den Fronten Fear SZ 15.01.16 Von Kindern und Männern Islam SZ 16.01.16 Merkels Schicksalstage Fear SZ 16.01.16 Rückkehr sollte der Normalfall sein“ Fear SZ 16.01.16 Gesetz der Straße Fear SZ 16.01.16 Zu große Freiheit Fear SZ 16.01.16 Über die Runden Islam SZ 16.01.16 Im Gespräch mit Mario Draghi Fear SZ 18.01.16 Diese Deutschen Fear SZ 18.01.16 BLICK IN DIE PRESSE Fear LE FIGARO SZ 18.01.16 Volkes Volker Fear SZ 18.01.16 Integrationsplan für München Fear SZ 19.01.16 Schade Fear SZ 19.01.16 Der Weltenerklärer Islam SZ 19.01.16 Schützt den Schweinsbraten! Fear & Islam SZ 19.01.16 CSU entdeckt die Leitkultur neu Fear SZ 20.01.16 Aufgewühlte CSU erwartet Merkel Fear SZ 20.01.16 Geben und Nehmen Fear SZ 21.01.16 Scheinangriff Fear SZ 21.01.16 Hier stehe ich. Kann ich anders? Amen Fear SZ 21.01.16 Ein Geschenk an die Rechtspopulisten Fear SZ 21.01.16 Einsam in Europa Fear SZ 21.01.16 Deutsch, Mathe, Moschee Fear & Islam SZ 21.01.16 Noch einmal mit Gefühl Fear SZ 21.01.16 Die jüdische Erfahrung Fear SZ 22.01.16 Klimawandel Fear

69 SZ 22.01.16 Die Angst der Mittelschicht Fear SZ 22.01.16 Ein Rückfall in die 80er-Jahre Fear SZ 23.01.16 Finale furioso Fear SZ 23.01.16 Antihysterie Fear SZ 23.01.16 Die innere Unsicherheit Fear SZ 23.01.16 Feld für Flüchtlinge Fear SZ 23.01.16 Grenzwertig Fear SZ 23.01.16 Angst und Jecken Fear SZ 23.01.16 Staatsversagen Fear & Islam SZ 25.01.16 Die Volksmaße Fear SZ 26.01.16 Die Jobmaschine Fear SZ 26.01.16 Es geht noch – irgendwie Fear SZ 27.01.16 Achtung, öffentlicher Raum! Fear SZ 27.01.16 „Da hat es nur einen Funken gebraucht“ Fear SZ 28.01.16 Wut sucht Wahrheit Fear SZ 28.01.16 Die Zerrissenen Fear SZ 28.01.16 „Dann ist Europa am Ende“ Fear SZ 29.01.16 Heimatschutz Fear SZ 29.01.16 Ladendiebstahl ohne Folgen Fear SZ 30.01.16 Merkel, die Fremde Fear SZ 30.01.16 Der „Fall Lisa“ ist aufgeklärt Fear SZ 30.01.16 „Wir werden sehr viel Geduld haben müssen“ Fear & Islam SZ 30.01.16 Schäm dich! Islam SZ 30.01.16 Die Ankunft Fear SZ 01.02.16 Räuberbanden und Schwarzfahrer Fear SZ 01.02.16 Die Stimmung ist eine andere Fear SZ 01.02.16 Grenzen zu, Augen auf Fear & Islam SZ 01.02.16 Wir sollten nicht auf Winterdepression Fear umschalten“ SZ 01.02.16 Unter Feinden? Islam SZ 01.02.16 Randale vor Asyl-Unterkunft Fear SZ 02.02.16 Geschmack des Ostens Fear SZ 02.02.16 BLICK IN DIE PRESSE Fear Neue Zürcher Zeitung SZ 02.02.16 Das Märchen von der Panzerfaust Fear SZ 03.02.16 Angriff mit dem Rambo-Messer Islam SZ 03.02.16 Jobs für Flüchtlinge Fear SZ 04.02.16 Verführerisch logisch Islam SZ 04.02.16 „Islamophobie gab es aber auch vor dem Fear & Islam Terror“ SZ 05.02.16 Im Raster Fear SZ 05.02.16 Willkommen im Club Fear SZ 06.02.16 Reiz der sanften Diktatur Islam SZ 06.02.16 Karneval der Tiere Fear

70 SZ 06.02.16 Geschrei aus der Wagenburg Islam SZ 06.02.16 Bützchen Islam SZ 06.02.16 Der IS nutzt die Balkan-Route Fear SZ 06.02.16 Fremde Fear SZ 08.02.16 Jung, elternlos, gefährdet Fear SZ 08.02.16 Beste Rede Fear SZ 08.02.16 Diesmal spricht der Chef – sonst keiner Fear SZ 08.02.16 Fremde in der Stadt Fear SZ 09.02.16 „Dat Sönnsche kütt“ Fear SZ 10.02.16 Hausbesuch Fear & Islam SZ 10.02.16 Rauchzeichen Fear SZ 10.02.16 Die Rückkehr der alten Leiden Fear SZ 10.02.16 Überdruss am liberalen Alltag Fear SZ 11.02.16 Legal, illegal, alles egal Fear & Islam SZ 12.02.16 Integration statt Langeweile Fear SZ 12.02.16 Die Bekümmerte Fear FAZ 11.12.15 Auf der Suche nach einer Gesamtstrategie Islam FAZ 13.12.15 Es gibt dann aber trotzdem Heringssalat Fear FAZ 15.12.15 Merkel: Wir schaffen das, denn Deutschland Fear ist stark FAZ 15.12.15 Flüchtlinge sind besonders fleißige Schüler Fear FAZ 16.12.15 "Bisher nur Krisenbewältigung" Fear FAZ 16.12.15 2000 Flüchtlinge ziehen auf Neckermann- Fear Areal FAZ 16.12.15 25 Wochen Fear FAZ 16.12.15 Vertrauen und Skepsis - Bürger und Medien Fear FAZ 17.12.15 Es muss zur Sache gehen Islam FAZ 17.12.15 Elite erwartet Rückkehr zu Binnengrenzen Fear FAZ 18.12.15 Von der verspäteten zur negierten Nation? Islam FAZ 20.12.15 Der Staat ist die Herberge Fear FAZ 20.12.15 Nachrichten Fear FAZ 20.12.15 Integriert euch selber! Islam FAZ 21.12.15 Gemeinsames Schicksal Fear & Islam FAZ 21.12.15 Sorge vor Antisemitismus wächst Fear & Islam FAZ 21.12.15 Integration per App Fear FAZ 21.12.15 Wir stecken alle fest Fear FAZ 21.12.15 Mint statt Militärdienst Fear & Islam FAZ 21.12.15 In der Anstalt Fear FAZ 23.12.15 Asylbewerberzuzug um die Hälfte gesunken Fear FAZ 23.12.15 Der IS gibt falsche Pässe nicht nur seinen Fear Leuten FAZ 23.12.15 Es tut den Menschen gut, gebraucht zu Islam werden FAZ 24.12.15 Wir - und die anderen Fear

71 FAZ 27.12.15 FRANK PERGANDE Fear FAZ 27.12.15 VOLKES STIMME 2015 Fear FAZ 27.12.15 [WIR SCHAFFEN WAS?] Fear FAZ 27.12.15 Sport treiben, lesen Fear FAZ 28.12.15 Keine andere Zufahrt Fear FAZ 28.12.15 Bouffier erwägt Residenzpflicht Fear FAZ 28.12.15 Ein Geruch wie Weihrauch Fear & Islam FAZ 28.12.15 Kirchen rufen zu Solidarität mit Flüchtlingen Fear auf FAZ 28.12.15 Hinter tausend Worten einen Sinn Islam FAZ 29.12.15 Für neue interreligiöse Kultur in Schulen Islam FAZ 30.12.15 Städte sorgen sich um Integration der Fear Flüchtlinge FAZ 31.12.15 Toast Hawaii und Spaß dabeii! Fear FAZ 31.12.15 Der Mensch bleibt Letztentscheider Fear FAZ 02.01.16 Das verlorene Vertrauen Fear FAZ 02.01.16 Papst: Das Gute gewinnt immer Fear FAZ 03.01.16 Die Ressourcen sind irgendwann erschöpft Fear FAZ 03.01.16 Nervt einfach nicht! Fear FAZ 04.01.16 Dann bekomme ich auch eine Strafanzeige Fear FAZ 05.01.16 Flüchtlingszuzug erschwert Erreichen der Fear Klimaziele FAZ 05.01.16 Schüsse auf Flüchtlingsunterkunft in Dreieich Fear FAZ 06.01.16 Kann man mit Jubel und Wohlstandsmüll Fear Flüchtlingen helfen? FAZ 06.01.16 Großhändler für 2016 skeptisch Fear FAZ 07.01.16 Was die Stadtteile 2016 bewegt Fear FAZ 07.01.16 Machen Sie sich bloß keine Meinung! Fear FAZ 08.01.16 Sporthalle in Hochheim für 120 Flüchtlinge Fear bereit FAZ 09.01.16 Das Menetekel von Köln Fear FAZ 10.01.16 Mehr nicht Islam FAZ 10.01.16 Die Skeptikerin Fear FAZ 10.01.16 Flüchtlinge werden als Täter genannt Fear FAZ 10.01.16 Wären sie nur nicht so dumm Fear FAZ 10.01.16 Stresstest Fear FAZ 11.01.16 Das Land als Domplaate Fear FAZ 11.01.16 Betatschen muss nicht strafbar sein Fear FAZ 11.01.16 Neue Töne in unsicheren Zeiten Fear FAZ 12.01.16 Polizei ermittelt weiter Fear FAZ 12.01.16 Merkel macht Mut: Keine Angst vor Fear Veränderungen FAZ 12.01.16 Parteien zu Fairness gemahnt Fear FAZ 12.01.16 Neue Vorschläge für erleichterte Fear Abschiebungen noch in dieser Woche?

72 FAZ 12.01.16 Lokaler Klimawandel Fear FAZ 13.01.16 Ausnahmslos Fear FAZ 13.01.16 Liberal denken Fear FAZ 14.01.16 Unionsabgeordnete sammeln Stimmen gegen Islam die Kanzlerin FAZ 14.01.16 Wir sind verantwortlich für unser Land Fear FAZ 15.01.16 Nach Köln ist alles anders Fear FAZ 15.01.16 Märtyrer, Antisemiten und ein digitaler Islam Auftritt FAZ 15.01.16 Sie laufen ihr dabon Fear FAZ 15.01.16 Weißer geht's nicht Islam FAZ 15.01.16 Deutlich mehr Muslime Islam FAZ 13.01.16 Angst wegen Gewaltexzessen Fear FAZ 16.01.16 Wieder mehr Investitionen möglich Fear FAZ 16.01.16 Das Problem ist größer als die Querelen in Fear CDU und CSU FAZ 17.01.16 SPD für harte Linie Fear FAZ 17.01.16 Die Befreiung Fear FAZ 17.01.16 [GUT UND BÖSE] Islam FAZ 17.01.16 Hatten die Taten System ? Islam FAZ 17.01.16 Der Fremde Fear FAZ 18.01.16 Kampf um die Mehrheit auf dem Abstellgleis Fear FAZ 18.01.16 Ich bin nämlich kein Marok, ich seh nur so Fear aus FAZ 19.01.16 Vorwürfe gegen das Wachpersonal Islam FAZ 20.01.16 "Sensibel gegen Diskriminierung" Fear & Islam FAZ 20.01.16 Das "Powerhaus" feiert seine Stärke Fear FAZ 20.01.16 Antisemitismus im Gepäck Islam FAZ 20.01.16 Gegen "bettelnde Zigeunerkinder" Islam FAZ 20.01.16 Merkels Kanzlerjahr Fear FAZ 20.01.16 Deutsche Manager werden pessimistischer Fear FAZ 20.01.16 Das Geschwätz von gestern Fear FAZ 21.01.16 Wahlkampf mit Turnhallen? Fear FAZ 21.01.16 Viel mehr Ermittlungen wegen islamistischen Fear & Islam Terrors FAZ 21.01.16 Gauck fordert Asyldebatte Fear FAZ 21.01.16 Tausendundeine Komplikation Islam FAZ 21.01.16 Basecap statt Kippa Islam FAZ 22.01.16 Kritik beschränkt sich auf Informationspolitik Islam FAZ 22.01.16 Wir gewinnen nicht im Schlafwagen Fear FAZ 22.01.16 Kasernengebäude schon hergerichtet Fear FAZ 22.01.16 Eine Wagenburg voll Angst und Wut Fear & Islam FAZ 22.01.16 Deutschland streitet über die Fear Flüchtlingsobergrenze FAZ 22.01.16 Eine ernste Lage Fear

73 FAZ 22.01.16 Die Fallhöhe nimmt zu Fear FAZ 23.01.16 Appell an die Kanzlerin Fear FAZ 23.01.16 Zwischen Kritik am Bund und Bekenntnis Fear zum "C" FAZ 23.01.16 BLB feiert Geburtstag Fear FAZ 23.01.16 Integration gelingt nur, wenn die Islam Flüchtlingszahlen reduziert werden FAZ 24.01.16 Wir brauchen Muslime als Integrationslotsen Islam FAZ 25.01.16 "Eine Million Flüchtlinge sind gewiss zu Fear viel" FAZ 27.01.16 Auf Twitter gegen Sexismus Islam FAZ 27.01.16 Licht für die Sport-Sterne Fear FAZ 27.01.16 Die Angst vor Veränderung Fear FAZ 29.01.16 Unglaublich, undenkbar, unislamisch Islam FAZ 29.01.16 Wo ist Ihre männliche Ehre? Islam FAZ 29.01.16 Er bereut nichts Fear FAZ 29.01.16 Zusammenprall der Kulturen Fear FAZ 30.01.16 Erst sollen die Fakten auf den Tisch Fear FAZ 30.01.16 Alternative ohne bestimmtes Ziel Fear FAZ 31.01.16 Unser Mädchen Lisa Fear FAZ 31.01.16 Die Grenze der Loyalität Islam FAZ 31.01.16 Die Radikalen Islam FAZ 31.01.16 Größere Lösungen statt kleiner Asylpakete Fear FAZ 31.01.16 Draußen vor der Tür Fear FAZ 31.01.16 Das Märchen aus Marzahn Fear FAZ 01.02.16 Der Gegenangriff Fear FAZ 01.02.16 Ohne Integration die Leistungen kürzen Fear FAZ 02.02.16 Fürsprecher von Arbeitnehmern und Industrie Fear FAZ 02.02.16 Rhetorischer Holzhammer statt Totschweigen Fear FAZ 02.02.16 Verfolgungsdichte und Fear Erheblichkeitsschwelle FAZ 02.02.16 Der kulturelle Unterschied Islam FAZ 03.02.16 "Deutschland hat erheblichen Anteil an einer Fear Spaltung Europas" FAZ 04.02.16 Die Propaganda-Attacke Islam FAZ 04.02.16 Was wir fordern dürfen Islam FAZ 05.02.16 Hessen-Votum zu Asylrecht offen Fear FAZ 05.02.16 Mythos Köln Fear FAZ 05.02.16 Ich bin euer Arzt Islam FAZ 06.02.16 Freiwillige Helfer fordern Fear Beobachtungsgruppe FAZ 06.02.16 Gaucks Hinweise Fear FAZ 06.02.16 Aus Kandahar in den Karneval Fear FAZ 07.02.16 Trotz allem Fear FAZ 07.02.16 Das Geschäft mit den Flüchtlingen Fear

74 FAZ 07.02.16 Niemand ist motivierter als Flüchtlinge Fear FAZ 09.02.16 Frankfurt bestellt für Kitas das Islam Schweinefleisch ab FAZ 10.02.16 Eine Moschee, keine Bedrohung Islam FAZ 10.02.16 Wenn noch mehr kommen, sehe ich den Fear inneren Frieden in unserem Land in Gefahr FAZ 11.02.16 Merkels Welt Fear FAZ 12.02.16 Maas und de Maizière verkünden Einigung Islam im Streit über Asylrecht Der Spiegel 12.12.15 Das Jahr der Flüchtlinge Fear Der Spiegel 12.12.15 Aufstand der Ängstlichen Fear Der Spiegel 12.12.15 Angespannt Fear Der Spiegel 12.12.15 „Fleischwurst, jemand?“ Islam Der Spiegel 12.12.15 Schussbereit Fear Der Spiegel 12.12.15 Ein Volksfeind Fear Der Spiegel 19.12.15 „Der Schaden trifft die SPD“ Fear Der Spiegel 19.12.15 „Auf keinen Fall zurück“ Fear Der Spiegel 19.12.15 Die Pausen-Frage Fear Der Spiegel 24.12.15 Wir können doch mehr! Fear Der Spiegel 24.12.15 „Ich bin da“ Fear Der Spiegel 02.01.16 Der Ziegenmord von Lostau Islam Der Spiegel 02.01.16 Ihr letztes Gefecht Islam Der Spiegel 09.01.16 Atmosphäre der Angst Fear Der Spiegel 09.01.16 Fördert Willkommenssport! Fear Der Spiegel 16.01.16 „Ich möchte nicht deine Erbin sein“ Islam Der Spiegel 16.01.16 Ein Karneval der Underdogs Islam Der Spiegel 16.01.16 Am Rand Fear Der Spiegel 16.01.16 Chronik einer Überforderung Fear Der Spiegel 23.01.16 Egal wie es ausgeht ... Fear Der Spiegel 23.01.16 Ein verquerer Begriff von Ehre Islam Der Spiegel 23.01.16 Schaffen wir das? Fear & Islam Der Spiegel 30.01.16 Das Ende der Wahrheit Fear Der Spiegel 30.01.16 "Die Zeit läuft davon" Fear Der Spiegel 30.01.16 Agenda 2016 Fear Der Spiegel 30.01.16 Opfer und Täter Islam Der Spiegel 06.02.16 Im Schützengraben Fear Der Spiegel 06.02.16 Besorgte Brandstifter Fear Der Spiegel 06.02.16 „Uns jeiht et joot“ Fear Der Spiegel 06.02.16 "Ein Gegenfanal setzen" Fear Der Spiegel 06.02.16 „Softe Diktatur“ Fear Der Spiegel 13.02.16 "Wir müssen das aushalten" Fear Der Spiegel 13.02.16 Stiefvater Staat Fear Der Spiegel 13.02.16 Die Vertrauensfrage Fear

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