I the ARCHAEOLOGY of the ALLENSWORTH

Home , Allen Allensworth, Dunbar Hotel

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE ALLENSWORTH HOTEL:

NEGOTIATING THE SYSTEM IN JIM CROW AMERICA

Beatrice Reynolds Cox

An investigative project submitted to

Sonoma State University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Cultural Resources Management

______Margaret Purser, Ph.D., Chair

______John D. Wingard, Ph.D.

______Laurie A. Wilkie, Ph.D.

______Date

By Beatrice Reynolds Cox

AUTHORIZATION FOR THE REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S PROJECT

I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis project in its entirety, without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorb the cost, provide proper acknowledgment of authorship and notice to the author.

I grant permission for the reproduction of parts of this thesis project without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorb the cost, provide proper acknowledgment of authorship and notice to the author.

DATE:______Signature

iii

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE ALLENSWORTH HOTEL: NEGOTIATING THE SYSTEM IN JIM CROW AMERICA

Project by Beatrice Reynolds Cox

ABSTRACT

Allensworth, California stands as an example of a larger social and economic movement to build African American town-sites, a movement that took place across the United States following the Civil War. Racial discrimination enabled the existence of these intentional communities at a time when the constitutional rights of African Americans had been granted and acknowledged by the courts through the 13 th , 14 th , and 15 th amendments to the Constitution. At the height of the “Jim Crow” era, between 1890 and 1910, Southern states passed the bulk of discriminatory laws that segregated the races and reinforced the white supremacist attitudes engulfing many segments of the country. It was also the second period of intense migration out of the South to the Western states. In California, Jim Crow laws that segregated schools and public accommodations, prohibited interracial marriages, and restricted voting rights were in place by 1908, when Allensworth was founded. By positioning the development of the African American town of Allensworth within the political and social structure of the United States during the Jim Crow era, a distinctive relationship emerges. Lieutenant Colonel Allen Allensworth, an exslave from Kentucky, founded Allensworth, California on the foundation of two distinct nationalist political ideologies: social accommodation and cultural pluralism. These positions manifested out of opposition to racial oppression as buffers and as viable solutions to combating discrimination. In providing the sociopolitical context for this type of community, the material culture study of the Allensworth Hotel introduces a new inquiry for interpretation of qualitative data that informs African American sites. An analysis of the artifacts excavated from the hotel site suggests that the African American political movements, beset with legalized discrimination, influenced the actions of the Allensworth pioneers negotiating the constructs of the Jim Crow era. This research further strengthens the purpose of Allensworth as a California State Historic Park, to recognize the contributions African Americans have made to the development of California.

Chair: ______Signature

MA Program: Cultural Resources Management Sonoma State University Date:______

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This manuscript is dedicated to the children Lauren Elizabeth and Phillip Andrew Cox Maurice Eugene and Marcus Earl McCain Malkia Tacara Roberts and Brian Whiteside Elliot, Haley, David, Jacqueline, Devynne, Aram, Stephan, Luciana, Briana, Tatiana

Thank you to my advisor and friend, Dr. Margaret Purser for your patience and ability to see what it was I so desperately wanted to contribute and for giving me the tools to say it. Thank you to thesis committee members, Dr. Laurie Wilkie, University of California Berkeley for your insight into the world of African Diaspora archaeology and Dr. John Wingard, Sonoma State University for your appreciative review. Thank you to graduate student advisor, Dr. Adrian Praetzellis for reminding me, with your gracious humor, why I love this profession. Thank you, Robert Senghor-Coleman of Sonoma State University English Department, for your impeccable foresight.

Thank you to friend and mentor Dr. Betty Goerke, Marin County Junior College, who confirmed my passion and encouraged me to go down the road with authority.

Thank you to all the staff at the Anthropological Studies Center near and far including Erica Gibson, Philip Kaijankoski, Bryan Much, Regina and Mike Newland.

Thank you to Glen Farris, Larry Felton, Pete Schultz and the staff at the Department of Parks and Recreation Archaeology Collection Center; Phillip Hines and Rae Schwaderer; Don Moser; Elaine Sundberg, Director, SSU Graduate Studies; Rick Moss, Director, African American Museum and Library at Oakland; Diane Painter; Leigh Jordan, Liz Black, and the staff at the Northwest Coast Information Center; Terry Lopez, Gold District Interpretive Specialist; SGT. Charlie Freeman, USAF; Dr. Scott Miller and staff of the SSU Writing Center; Marsha Calhoun, editor; Barbara Voss, Sannie Osborn, Liz Clevenger and Presidio friends for the opportunities and guidance.

Thank you to Josephine Blodgett Smith, Colonel Allensworth’s granddaughter, Cornelius Edward Pope, Allensworth’s resident historian, and to Dr. Eleanor Ramsey and Dr. David Organ for your important contributions to the legacy of Allensworth.

A special thank you with love to archaeologist, Betty Rivers.

Ein ganz spezielles Dankeschön an meine persönlichen Freunde dafür, dass sie immer da sind, an Charlotte Neblett, Helen Roubinian, Catrice Robinson, Myra Moses Dunn, Katherine Baber, Karin Goetter, Brian Hoyt, und an meine Schwestern von San Francisco Links Inc.

Danke an meine Familie, dafür dass sie mir immer Liebe, Unterstützung und Ermutigung geben. Für meine Mutter Elizabeth, Curtis Reynolds, Noelle Steward, und Anita Reynolds, Ich liebe euch. Im Andenken an Regina Reynolds McCain.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

List of Tables vii

List of Figures viii

List of Photographs ix

CHAPTER

1. Introduction 1 Literature Review 10 Project Methodology 15

2. A Brief History of Reconstruction and the Jim Crow Era 17 Introduction 17 Reconstruction 18 The Jim Crow Era 21 The Public Accommodation Laws 23 California Reconstruction and the Jim Crow Era 24

3. A Concise History of Allensworth, California 27 Environmental Setting 28 The Story of Allensworth, California 30 The Allensworth Hotel 32 The Political Climate 39

4. Archaeological Evidence 43 The Role of the California Department of Parks and Recreation 44 Previous Archaeological Studies 45 Architectural Interpretation of the Allensworth Hotel 46 Methodology 1988-1989 50 Feature and Unit Summaries 53 Hotel Structural Remains: Pier Post Remnants and Building Debris 60 Faunal Remains and Analysis 60 Discussion 64

5. Conclusion 68

Appendix A-Tables 74 Appendix B-Figures 99 Appendix C-Photographs 114 References Cited 120

List of Tables

Appendix A

Table 1 Feature 1 Rubble Deposit Table 2 Feature 2 Unit 2 Trash Pit Table 3 Unit 3 Burned Trash Pit Table 4 Feature 4 Units 4, 4SW Privy Pit Table 5 Feature 4 Unit 5 Privy Pit Table 6 Chronology of the Allensworth Hotel Table 7 Chronology of Jim Crow Laws in California Table 8 Chronology of the Natural History of the Tulare Lake Basin Table 9 Chronology of Events: The Course of African Americans in U. S. History Table 10 Feature 1 Unit 3 Date and Origins of Marked/Datable Items Table 11 Unit 3 Summary of Artifacts by Category Table 12 Avian Faunal Comparisons Table 13 Comparison of Faunal Materials Table 14 Artifact Catalog

vii

List of Figures

Appendix B

Figure 1 Vicinity of Colonel Allensworth State Historic Park Figure 2 Colonel Allensworth State Historic Park Map Figure 3 Allensworth Hotel, circa 1910 Figure 4 Allensworth Hotel, circa 1927 Figure 5 Allensworth Hotel, circa 1938 Figure 6 2002 Allensworth Hotel - Southeast elevation Figure 7 2002 Allensworth Hotel - Northwest elevation Figure 8 Contemporary Allensworth Hotel Floor Plan Figure 9 Plan view of Allensworth Hotel site Figure 10 Plan view of Feature 4, privy pit Figure 11 Close-up of Feature 1, rubble deposit Figure 12 CBPA soda bottles, ca. 1920, P847-2-3, P847-2-4, P847-2-5 Figure 13 American Hotel Ware, circa 1901-1920 Figure 14 Maddocks/Lamberton, Water Pitcher 1904-1929P847-4-10, P847-7-18

viii

List of Photographs

Appendix C

Photo 1 Allensworth Dedication Day 1988 Photo 2 Archaeologist Dan Bell Photo 3 Archaeologist Ray Schwaderer Photo 4 Archaeologist Betty Rivers Photo 5 Colonel Allen Allensworth, circa 1890s Photo 6 Allensworth Rail Sign, circa 1912 Photo 7 Grain Warehouse, circa 1910 Photo 8 Advertisement, circa 1910 Photo 9 Allensworth planned town site map showing the Horticulture College, circa 1908

ix 1

Chapter 1

Introduction

At the turn of the twentieth century, W. E. B. DuBois, Marcus Garvey, and

Booker T. Washington were catalysts to a nationalist platform, which contributed to a plethora of cultural approaches for negotiating a color-biased society (Ramsey 1977:79-

80; Taylor 1998:241-242). Founded in 1908, in California’s central valley, the town of

Allensworth stands as an example of the influence these ideologists had on African

American lifeways at the height of the Jim Crow era. The archaeological evidence excavated from the Allensworth Hotel site demonstrates the influence of this era. The goal of this research is to contextualize the data within the history of the Jim Crow era, to reveal the relationship between political culture and the artifactual evidence of the

Allensworth Hotel, and to enhance the current interpretive history of Allensworth in the context of the broader history of the African American experience in the United States and California. This study is also consistent with the purpose for which the California

Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR) reconstructed Allensworth as a State Historic

Park, to provide cultural and educational experiences and to acknowledge contributions by African Americans to California history (DPR 1976:7).

Contextualizing Allensworth within the history of the Jim Crow era allowed research of the town as an intentional community serving as an effective strategy for negotiating racial constructs. The goal of the founders was to establish a parallel existence to white society, to prove equality but also to provide within the town’s boundaries, common civil rights, education, and economic opportunities for its residents.

The history of nineteenth and early twentieth-century African American life provides the

2 context for the archaeological analysis of the artifacts, which help identify the distinct relationship between material culture and political ideologies within racial inequities.

A brief history of Reconstruction and the Jim Crow Era introduces the political catalysts for resettlement in Allensworth. Using the documented history of the town and the oral history interviews were key to constructing an intimate view into the life of the

Allensworth Hotel and its six managers. Further analysis and interpretation of data recorded and artifacts recovered by DPR in 1988, bring to light the relationship between the political struggle for equality and the specific artifactual assemblage of the hotel. In conclusion, the ambiguities in the findings, the possibilities for future studies, and the current social activism strengthen the need for a pause to reflect on this avenue of inquiry.

The contemporary story of Allensworth, California begins in 1968, on the day of

Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination. Cornelius Edward Pope, a resident of

Allensworth and a draftsman for the California State Department of Parks and Recreation

(DPR), initiated interest in Allensworth as a historical district to aid in perpetuating the

momentum of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement and to honor the legacy of its slain

leader (Pope 2006; Ramsey 1977:189). Mr. Pope ascertained that blacks paid millions of

dollars in state taxes, concluding that this was a form of “taxation without representation”

(Pope 2006). He began the nomination process for Allensworth with assistance from his

colleagues in DPR’s Master Planning Division and the California Legislative Black

Caucus. Senate Concurrent Resolution No. 66 and Senate Bill No. 557, Statutes of 1970,

requested the Allensworth Feasibility Study (1971). The Tulare Board of Supervisors

Resolution No. 70-835 of 1970 recognized the effort and the Senate Concurrent

Resolution No. 124 (filed in 1969) expressed support of the effort by DPR to preserve the townsite (DPR 1971:v-vii).

As part of the feasibility study, DPR’s director, William Penn Mott Jr., authorized

Mr. Pope to investigate other possible sites that might be eligible for recognition (Pope

2006). Historical societies of San Francisco, Oakland, and Los Angeles, the National

Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and “noted historians of

Black history” were consulted to locate and to define the parameters of the representative site. Mr. Pope reported on five other historical sites, including the Beltane Mansion in

Glen Ellen and the towns of Beckwourth, Beulah, Guinda, and Timbuktoo, California

(DPR1971:3; Pope 2007); the consensus was that “Allensworth was one of the best examples of the contribution Blacks made in the development of California” (DPR

1976:5). The State Park and Recreation Commission concluded in the feasibility study that “the California State Park System is deficient in historical preservation and interpretative programs giving recognition to the role played by Black citizens in the development of California” (DPR 1971:x). In that same study, the Environmental Impact

Statement (EIS) details DPR’s acknowledgement that the park is “an unparalleled education tool for California in its attack on social problems” and “a positive and significant shift” for the state in answer to “nonharmonious attitudes in our social environment,” (1971:21). In 1971, Director Mott signed a letter to the Honorable James

R. Mills, President Pro Tempore (California State Senate), confirming the state’s position that the “Allensworth Historic Project is of state historic significance and should be included as a unit of the State Park System” (1971:iii). In 1972, Allensworth was listed on the National Register of Historic Places (NHRP) and secured approved funding to

“initiate acquisition of the townsite together with peripheral lands” and was classified as a State Historic Park in January 1974 (DPR 1976:5,15; Ramsey 1977:190) (Figure 1).

The DPR restored downtown Allensworth between 1974 and 2004, on a 240-acre section of the 320-acre historically designated townsite. Archaeological and historical investigations of the town site began in 1985; the Allensworth Hotel site investigations began in 1988. The hotel was removed intact from the parcel at Dunbar and Palmer

Street in 1938. The hotel was part of the DPR’s General Development Plan and

Resource Management Plan to restore and reconstruct 30 historic buildings (DPR

1976:23), of which 23 have been restored to date (Figure 2).

In 1908, Colonel Allen Allensworth and his peers, committed to developing a

Black town, formed the California Colony and Home Promoting Association (Ramsey

1977:26). The group bought a tract of land known as Solita, located adjacent to the

Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway line in Tulare County. The tract, renamed

Allensworth, is located in California’s Central Valley 75 miles south of Fresno and 38 miles north of Bakersfield, and 11 miles due east of Earlimart.

The founding of Allensworth made news across the state in African American and white owned news publications. Although the building of “race colonies,” a name given to independent intentional communities compromised of Black members” (Ramsey

1977:29), was by this time a common occurrence in the western states, Allensworth was

California’s first Black town serving as a “living model for black self reliance” (Appiah and Gates 1999:76). This was a premise of which Booker T. Washington was a firm supporter. He believed that if blacks accepted segregation and developed economic standing, then favorable sentiment from whites would be gained (Katz 1996:248;

McBroome 2001:153; Meier 1969:iii). Influenced by Washington’s stance on self- reliance and his successful development of the Tuskegee Institute as an industrial education center, Marcus M. Garvey aspired to do the same. Garvey believed in political self-determination, was a separatist, and created an international movement celebrating blackness and racial pride, while advocating for a black nation in Africa (Appiah and

Gates 1999:818). W. E. B. DuBois, on the other hand, as co-founder of the National

Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and Crisis Magazine

(1910), championed the struggle for civil rights and stood against segregated schools. He believed that persistent agitation, political action, and academic education would be the

means to ending black oppression (Meier 1969:iii). These leaders influenced large

segments of the African American community. What is clear are their commonalities:

each saw the importance of education, self-reliance, and political activism as a viable

combatant to racism. Their differences are the way they negotiated the obstacles of

racism as prominent leaders of a keen African American community.

The Allensworth Hotel was part of a broader plan by the town founders to build a prosperous community for enthusiastic investors and pioneers. The Allensworth team

founded the California Colony and Home Promoting Association with three other

corporations who had invested in the tract land. All collaborated to promote the town by publishing newspaper articles in the white and black community publications (Ramsey

1977:49-55). The Colonel and his constituents adhered to the mission set forth in the

town’s articles of incorporation, of June 1908, that “the settlement at Allensworth would

aid by example in making sentiment favorable to the race” (Ramsey 1977:16) and

“favorable to intellectual and industrial liberty” (Burton 1995:35).

Motivations for resettlement at Allensworth were as diverse as the settlers’ individual encounters with racism and their sociopolitical and economic positions in life.

Some were ex-slaves or first-generation descendants of slaves from the South, as well as college educated entrepreneurs, farmers, politicians, and teachers, and most possessed a combination of abilities required of a frontier lifestyle. Many wanted to live with people of their own race for security with the “opportunity to control their own destiny” (Carney

1998:151). Pioneers such as the Hackett family built vacation homes at Allensworth, seasonally visiting (Hackett n.d.). Others acted as absentee landowners, often renting the land to Allensworth residents for agriculture or reserving it undeveloped as an investment. Among the settlers were soldiers the Colonel solicited from his days in the military who were looking for a “quiet” place to retire with their families. Others moved to Allensworth to try their hand at farming. The point was that living in Allensworth, uninhibited by daily encounters with discriminatory laws, allowed the citizenry the autonomy and opportunity to flourish, and in isolation, the community exercised self- government, self-education, and self-employment, and shared common principles by which to live. Investing and/or relocating to Allensworth was a commitment to the belief and practice of the political ideals DuBois and Washington who encouraged social accommodation and cultural pluralism as a way of negotiating racialized circumstances.

The community quickly defied Jim Crow stereotypes, becoming the civic model of a viable American community within six years.

In 1908, Colonel Allensworth, Professor William Alexander Payne, John W.

Palmer (a retired miner from Nevada), Dr. William H. Peck (a minister of the African

Methodist Episcopal Church in Los Angeles), and Harvey Mitchell (a real estate

7 specialist from Los Angeles) secured 4000 acres of land with a platted 80-acre town site.

Listed on the subdivision map are three white-owned companies: a Los Angeles firm called the Pacific Farming Company, the Los Angeles Purchasing Company, and the

Central Land Company out of San Francisco, each holding title to a portion of the land within the tract (Ramsey 1977:51). Allensworth’s California Colony and Home

Promoting Association “contracted with the companies for some unrecorded amount of money to secure African American settlers” and to reserve the outlying land for other potential African American purchasers (Hamilton 1991:140).

The Pacific Farming Company was the most visible in the historical records. The colony’s single promotional news publication, the Sentiment Maker , dated May 15, 1912, gives credit to the Pacific Farming Company for making it possible to secure the acreage advertised as “fertile land for agricultural and animal husbandry.” In reality, the site straddled the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway on infertile acreage and was landlocked in a swamp zone with pockets of alkali sink, and situated on the dry Tulare

Lake basin (Ramsey 1977:50-52). The California Colony and Home Promoting

Association assisted the Pacific Farming Company in promoting the establishment of the town (Ramsey 1977:14-16; Hamilton 1991:138). Published in The Sentiment Maker

(1912) were the accomplishments of the current residents and the future goals for expansion of the town. An article appeared in the August 7, 1908 issue of the Tulare

County daily newspaper, the Daily Tulare Register , and in other white publications such as the Delano Record and the Visalia Daily Times announcing the new town. Black weekly newspapers of the day, the Los Angeles New Age (January 1912), the California

Eagle (1914), the Western Reserve , and the Oakland Sunshine, carried promotional

8 articles (Ramsey 1977:78). Former Allensworth Hotel resident Joe Durrel remembers his good friend Mr. Woods being approached in New Orleans by his own grandson, Journee

White, and two white men promoting the possibility of resettlement to Allensworth.

Journee White was a professional booster from Los Angeles along with founders Colonel

Allensworth and William Payne who traveled around the country speaking to church congregations promoting resettlement, business, and investment strategies in Allensworth

(Ramsey 1977:77). Durrel explains, “They went around the country to ballyhoo the sale of this land through Colonel Allensworth” (Ramsey 1976a). Mr. Woods, his wife Elvia, son Freddy, and Joe Durrel moved to Allensworth in 1910 for 10 years. The Woods family managed the hotel from 1916 to 1917.

Promotions in other parts of the country were successful based on the

“geographical origins of the Black purchasers” (Hamilton 1991:140). The 1910, 1920, and 1930 United States Census reports list Allensworth residents from Canada, Alabama,

Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan,

Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina, Ohio, South Carolina, Tennessee,

Texas, Washington D.C., West Virginia, and Los Angeles, Alameda, and Oakland,

California.

By 1914, Allensworth boasted two churches, a drugstore and infirmary, a hotel, post office, library, three general stores, a restaurant, livery stable, blacksmith shop, barbershop, and elementary school. There were social clubs and a fire protection plan

implemented by the women of Allensworth. The Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe

Railway line ran through the town stopping at its depot, making Allensworth a transfer point, where grain and cattle merchants provided a steady stream of business for the

9 town’s local stores and the hotel. At its peak, between 1908 and 1918, Allensworth had a fluctuating population of up to 300 citizens (Ramsey 1977:100-103).

The economic demise of Allensworth is attributed to several factors. Most importantly, the town was impacted in 1914 by the premature death of Colonel

Allensworth, who was killed by a motorcyclist in Monrovia, California. At the time, the

Colonel was working on opening a state-funded industrial school in Allensworth. There was hope that if passed, Assembly Bill 299, spearheaded by Professor William Payne and

Oscar Overr to establish the Allensworth Polytechnic Institute, would secure the return of the needed economic base (Ramsey 1977:59-67). The bill was defeated in 1915. Prior to its defeat, the bill gained considerable opposition from both the state legislators and

African American opponents. The African American electorate throughout the state rejected the bill based on the idea that it would resuscitate statewide school segregation.

Previously in Tulare County there had been a “bitter fight made against admission of colored children into the public schools long after other counties throughout the State had admitted them” (Beasley 1919:185). According to historian Eleanor Ramsey, the state did not want to fund a school specifically for African Americans, even though in 1901, it had funded the establishment of San Luis Obispo Polytechnical, which admitted one

African American student in 1921 (Ramsey 1977:174-175; Cal Poly 2005).

The colony’s residents also faced a water deficiency problem and court battles with the Pacific Farming Company, which would not honor a signed contract for a supply of water equal to the growth of the town. The Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway spurred a line to Alpaugh, six miles north, essentially removing Allensworth’s economic base. One of the largest grain warehouses in the state, which sat on the west side of the

10 tracks at Allensworth, was dismantled and moved to Alpaugh. At the time, Allensworth was a major transfer point for the majority of this wheat-growing region. The town became a whistle-stop by 1915. Some of the men of Allensworth joined the war effort while other citizens relocated to the cities of Los Angeles, Oakland, Richmond, and San

Diego, where there were flourishing black cultures and increased opportunities for industrial jobs.

Present-day Allensworth and its cemetery sit at the southern boundaries of the

Colonel Allensworth State Historic Park. According to Allensworth’s Mayor Nettie

Morrison, the population fluctuates between 350 to 500 people, depending on the work.

The U.S. Census report enumerates Allensworth residents as part of the town of

Earlimart, in Tulare County, sharing the same zip code. Currently, the ethnic makeup of

Allensworth is approximately 95% Hispanic and 5% African American (Morrison 2007).

Literature Review

Research into the history of the African American experience unearthed vast

amounts of text from the disciplines of sociology, biology, political science, and history,

all of which focused on race, racism, and identity, spanning over 150 years. African

American town building was a common theme in post-Civil War America however,

material culture studies by archaeologists of Black town sites began in the early 1970s

with Allensworth by the California Department of Parks and Recreation. Even so,

archaeological studies on this subject are scant in comparison with the number of studies

in other disciplines. There are data on the history and the archaeology of the African

diaspora that focus on plantations, maroon societies, homesteads, single-family

dwellings, and small businesses. Few archaeological studies record Black town sites in

11 the United States and none in California before or since the excavations at Allensworth.

In 1985, Beverly Bastian excavated Elmwood in Upper Peninsula Michigan revealing a logging campsite occupied by white loggers in the 1890s and reoccupied by African

American families from Chicago in 1926. Ultimately, harassment by whites drove the settlers away after only a few years (Bastian 1999). In 1986, Kathleen Deagan excavated

Fort Mose, in St. Augustine, Florida the earliest legally sanctioned free black community recorded in the United States (1738). (Deagan/Landers 1999; Deagan/MacMahon 1995).

With more than 200 Black towns founded by African American pioneers across the continent between 1865 and 1953 (King 2003; Rose 1965; Wiley 1984), historians and geographers have turned up at least 16 “boom and bust” towns, mining camps, and small settlements between 1850 and 1910 in California: African Bar, Albia, Allensworth,

Beckwourth, Beulah, Bowles, Furlong Tract, Guinda, Harts, Kentucky Ridge, Negro Bar,

Negro Slide, Nigger Heaven, Nigger Hill, Petteyville, Victorville (Gilmore 1996; King

2003; NPS 2005; Organ 1995; Ramsey 1977; Taylor 1998; Turner 1998). Forthcoming are archaeological studies of Rosewood, Florida (Tennet 2006); New Philadelphia,

Illinois (Shackel 2006); Nicodemus, Kansas (NPS 2006); Blackdom, New Mexico (Price

2003:79); Mound Bayou, Mississippi (Young and Crowe 1998); and Redbird, Oklahoma established in 1902 (Baber 2002). The towns of Blackdom, New Mexico founded in

1911, Mound Bayou, Mississippi (1887), New Philadelphia, Illinois (1836), Nicodemus,

Kansas (1877), Boley (1905) and Tatums (1894), Oklahoma (Hamilton 1991:24,110) all had hotels or “hotel like” establishments. The Dunbar Hotel (1928) in Los Angeles and

San Diego’s Douglas Hotel (1924) advertised for “Colored Only” and in some cases provided separate accommodations for use by white patrons (Crockett 1979:74).

Between 1900 and the 1920s, the “integrated” corporate mining town of Buxton,

Iowa had two hotels, the Perkins and Son Hotel (the same W. L. Perkins that resettled in

Allensworth after 1910) (Organ 1995:120-121; Schwieder et al. 2003:61) and the White

House Hotel. Schwieder et al. address the “integrated” but ethnically segregated town as a “Black Utopia,” hypothesizing about racial discrimination, because as they report that according to both black and white residents, there was none (Schwieder et al. 2003:168-

177). In the early twentieth century, like Allensworth pioneers, the black residents of

Buxton turned toward an “organizational life,” creating and joining various societies, church groups, service clubs, and booster clubs. Joining these segregated organizations, such as the “black YMCA,” was not done in response to pressure from the whites, the authors say; “they existed in Buxton because black residents wanted them” (Organ

1995:125; Schwieder et al. 2003:158-159). Allensworth is an example of an intentional community best described in an article entitled The Interpretive Potential of Utopian

Settlements (2006). Thad M. Van Bueren and Sarah A. Tarlow describe utopian as the

effort by “real people pursuing visionary alternative lifestyles,” and utopianism , “an

attempt to create an ideal society,” is prescribed by this text (2006:1). Geographer David

Organ looks at this type of settlement in his dissertation, The Historical Geography of

African American Frontier Settlement (1995), as one of the six distinct stages of African

American frontier settlement: maroon colonies, utopian communes, and freedman villages, contraband camps/agrarian co-operatives and college town, frontier homestead colonies, worker towns and camps, and suburban enclaves (Organ 1995:3, 82-105).

Organ considers Allensworth one of the “frontier homestead colonies” where “white philanthropy and paternalism would no longer be the primary spark for organized African

American settlement” (1995:97). Nonetheless, the 1911 White House Hotel perhaps stands alone in the category of archaeological investigations (1980-1982) of hotels that existed during the Jim Crow era (Gradwohl and Osborn 1984: 86-91).

In the 1990’s, archaeological literature turned toward a more holistic look at assemblages. While Leland Ferguson (1992) devoted time to Africanisms and other race markers, Theresa Singleton and Mark Bograd believe that more than the functional lines of inquiry need to be accomplished to interpret African American sites. They state, “It may indicate that a particular site is an African American site, but not what it was like to be black at that site” (Singleton and Bograd 1995:22). Even so, ethnic markers are ambiguous. Nine years later, archaeologist J. W. Joseph points out that African

American archaeology and cultural resources management (CRM) converged in the late

1960s with the mandate of compliance with federal and state government regulations. He concludes that Africanisms disappeared from the archaeological record in the nineteenth century and in its absence CRM practitioners have analyzed assemblages using methods developed for Euro-American sites. The outcome of this application was an interpretation of African American artifact assemblages as indicative of low social economic status or as an assimilation or mimicry of Euro-American cultural norms

(Joseph 2004:19). Joseph argues that there is room for knowledge of African cultural behavior to compliment the African American perspective to balance these analyses

(2004:25).

Paul Mullins and Charles Orser contributed to the discourse with their respective studies on class distinctions through consumer culture by exploring archaeology and race

(Mullins 1999; Orser 2001, 2004), advocating the connection between consumerism,

14 material culture, and racialization. The Praetzellis’ 2004 report on the I-880 Cypress

Freeway Replacement Project, Putting The “There” In There: Historical Archaeologies of West Oakland , simply states that “the method of historical archaeology is to weave together the data from the ground, from the archives, from maps, and photographs, and from oral history consultants around the material remains left by the participants in this process” (2004:6). Maria Franklin and Larry McKee made note of African Diaspora

archaeological accomplishments, but remain unsatisfied, citing “a considerable gap between the field’s expectations for itself and its actual accomplishments” (2004:1). We

need, they say, “diverse theoretical and methodological frameworks” to work with our particular forms of evidence. In effect, the growing pains of a relatively new field has room for new “perspectives, experiences, and projections” and by embracing a multi- disciplinary view (2004:1-5).

University of California Berkeley professor Laurie Wilkie makes the point that archaeologists have the potential to make a greater contribution by expanding our understanding of the African diaspora. Expanding across geographical and cultural areas and embedding the search for cultural continuities into larger social issues is a workable framework (Wilkie 2004:113). Wilkie observed that representations of African

Americans in the past show them as being “always enslaved, always engaged in agricultural pursuits, always living under the shadow of the planter and most important always separate” (2004:111). The political convictions and social capacity of the African

American have been overlooked.

Dr. Eleanor Mason Ramsey, in Allensworth--A Study In Social Change (1977), argues that the community of Allensworth is one particular group of black people, “in a

15 particular epoch, within a specific geographical area” who “structured its social relation to reflect aspects of Afro American cultural traditions” (1977:1). She considers that for an ethnohistorian, the goal is to present an emic perspective, and she writes that there should be a consideration of “the group’s social structural capacity to manipulate the power necessary to obtain the requisite conditions for a viable community” (1977:5).

Project Methodology

The research documents from the Allensworth Project span 35 years. The

Allensworth Hotel records included archaeological and historical data gathered between

1985 and 1989. In order to reconstruct the archaeological landscape and to review the

site methodology recorded 18 years ago, the original crew, California State

archaeologists Phillip Hines, Betty Rivers, and Rae Schwaderer, were consulted. Betty

Rivers directed the 1988 historical research of Allensworth, later assisted by Terri Lopez,

the Regional Interpretive Specialist for the California State Parks Gold Fields District.

Eleanor Mason Ramsey’s dissertation, Allensworth--A Study in Social Change

(1977), was an essential chronicle used as a guide to resources for this study and for the

Allensworth Historical Project by the Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR) in the

1970s and 1980s.

Four California institutions retain the Allensworth material culture collections of primary and secondary evidence. The collection at the African American Museum and

Library at Oakland (AAMLO) consists of documents and photographs chronicling

Allensworth and more specifically the Hackett and Towns families. The collection stored

at the Department of Parks and Recreation-Cultural Resources Division/Archaeological

Collections Unit consists of Allensworth archaeological data, artifacts, and photographs

16 related to the excavations. The Department of Parks and Recreation also produced two documentary films about Allensworth, The Spirit of Allensworth (1979) and Allensworth,

A Piece of the World (2003). The California State Archives contains the oral history interviews, tapes, memoirs, census records, and DPR Allensworth Historical Project planning documents. The University of California Davis (UCD) has copies of a very

specific selection of the transcribed Allensworth residents’ oral history interviews. Myra

Frances Burton utilized the data from UCD in her thesis : Creating a Favorable

Sentiment, Allensworth, California (1995).

Essential to the archaeological analysis and interpretation of the cataloged artifacts were consultations with Senior State Archaeologist Glen Farris, Larry Felton,

Peter Schultz, and Aimee Hayes of the Department of Parks and Recreation

Archaeological Collections Unit, and Erica Gibson of the Anthropological Studies Center at Sonoma State University. Both centers have an extensive library of archaeological reports and other resources for artifact identification and dating.

Conversations with Colonel Allensworth’s granddaughter, Josephine Blodgett

Smith; former resident, Alice Hackett Royal; Cornelius Edward Pope, Allensworth’s current resident historian; George Finley, the former president of the Friends of

Allensworth organization, and Nettie Morrison, “designated Mayor” of the present day

Allensworth, all provided intimate observations of the colony’s historical and contemporary presence. The talks elicited informative childhood memories as well as very diverse perspectives of life at Allensworth. Synthesis of all data is achieved by using timelines as an assessable format to achieve a contextualized view of Allensworth within the Jim Crow era (Tables 1-9).

Chapter 2

A Brief History of Reconstruction and the Jim Crow Era

Introduction

Treatment of the slaves fleeing the South at the beginning of the Civil War was left to the discretion of the military commander, “determined by his personal opinions, his political bias, and his military training” (Pierce:1971:3). Some of the people were employed within the ranks with no pay, others were returned to their owners, relocated to

“farm camps,” and yet others became “equipped negro regiments” (1971:5). Ultimately, the fate of many of the refugees fell into the hands of various segments of the American population and their beliefs. Some of these included the abolitionists and benevolent societies, proslavery groups, and “men of different temperaments and different conceptions of a soldier’s duty” (1971:3). There were efforts by the government to established camps, housing projects, small villages, which eventually lead to resettlement projects at places like Port Royal, the South Sea Islands, and even Liberia (1971:13). By

1865, the federal government established the Freedmen’s Bureau as the central

organization for the welfare of the freedmen. The bureau authorized further relief in the

form of healthcare, education, clothing, fuel, temporary shelter, and the use of tracts of

abandoned lands for rent (1971:45).

By the end of the Civil War, the breakdown of institutional slavery as the base of

the economic and social system in the Confederate states triggered a campaign by

southern antagonists to regulate the freedmen’s lives. Southerners enforced a set of laws

called, the “Black Codes” as an attempt to counteract the Federal government’s

reconstruction efforts. These codes, written into state constitutions, regulated the social,

18 political, and economic lives of the freedmen that remained in the southern states. Like sentiments expanded to the northern and the western states. In fact, state laws and constitutions of most of the southern states, and Okalahoma and Texas, found it necessary to define “Negro and Colored” for clarification in enforcing the laws. State penal codes reflected this posture between 1865 and 1927 (Franklin and Starr 1967:4-7).

South Carolina set up special courts for blacks to deal with any violation of the statutes

(Bergman 1969:244-246). Early California was defined by a fresh idealism except when it came to property and gold, Blacks, Native Americans, and Asians (Lapp 1977:192).

The codes were the precursor to the Jim Crow laws, which for the next century were the foundations of a racialized American ideology.

Reconstruction

During the Reconstruction period from 1865 to 1877, a series of legislations focused on segregation, integration, equality, and inequality, all exemplifying the complicated racial sentiments that prevailed across the United States. By end of the Civil

War, the federal government, charged with restructuring a cohesive union, began with presidential reconstruction policies and relief programs supervised by the newly formed

Freedman’s Bureau. During this period of instability, development of new social systems was imperative for the adaptation and re-education of the planters and municipalities, as well as the freedmen (Wharton 1947:5). In order to assist the states in managing the hundreds of thousands of freedmen that were pouring into southern and northern cities, the bureau focused on temporary relief in the form of shelter, to finding “garden plots” and arranging legal marriages, contract negotiations between freedmen and planters, and providing education and healthcare (1947:74-75). The Freedman’s Bureau made plans

19 with Mississippi planters to retain the freedmen by employment through work camps, infirmary farms, leased plantations, and sharecropping or by making wage arrangements for services (1947:42, 63-66). Also during this period, abolitionists shifted their focus from anti-slavery legislation to fighting for equal rights in the courts (McPherson

1965:494).

The concerted efforts by abolitionists to incorporate equality into the law of the land met with equal opposition from particular northern and southern Republicans and

Democrats who wanted to reestablish or maintain the status quo of white supremacy

(McPherson 1965:493). Contrasting opinions on efforts to segregate or integrate were in part due to economic interests, particularly by the owners of the rail systems and the agricultural landholders. These differences resulted in a century of civil rights cases, which were primarily a succession of legislative repeals of the “black codes” (Nieman

1978:95; Woodward 1964:54; McPherson 1965:495).

In southern states like Virginia and Mississippi, political factions refused to cooperate and adhere to concessions set forth by with the federal government.

Simulating antebellum control, southern state legislators passed the first “black codes,” which aggressively restricted the rights of the freed people. The goal was to prohibit freedmen from leasing rural land, thereby compelling them to remain on the plantations to work and to prevent the rise of “Negro colonies” and “semi-independent farmers”

(Nieman 1978:93-97; Wharton 1947:93-94). After a hard-fought battle by abolitionists,

Congress passed the Civil Rights Acts of 1866 and 1875, guaranteeing equal rights with provisions, and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments in 1868 and 1870, guaranteeing equal protection and voting rights. Southern efforts to maintain white

20 entitlement continued to intensify. Rebellious riots and massacres plagued cities in

Louisiana, Mississippi, Virginia, triggering the establishment of the first chapter of the

Ku Klux Klan in Tennessee. Violent and denigrating acts against Blacks became routine in many southern counties. In the years between 1870 and 1877, Congress enacted two

Enforcement Acts to impose the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, to gain control of the Ku Klux Klan, and others by imposing martial law (Wormser 2003:25).

In an attempt to gain control of the southern states, the United States government passed the Reconstruction Acts of 1867, which divided the southern states into five militarized districts until their governments conceded to “full black-suffrage and ratify the Fourteenth Amendment” (Kolchin1972:154). The acts gave the rights to the district commanders to “protect all persons in their rights of person and property, to suppress insurrection, disorder and violence, and to punish . . . all disturbers of the public peace”

(Bergman 1969:254). The acts also called for the enfranchisement of “former slaves in the South” (Peirce 1971:161-162).

Before the emancipation, plans preparing for segregated colonies and work camps within and outside of the United States were being implemented, as hundreds of thousands of “fugitive slaves” made their way to the Union boundaries and beyond seeking asylum, freedom, and means (Wharton 1947:42-47). After emancipation, implementation of federal and state legislative doctrines was “erratic and inconsistent”

(Woodward 1964:52). In a move devised by the Freedman’s Bureau, six hundred freedmen, disillusioned and in fear for their lives, immigrated to Liberia in 1867 to build a new colony joining other who immigrated from Mississippi 20 years earlier (Huffman

2004; Painter 1977:137-145).

The Hayes-Tilden Compromise of 1877 removed the military from the south and

left the freedmen at the whim of white southern antagonists. The compromise was based

on political negotiations between the Republicans and the Democrats to ensure a

Republican presidency. The doctrine removed the federal troops from the South, allowed

a southern Democrat in the presidential cabinet, and supported economic benefits to the

South. This essentially dismantled reconstruction efforts and the enforcement of racial

equality in the south (Foner 1988:575-587).

Depending often on geography and political sentiment, state laws sustained

segregation of public transportation, housing, public schools, employment, church

organizations, cemeteries, and public accommodations including restaurants and hotels

well into the mid-twentieth century (McPherson 1965:500; Woodward 1964:52).

The Jim Crow Era

“Jim Crow” began as a minstrel caricature of a black man created to amuse white

audiences around 1828 (Woodward 1964:100-103). By the 1880s, it became associated

with a complex of laws designed to separate the races and control the equitable

advancement of African Americans in America. At the turn of the century, social

scientists and biologists around the world began to analyze the so-called “Negro problem” and created the “racialist movement” based on studies by turn of the century

eugenicists (American Anthropological Association 2007; Myrdal 1944; Odum 1946).

During this period, segments of the African American population began to embrace the

doctrines of the Black leadership of the day, Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. DuBois, and

Marcus Garvey, and Ida B. Wells. Across the United States, Jim Crow laws solidified

22 the racial divide by biological differences between black and white citizens until the Civil

Rights Act of 1964. This act ended legal segregation of educational and public facilities.

However, by 1877, economic and racial difficulties drove thousands of southern blacks to emigrate to the northwestern and southwestern states and Africa rather than contending with the escalated white southern violence. At times, they organized to discourage the emigration movement by intimidation or murder (Meier 1963:59-68). By

1878, an estimated 600 African Americans were lynched and two hundred more immigrated to Liberia (Painter 1977:137).

In 1879, the “Great Exoduster Movement” was well underway as black political leaders Frederick Douglass, Sojourner Truth, and others protested the escalated injustices the Compromise of 1877 brought about. Black political contingents were often divided in their support of the exodus. Douglass stated that as a strategy “it is a surrender as it would make freedom depend upon migration rather than protection” (Wormser 2003:35).

Colonel Allensworth attended the National Conference of Colored Men of the United

States in Nashville, Tennessee in 1879 to discuss the position and future of blacks in the

South and the deteriorating opportunities in politics precipitated by the Compromise of

1877. The focus of the meetings turned to the black migration from the South. Debating the divided opinions about the movement, some of the delegates, loyal in sentiment to the

South, thought it a hasty move to leave without a fight. Others, who believed as

Allensworth did, resolved to “support it and find ways to encourage it” (Oder 1994:107-

110). Hundreds of black towns were founded by the 1890s, as Jim Crow expanded in the southern states, abolishing all civil rights. Between 1890 and 1900, 1500 African

Americans and radicals were lynched (Painter 1977:137) and another wave of migrations were underway.

By the early twentieth century, the focus on African Americans had become a

“negrophobia” falsely validated by scientists, perpetuated by mass media, and supported with consumer products (Bell 1992:42; Wormser 2003:103-107). Wormser notes that

“White supremacy had become a national ideology” (2003:104), and it was embedded into the core of American culture. African Americans had to contend with a host of anthropologists, sociologists, and biologists, who were openly debating and acting upon the idea that “Negroes” were or were not equal to whites (Hrdlicka 1903; Odum 1910).

In 1915, President Woodrow Wilson approved the release of The Birth of a

Nation , a racist film glorifying the Ku Klux Klan and its resurgence (Wormser

2003:121). In 1917, the Oakland Chapter of the National Association for the

Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) campaigned successfully against the film’s

release in California (McBroome 1993:38-39). As urban and rural black towns and

communities increased across the country, the Jim Crow laws were inherent as a political

and civil challenge. Between 1860 and 1910, California’s African American population

grew slowly from 4,086 to 21,645 (du Graff et al. 2001:14), working their way into

California society with an increasingly politically aware middle class population that was

well organized and campaigning to secure equal opportunities (Taylor 2003:14).

The Public Accommodation Laws

Across the country, any offender against the state’s public accommodation laws

was either heavily fined or imprisoned. These laws prohibited blacks from using any public accommodations in white establishments. To prohibit segregation, Senator

George Sumner introduced a Senate bill to Congress in 1870. Abolitionist leader

Frederick Douglass urged its passage, stating, “The baleful influence upon the children of the colored race of being taught by separation from the whites that the whites are superior to them may be destroyed.” The bill passed as the Civil Rights Act of 1875, prohibiting discrimination in public transportation, church organizations, juries, hotels/inns, and restaurants, but failed to desegregate schools and cemeteries. Prior to its passage, New

York abolitionists fought and won a campaign for desegregation of hotels and restaurants in 1873 but by 1883, there had been few isolated efforts to integrate public accommodations. The Supreme Court declared the Civil Rights Act unconstitutional in

1883, stating that, “the adjustment of social relations of individuals, was beyond the power of Congress” (McPherson 1978:91-118).

California Reconstruction and Jim Crow

During the debates on the formation of the California State Constitution in 1849, legislators opposed white southerners’ entrance into the territory with their slaves only to free them after a period of servitude in the goldmines. In that debate, it was argued “. . . they would degrade labor, and thereby arrest the progress of enterprise and greatly impair the prosperity of the state.” Opposing this resolution, California State legislator Shannon stated, “I do contend that free men of color have just as good a right and ought to have, to emigrate here as white men. They are required in every department of domestic life; they form a body that [has] become almost necessary for our domestic purposes” (Browne

1850:139-140). However, similar to the southern states, California was more interested in keeping the ex-slaves in their place and out of the state, discouraging immigrating

25 freedmen by adhering to the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and by creating statutes that further segregated the black and white populations .

Outside of the south, California passed more Jim Crow laws than any other state in the country between 1866 and 1947. The laws primarily reflected the growing anxiety over the Asian population in California. The laws mimicked the southern statutes prohibiting interracial marriages and the provision of court testimony by persons of other races against whites; they denied nonwhites the opportunity for jury service, restricted voting rights, and segregated schools, public transportation, and accommodations such as hotels and restaurants.

“. . . children of African descent not living under the care of white people would not be admitted to public schools… but that a separate school must be established for them if the parents or guardians of at least ten black children appealed to the local board of education.” The Revised School Law of 1866 (in Goode 1974:83; Statutes of California 1865-66, chap. 342, “An Act Amendatory of and Supplementary to an Act to Provide for a System of Common Schools,” sec. 57, “Negro, Mongolian and Indian Children,” and sec. 58, “Vote on Admission,” p. 398)

These laws were in place by 1908, when Allensworth was founded. In 1913,

California passed laws restricting alien land purchases, focusing on the Asian population but ultimately restricting African Americans, Native Americans, and Latinos alike. The

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was established

in Los Angeles in 1913 and achieved a nationwide membership of 90,000 by 1920.

Allensworth residents were affiliated with the NAACP in 1914 (Ramsey 1977:81,113).

The Ku Klux Klan, one of many white supremacist vigilante groups, reestablished itself

in 1915, reaching a membership of 4,000,000 by 1925. Between 1900 and 1930, an

26 estimated 2,050 African Americans and radicals were lynched (although no lynchings were recorded in California.

In 1910, the retired military soldiers in Allensworth formed a type of patrol unit.

The purpose of this unit was to thwart any attempt to compromise the welfare of the

settlers.

…when we came to Allensworth there was a lot of fear in those days…a lot of prejudice against Negroes. [The] pioneers didn’t know how the people in the little white towns were going to react toward them. [The] old ex-soldiers drilled, had signals, trained, and could signal a mile and a half away to gather help (Ramsey 1976b).

Chapter 3

A Concise History of Allensworth, California

From Allen Allensworth to Booker Taliaferro Washington, asking permission to name the Park at Allensworth in his honor:

Los Angeles, Calif., June 27, 1908

Dear Sir: I have just read with a great degree of satisfaction a mention of your condolence to Mrs. Cleveland in our behalf. This action I appreciate very much, and I think the great mass of our people will do the same. I take great pleasure in informing you that I have just completed an organization to be known as the California Colony and Home Promoting Association. The object of this Association is to unite with you in creating favorable sentiment for the race. One of the chief purposes of this association will be to mold public opinion, favorable to intellectual and industrial liberty. To this end I have secured over nine thousand acres of the richest land in central California, where the Colony will be located, on the main line of the Santa Fe railroad. A town will be established upon the most scientific basis and improved methods of city building. As it is just as cheap to begin right as wrong, we will commence with the ownership of public utilities. We intend to demonstrate to the world that we can be and do , thus meeting the expectation of our friends, and to encourage our people to develop the best there is in them under the most favorable conditions of mind and body. This we have in California, as you are aware. It is my desire to have our streets given names of historical and educational value. In the midst of this city we will have a lake, surrounded by a park, to be named – if you have no objection – “Washington” Park, in honor of the greatest negro sentiment maker in the world. Have you any objection? Respectfully yours, Allen Allensworth, Lieut-Colonel U.S.A. Retired (TLS Con.364 BTW Papers DLC) (Harlan, Smock, Woodruff 1980)

BTW replied that he had no objection to naming the park after him, and thanked Allensworth for thinking of him (July 7, 1908, Con. 364, BTW Papers DLC) (Washington 1908).

Environmental Setting

The Colonel Allensworth State Historic Park sits on a dry lakebed, known as

Tulare Lake. This climate-controlled lake, situated on the western side of the San

Joaquin Valley of central California, is sandwiched between the Sierra and Coast mountain ranges. Tulare Lake was once the largest body of inland fresh water east of the

Mississippi. As late as the 1890s, the lake depended on seasonal runoffs from the

Kaweah, King, and Tule rivers at its north end and the White River, Deer, and Poso

Creeks at its southern tip. With no outlet to the sea, during high water years, Tulare Lake engulfed the now dry lakebeds of Buena Vista and Kern, 55 miles to the south

(Thompson 1892). The occurrence is not remarkable (Wallace and Riddle 1991; Latta

1949). This intermittent lake reached a historic high stage in 1862, covering an area of

800 square miles and by contrast, in 1898, the lakebed was reportedly dry for the first time. From 1923 until 1936, the lakebed was dry (Grunsky 1930; Ramsey 1977:47-48).

In 1908, when Allensworth pioneers began to settle into the town, the basin was in a period of below average rainfall. These fluctuations in precipitation and elevation of the lakebed affected the plant and animal life and influenced climatic conditions. High winds churned the dusty alkaline soil of the area in dry years. “Winds were strong enough to make you fly,” Pauline Hall Patton remembers, reciting a story about taking flight with a lawn umbrella “for ten yards or so down the field” and “colliding with grease wood scrubs” (Ramsey 1977:49).

The waterways feeding the lake had been in the process of diversion by a system of levees, reservoirs, and irrigation ditches, built by local rancher/farmers from the early

1850s until the federal reclamation project completed the series of aqueducts in 1926.

The scarcity of water for recreation did not deter the patrons of the many gun clubs in the area. Allensworth and Tulare Lake are situated under the Pacific flyway. Mr. Joe Durrel of Allensworth worked for one of the members of the Visalia Gun Club, as did other

Allensworth residents. He remembers building Duck Lake some time between 1910 and

1920. “We took six months to build that Duck Lake, and the ducks would come right over that lake and we’d shoot them” (Ramsey 1976a:28). However, by this time at

Allensworth, the four artesian wells, seemingly plentiful in 1908, were showing signs of an inadequate water supply by 1910, when the hotel opened.

The Allensworth pioneers also took advantage of the opportunities to hunt jackrabbits and waterfowl that were drawn to the many watering holes and canals that dotted the area. Many residents cultivated alfalfa to feed their livestock and for a fee white farmers were allowed to route their sheep and cattle through the outlying farms of the town and sometimes through the middle of town, as one resident remembers. A number of Allensworth landowners and residents rented their properties to the surrounding white cotton farmers and other Allensworth inhabitants.

A number of water canals use to run at the town’s borders. Early Allensworth boasted overflowing artesian wells. However, by 1912, the resident farmers were on watering schedules. Josephine Hackett remembers that her father’s turn was usually in the middle of the night. At times, there were heated discussions amongst the members of the Allensworth Progressive Association, about the watering schedules and the implications of the steady drop in the water table (Hackett n.d.). Early efforts to remedy the situation were waylaid. Water issues plagued the community until the 1960s, when arsenic-laden water was discovered.

The Story of Allensworth, California

Colonel Allen Allensworth was quite the accomplished man before he founded

Allensworth. He was born a slave in Kentucky in 1842. He escaped slavery three times, was a jockey in Kentucky, served as a soldier in the Union Army and the United States

Navy. He was also a restaurateur in Ohio, a professor of theology, an orator, a civil rights activist, and a retired chaplain of the all-black Twenty-fourth Infantry Regiment of the United States Army. Over the years, his interests in the advancement of African

Americans led to his political convictions based on a combination of principles put forth by Booker T. Washington’s stance on the importance of technical education and W. E. B.

DuBois’s concept of the “talented tenth” to uplift the African American masses (Oder

1994:5).

While serving in California at Angel Island and the Presidio of San Francisco

from December 9, 1900 to August 4, 1902 (DPR 1982), Colonel Allensworth observed

that African Americans in the West were not the only race “at the bottom of the social

order.” Native Americans, Hispanics, and Chinese people were also on the list. He

considered the West less hostile to blacks on racial matters and perceived that in

California he would have an opportunity to develop a town that would parallel a military

community and experience minimal oppression from whites (Oder 1994:6). After his

retirement from the Army in 1906, the Colonel’s goal was to create a community for

African Americans that provided opportunities for advancement, then to “broadcast their

accomplishments” as a means of educating public opinion and changing white sentiment

(1994:392).

In 1908, the Colonel and his colleagues, Professor William Alexander Payne,

John W. Palmer (a retired miner from Nevada), Dr. William H. Peck (a minister of the

African Methodist Episcopal Church in Los Angeles), and Harvey Mitchell (a real estate specialist from Los Angeles), secured 3000 acres of land with a platted 80-acre town site.

Three white-owned companies held the land. The Pacific Farming Company, out of Los

Angeles, was the most visible. Allensworth and his constituents formed the California

Colony and Home Promoting Association (CCHPA), which assisted Pacific Farming

Company in promoting the establishment of the town (Ramsey 1978:14-16; Hamilton

1991:138).

The site straddled the Santa Fe railroad between Fresno and Bakersfield in the alkaline-ridden soil of the Tulare Lake basin. Allensworth’s association “contracted with the Pacific Farming Company for some unrecorded amount of money to secure African

American settle” and to reserve the outlying land for other potential African American purchasers (1991:140). An article announcing the new town appeared in the August 7,

1908 issue of the Tulare County daily paper, the Daily Tulare Register . African

American newspapers such as the New York Age (January 1912) and California Eagle

(1914) carried follow-up articles. Allensworth and his associates in connection with the

Pacific Farming Company created and released a single promotional news publication called The Sentiment Maker on May 15, 1912.

In all probability, there were promotions in other parts of the country, in light of

the geographical origins of the purchasers (Hamilton 1991:140) and the propensity for

“word of mouth.” The 1910, 1920, and 1930 United States Census reports list

Allensworth residents from Canada, Alabama, Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Kansas,

Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North

Carolina, Ohio, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Washington DC, West Virginia, Los

Angeles, Alameda, and Oakland, California. It is evident by the documentation of the families and in particular, the children’s places of birth, that some made their way west routing through several different states on the way. In fact, former Allensworth resident

Joe Durrel remembers when in his hometown of New Orleans, his friend Mr. Woods was approached by his own grandson Journee White and two white men promoting

Allensworth. Woods’s grandson, Journee, was a professional booster from Los Angeles traveling around the country to promote Allensworth. Durrel explains, “They went around the country to ballyhoo the sale of this land through Colonel Allensworth”

(Ramsey 1976a). Mr. Woods, his wife Elvia, son Freddy, and Joe Durrel moved to

Allensworth in 1910 for 10 years. The Woods eventually managed the hotel from 1916-

1917.

The Allensworth Hotel

The Allensworth Hotel opened for business in 1910. Elizabeth Dougherty, the

absentee builder and owner of the Allensworth Hotel and property, employed six

managers between 1910 and 1927. There is no evidence that Mrs. Dougherty ever saw

the hotel. She died in 1937 at the age of 81 in Oakland. Her obituary in the Oakland

Tribune stated that she was “possibly one of the wealthiest colored women in the State”

and was “listed as owner of outstanding business real estate here and in other States”

(1937: C-7). The property deed stipulated that Dougherty, who purchased Lots 23 and 24

in Block 28 in July of 1910, should not sell or keep any “spirituous or intoxicating liquors

of any kind whatsoever.” In addition “no gambling, prostitution or prize fighting”

33 should be practiced “on any part of said land” or it would revert to the grantor (Deeds,

Tulare County Records, Book 177:136-138).

The hotel underwent structural changes between 1927 and 1938 when it was used as a private residence for a number of individual families. A white farmer by the name of

Jack C. Phillips bought the parcel willed to Dougherty’s relative, Howard Desky in 1938 and contracted to move the hotel to his property. Phillips then used the hotel as a bunkhouse for his farm workers. The Phillips family retained the property until it was acquired by the Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR) in 1974 (Deeds, Tulare

County Records, Book 824: 449; Book 825:247; Book 1558:22).

The room and board was 75 cents a night at the Allensworth Hotel. The restaurant, open to the community, served home-cooked meals made with ingredients from the hotel garden and from the local farmers and hunters who lived in and outside of

Allensworth. Most of the residents had chicken and pig yards, as did the hotel.

When church delegations traveled to Allensworth, the guests stayed at the hotel, gathered for breakfast, and were perhaps entertained by the hotel waiter, Toy Madison.

Many former Allensworth residents remembered him as an energetic young man with a brilliant mind. “He use to come in with a great big tray full of food held high, tap danced like Bo Jangles Robinson, and no soup or no coffee would spill” (Ramsey 1976b).

The dining hall doubled as a recreation center where regular Saturday night dances and musical events were held. Lester Williams, known in west coast jazz circles, played for the children’s dances at the hotel when he came to visit his relatives at

Allensworth. The hotel also had a player piano for three cents a tune.

Allensworth also attracted Santa Fe railway travelers and transient workers that supported the many businesses including the hotel (Ramsey 1978:163). It is not known if there was a hotel register, but one can only assume that when overnight visitors came to town the hotel was most likely a pleasant and entertaining option.

Allensworth Hotel Management

1910-1916. Mr. John S. Morris and his wife Clara Morris were the first proprietors of the Allensworth Hotel, hired by the owner, Elizabeth Dougherty. On

October 3, 1914, the California Eagle , a prominent African American newspaper, published an announcement introducing the Morrises’ to the outlying community that said, “The Allensworth Hotel business is conducted by John Morris and is managed by his wife who has large experience in that line.” This refers to the catering business the couple sold in Bakersfield so that they could settle in Allensworth to open the hotel

(Ramsey 1978:163). Mr. Morris was by trade a machinist, operating and repairing well- boring and traction engines, as advertised in the same article (California Eagle, 3 October

1914:1). According to the newspaper accounts, Mr. Morris accompanied Mr. Towns and

family to Bakersfield to pick up equipment to help build a well. Early Allensworth had

three artesian wells, a series of irrigation ditches, a canal, and two reservoirs. Henry

Singleton remembers when no pumps were needed in 1910, because “water gushed

twenty-four hours a day. Bud Harlan almost got killed there –fell right in” (Ramsey

1976b). When Joe Durrel arrived in town 1910, he lived at the hotel while his family

home was being built. Mr. Durrel and Mr. Morris knew each other from their hometown

of New Orleans where they ran a business drilling wells. Mr. Durrel’s wife, Hadie

Ewing, and their two children joined him in 1911.

This period saw a rapid growth in population and businesses in Allensworth. The population of Allensworth from 1909 to 1914 fluctuated between 120 to 200 people.

Businesses included a postal service by 1914, and four multi-functional stores. Mary

Bickers’ store included the family home, a café, and at one time the post office. Maria

Dotson’s bakery and Milner’s barbershop were also popular destinations. Carter’s Livery

Stable hired out horses and buggies to transient businesspersons and other travelers,

sometimes meeting them at the train depot just up the road.

Many of the people that lived in Allensworth were formally educated, holding

high school, college, and normal school degrees for teaching. However, teaching positions were available in very few white schools and there were virtually no black

schools in the area. Jobs were difficult to acquire and the choices were limited to service positions. The Allensworth Depot and the grain warehouse employed mostly Mexicans

and whites. Many businesses in outlying towns displayed signs in their windows reading,

“No Negroes, Filipinos, Mexicans, or Dogs” (Ramsey 1978:156).

Consequently, occurrences outside the boundaries of Allensworth contributed to

its economic demise. Water struggles and a court battle with the Pacific Farming

Company achieved minimal results in spite of a signed contractual agreement. The

Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway spurred a line to Alpaugh, six miles north,

essentially removing Allensworth’s economic base. The grain warehouse, from which all

exports were shipped, was dismantled and moved to Alpaugh. Colonel Allensworth died

in 1914, killed by a motorcyclist in Monrovia, affecting the moral the town in loss of its

founding leader. Assembly Bill 299, spearheaded by Professor William Payne and Oscar

Overr to establish the Allensworth Polytechnic Institute, was defeated in 1915 by state

36 legislators and the Los Angeles African American electorate. From here, Allensworth continued to struggle with the water issue. Getting water for the community became the priority along with establishing a solid economic base.

1916-1917. What is remembered about Joe and Elvie Woods is tragic. The

couple, along with their young son Freddy, accompanied Joe’s father and his wife Belle

to Allensworth in 1910 from New Orleans and became the hotel proprietors in 1916 for

one year. Elvie received frequent accolades for her hospitality and for the special meals

she cooked and shared welcoming newcomers to Allensworth. “Mrs. Woods,” Josephine

Hackett noted, “could set an elegant table.” Unfortunately, on June 9, 1917, in the rear bedroom of the hotel, Mrs. Woods and her baby died in childbirth. Seven years old at the

time, Josephine Hackett remembered the scene well. Mrs. Archer, a resident, town nurse,

and community midwife, led Josephine into the hotel room. After she saw the “sad

sight” she describes, “Mr. Woods was in the yard crying bitterly with his four-year-old

son Freddy at his side, wailing in sympathy” (Hackett n.d.). Elvie Odessie Woods and

her child are buried at the Allensworth Cemetery.

1917-1922. James (Ned) Coleman died in January 31, 1916 and was buried in the

Allensworth cemetery. His wife, Nannie Coleman, began management of the hotel after

June 1917. The two of them owned property about a mile and a half south of downtown

Allensworth before she took over. Ned, as his friends called him, had a Studebaker. “He used to take guys across the line into Delano and Bakersfield, and they’d come back with their wine bottles,” remembers Singleton, “Tulare County was dry and Kern County was wet” (Ramsey 1976b). Mrs. Coleman sold sacks of coal and coal oil. Joe Durrel recalls,

“Nannie sold coal oil for a long time and was pretty good at it” (Ramsey 1976a:14). She

37 used to employ the youth in town to make deliveries. Henry Singleton delivered to the

Smith house and teased their young daughter Halatha by chanting, “I’m the coal oil man and you gonna marry me!” The people at Allensworth used coal oil, coal, greasewood, cow chips, and sagebrush to burn in their stoves (Ramsey 1976c). When friend Lester

Williams came to town, there was always a lot of music and dancing at the hotel. Henry

Singleton recalled, “He was probably the best or next to the best Negro jazz pianist on the west coast” (Ramsey 1976b). Nannie Coleman McClain died in 1938 and is buried in the

Allensworth Cemetery. In 1928, Nannie’s son James and his daughter Ethel lived in the

Allensworth Hotel.

During this period, America entered World War I and another battle stateside.

Thirty-one race riots occurred between 1917 and 1922, in South Carolina, Washington,

D.C., Arkansas, Illinois, Texas, Pennsylvania, and Oklahoma. Twenty-six riots occurred in the seven months between April and October of 1919, known as the “Red Summer.”

The NAACP led a march in Manhattan, New York protesting the injustices of the United

States democracy. The 1920s ushered in an explosion of creativity in the African

American community that marked the Harlem Renaissance. The same period saw the rise of Marcus Garvey, who promoted black pride and nationalism. In 1922, the United

States Senate killed an anti-lynching bill. Between 1917 and 1922, 335 African

Americans were known to have been lynched.

1922-1924. Mr. Mattox and his wife, Regiana Mattox, managed and lived at the hotel with their two nieces, Viola and Velma Curington. Their neighbors the Hackett family remembers her fondly as being “queenly of bearing, her every instinct was regal . .

. she ruled her kingdom with an iron hand.” (Hackett n.d.). Two telephone poles were

38 installed in 1923, one at the railroad station and the other at the hotel. The area experienced a couple of dry years. The artesian wells were drying fast. They were too deep to dig without the proper equipment, and Tulare Lake was gone. Still, at least 100 names appeared on the 1920 Index to Great Register, according to Eleanor Ramsey

(1977:102). Regiana Mattox died January 17, 1924. She is buried at the Allensworth

Cemetery.

1924. Mrs. Lizzie Jacobs and husband Fritz managed the hotel after Mrs. Mattox

died. Mrs. Jacobs found it hard to adjust to the town’s inconveniences. She spent lots of

time making elaborate garments by hand. Many of the residents considered Fritz a

master chef because of his apple pies. He used to cook for speculator crews drilling for

oil in the area. Josephine Hackett remembers going hunting with her father and they

would “accidentally go by the oil well” where Fritz was working, for a piece of pie

(Hackett n.d.).

1924-1927 . Alice Hackett managed the hotel after her husband died in January of

1924. Alice and James Hackett had five children. The family left a well-established life in Alameda, California when they headed out for Allensworth. Well connected in the

African American community, they were active members of their church and other organizations. James Hackett’s concern for African American progress led him to be an active supporter of the Allensworth community. Mr. Hackett began to build the family home at Allensworth in 1910. He finished the house and a barn by 1912. Using it as a vacation property at first, the family moved in permanently in 1916. Alice maintained her home after her husband died. Little is known about her experience in managing the hotel, but one can only surmise from the family’s home life that the hotel was in good

39 hands. Alice died on December 2, 1932, and is buried next to her husband in the

Allensworth Cemetery.

1928-1938. The hotel was used as private residence during the Great Depression.

Allensworth looked like, and almost was, a ghost town. People were moving in and out of the now abandoned and dilapidated buildings. Much of the land had gone into foreclosure and the owners of dairy and agricultural operations along Allensworth’s borders were acquiring any piece that became available. The Allensworth Hotel underwent major structural changes during this period and it is not known how or when this occurred. Elizabeth Dougherty died in 1937 and the hotel was sold to Jack Phillips in 1938. He moved the hotel to his own property and used it as a bunkhouse for his workers.

1938-1972 . The Allensworth Hotel sat on the neighboring farmer J. C. Phillips’s property, serving as workers quarters.

1972. DPR acquired the land on which the hotel formerly stood. The hotel burned to the ground just before it was to be moved from the Phillips property back to

Allensworth.

1988 . The Department of Parks and Recreation began archaeological

investigations of the hotel.

1989-1990 . The hotel was reconstructed by Dodd and Associates, Sacramento,

California.

The Political Climate

The political climate of Jim Crow played an important role in decisions affecting

Allensworth’s viability. For centuries, people have been engaged in lengthy discourses

40 on the challenges and strategies for negotiating racism in the role of the oppressor or the oppressed. The mid-nineteenth and early twentieth-century struggles through

Reconstruction and Jim Crow are testaments to these negotiations. Within this context, early twentieth-century Californians were part of a contingency of individuals, agencies, and organizations that challenged the legalities of the Jim Crow system of laws (Gilmore

1996:101,178; McBroome 1993:35; Meier 1963:13; Ramsey 1977:109-114; Taylor

1998:196, 207).

Early twentieth-century discourse on segregation by African American

Californians varied dependent on association with the dominant political camps of the

day, the “Duboisian protestors” or the “Washingtonian accommodators” and Garveyism

(Meier 1969:iii). Colonel Allensworth himself believed in the importance of a basic

education but recognized the limitations of industrial and agricultural training. While in a

teaching position with the military, Allensworth developed a combination of a technical

education with a more advanced instruction for leadership, as a principal concept

advocated by DuBois’s “talented tenth” (Oder 1994:5).

Hannibal Johnson states in his book, Acres of Aspirations (2002), the need for

“insular enclaves” for protection from the sting of racism. He further notes that Black

towns “resulted in reaction to a nationalist fervor” (2002:195). Allensworth residents

exhibited interest in three political camps advocating nationalism. First was Booker T.

Washington’s philosophy of accommodation, emphasizing a demonstration of equality

through vocational/industry education and manual labor for economic independence. In

contrast, W. E. B. DuBois defended higher education and the professions in which

Washington and the white community downgraded (Meier 1969:ii-iii). Many of the

41 residents in Allensworth had high school or college degrees but opportunities to put them to use were few. In 1921, residents established a branch of the NAACP. DuBois was a founder of the organization and later publisher of the newsletter The Crisis , which he used as a forum for his thoughts on the state of the race. Third, Allensworth residents embraced Garveyism. They formed a chapter of the United Negro Improvement

Association (UNIA) in the mid-twenties. By this time, life in Allensworth was probably more difficult, given the problems with the water. Garvey believed in Washington’s philosophy of economic self-sufficiency, and visited and admired his school, the

Tuskegee Polytechnic Institute in Alabama. This was a familiar standpoint, and corresponded with the idealistic and hopeful view of the pioneers who remained in

Allensworth. Garveyism gained momentum, creating a great nationalist movement never seen before (McBroome 2001:157).

The importance of these types of communities is expressed in the motivations of the Allensworth pioneers and in the texts of the scholars. Within Allensworth and other intentional black communities, it was a common for the people to desire “a place of our own,” that would “enable colored people to live on an equity with whites” (Hamilton

1991:140). Martha Johnson, an ex-slave, “believed her life would be prolonged if she could return to the soil.” She could not get use to the city (Ramsey 1978:87). A retired soldier, Mr. Phillips thought Allensworth to be a place where he could “build a home and live among others with similar experience” (Ramsey 1978:91-94). Boosters billed the town as a place where “the Negro can rest from mob law, here he can be secure from every ill of the southern policies” (Taylor 1998:145).

It was evident by 1910 that all political camps were operational in California.

There were 159 African American farms in California (Taylor 1998:152). Out of the

21,645 African American urbanites, 71 percent settled into service industry jobs by 1930

(Taylor 1998:224). Two thousand held college degrees, revealing a professional class of preachers, doctors, dentists, journalists, lawyers, artists, photographers, musicians, designers, and architects (Gilmore 1966:329). The population at Allensworth encompassed a spectrum of ideologies, motivations, and occupations. This diverse group of people from different backgrounds built their idea of a utopian community that served for each a personal purpose based on nationalist ideals.

Chapter 4

Archaeological Evidence

Allensworth was built in response to the ideas that W. E. B. DuBois and Booker

T. Washington set forth as a remedy to racial oppression, for social advancement, and as a strategy to gain acceptance in white society. The parallel between the strategy and the archaeological evidence can be as obvious as viewing Allensworth as a cultural landscape, exemplifying the idealist strategy, or as complex as contextualizing the porcelain water pitcher, excavated from the hotel privy, within the ideology. The question is, are they related?

The excavations at the Allensworth Hotel site focused on site validation, determination of content, and establishing the extent of the site. To establish the approximate location and dimensions of the building site, archaeologists used historic photographs and corroborated information drawn from the oral history interviews with former residents.

To accomplish the analysis and interpretation of the archaeological evidence, this project required analysis of previously recorded archaeological research. The California

Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR) archaeologists Dan Bell, Phillip Hines, Lee

Motz, Gary Reinoehl, Betty Rivers, Rae Schwaderer, and zooarchaeologist, Dwight

Simons conducted the archaeological investigations beginning in 1988. Consultations with former project archaeologists Hines, Rivers, and Schwaderer were essential to reconstructing the archaeological work.

In 2005 and 2006, the hotel artifacts were reexamined, additionally cataloged, and photographed, with assistance from DPR archaeologists Glen Farris, Larry Felton, and

Peter Schultz. The artifacts were transported to the Archaeological Studies Center at

Sonoma State University in 2006-2007 for further study. The collection consisted of over one thousand artifacts from four features.

The Role of the California Department of Parks and Recreation

In November of 1971, Department of Parks and Recreation’s (DPR) director,

William Penn Mott, Jr., in cooperation with the Allensworth Advisory Commission, submitted a feasibility study to the Honorable James R. Mills, President Pro Tempore of the California State Senate, in response to Senate Bill No 557 passed in 1970 recommending this action. The study, entitled the Allensworth Feasibility Study , supported the recommendation that Allensworth be “included as a unit of the State Park

System” (DPR 1971: iii, x). Furthermore, the state acknowledged that the “historical and cultural contributions of the Indian, Spanish, Chinese, English, Russian, Mexican and

White American” was provided for and that “the neglect of the Black American has been total” (1971:5). In the same report, the Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) discussed the development of Allensworth Historic Park as “a positive and significant shift for the state” and why it “will be beneficial to the state’s total environment.” The EIS, below, reveals the public sentiment in 1971:

The current spotlight of attention is primarily focused on man’s physical, natural, and man-made environment while nonharmonious attitudes in our social environment are noticeably increasing. Numerous reports have informed the citizens of this state and nation that America is rapidly approaching a polarization of attitudes in the area of race relations. The report of the “National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders,” commonly known as the Kerner Report, stated its basic conclusion was, “Our nation is moving towards two societies, one black, one white – separated and unequal.” This report, which was submitted in March 1968,

further stated, “This deepening racial division is not inevitable, the movement apart can be reversed. Choice is still possible.” The detrimental effect on our society caused by this racial division has cost California a staggering sum in dollars and cents, human resources, and in some cases the actual loss of life. Development of this project, with its unique history, will create an unparalleled education tool for California in its attack on social problems. This project’s effect on the physical and man-made environment is also considered beneficial. The Allensworth area experienced an unnatural deterioration, which changed productive land into non-productive land and a good and abundant water supply into an arsenic-lad(d)en water source in a relatively short period. Current development concepts recommend an extensive land reclamation program and the development of a satisfactory water system (DPR 1971:21).

In 1972, the Colonel Allensworth State Historic Park was accepted to the

National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) as a Historic District. In 1974, DPR

secured acquisition of 320 acres for preservation, development, and interpretation.

Demolition and reconstruction projects of remnant buildings began that year. The

General Development Plan for Allensworth was rejected twice because the State Park and

Recreation Commission felt the plan was too extensive and “would detract from the

historic integrity of the park” (DPR 1976:5). The Commission and Governor Edmund G.

Brown approved the plan in August, 1976. An initial $558,700 specified for the park between 1972 and 1976 funded the archaeological survey, reconstruction, and public facilities projects. Since 1974, the DPR has reconstructed and restored 23 buildings.

Previous Archaeological Studies

Charlotte Williams of the College of Sequoias conducted a cultural resources survey of Allensworth in 1975. The survey, for the National Register of Historic Places

Inventory and Nomination form, revealed no evidence of “previous Indian occupation of

46 the area of the town of Allensworth.” Additional investigations employed by the college included a consultation with a “Yokut Indian authority,” a consultation with an

“Allensworth engineer,” a field survey, and a literature review. A 1976 Historic

Resources Inventory identified five historic buildings that were eventually part of the reconstruction project (NRHP 1971). In 1983, a survey of 35 acres on park property for

“construction of a trailer pad and parking area” concluded, “No historic structures or features are known to have been built or abandoned in these fields” (DPR TU-00633:

1983). Cultural resource surveys conducted in 2000 and 2001 in preparation for the building of fiber optics projects (DPR TU-1100:2001; Nelson 2000: TU-01025; Mason

2000: TU-01191) determined that there were no historic properties that might be affected by these undertakings. A records search performed in November of 2006 by the author of this project revealed two primary records dated October 9, 2004: P-54-004346; P-54-

004347, for a Cultural Resources Assessment: Wastewater Treatment Plant Expansion for the City of Delano, 2004 . Two historic trash scatters and a foundation/structure pad east of the Allensworth rail stop were recorded, between the Atchison Topeka and Santa

Fe railroad tracks and Highway 43. Two features were located. Feature 1 consisted of wooden structural remains with a scattering of glass, ceramic, and shell fragments.

Feature 2, a trash pit, consisted of glass and ceramic fragments with a 1929+ end date.

The primary records stated that most of the cultural materials were associated with occupation and building debris.

Architectural Interpretation of the Allensworth Hotel

In 1910, at the height of the Arts and Crafts Movement, the Allensworth Hotel was built in the Louisiana style of a shotgun house. In 1989, the California Department

47 of Parks and Recreation contracted with Dodd’s and Associates to reconstruct the hotel in the image of the 1910 building. Interpretation of the hotel design depended heavily on interviews, historical photographs, and archaeological findings. Three historical photographs shot between 1910 and ca.1938 document the hotel’s original architecture and its structural changes before it burned down in 1972 (Figures 3- 5). The ca.1938 photograph was not available to the architects at the time of reconstruction. Dr. Eleanor

Mason Ramsey’s 1977 dissertation, Allensworth: A Study in Social Change, documents

and references oral interviews with former residents who talk about the hotel and its

significance in the community (1977:163; 1977a; 1977b; 1977c). Information provided by the Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR) 1988 archaeological investigations

established the 1910 site contributing to the historic information with artifactual

evidence. DPR reconstructed the building based on the 1910 version to keep it in context

of the interpretive historical period 1910-1918. Interviews with the descendants were key

in determining the exterior design and the interior design, and their recollections of the

furnishings were also important for historic accuracy. There were recollections of

furnishings, such as the player piano, round eating tables, stoves, kerosene lighting

fixtures, and bedside and kitchen accessories.

The reconstructed hotel is a one-story building approximately 76 feet long and 22-

1/2 feet wide with a steeply pitched front gable and front and back porches. The

rectangular building is a “double shotgun house” with rooms situated on both sides of a

narrow hallway. The back door is at the opposite end of the hall in direct alignment with

the front door, which is the definition of a shotgun house (Harris 1998:297).

Archaeologist John Vlach, well known for his studies on plantation archaeology,

48 describes this style of dwelling as part of American folk architecture in the Louisiana style with roots in a West African tribe of Benin, the Yoruba (Vlach 1986:58-59). The design is, among other things, a practical environmental adaptation for airflow, especially useful in the 100-degree plus summer heat of the San Joaquin Valley. The design is also the root of the Craftsman-style bungalow. The interior follows the shotgun style as illustrated in Mark J. Hardwick’s thesis, Homesteads and Bungalows: African American

Architecture in Langston, Okalahoma (1994: 131-136). The rooms are on either side of a hallway that extends from the front door entrance to the rear of the hotel, opening up into the kitchen and dining areas.

The building probably rested on a post and pier foundation based on the remnant posts found during the site excavation. The front entry of the hotel is the east façade.

The 1910 hotel had a front-gabled roof with no eaves and a roof ventilator at the apex of the east façade. It is not known what roofing materials the builders used in 1910, but composition shingles were used on the contemporary building. The roof was replaced some time between 1910 and ca.1938, evidenced in the historical photographs (Figures 3-

5). They show the roof with moderate eaves exposed rafters, and knee braces replaced the original roof. The final owner of the hotel, Jim Phillips, donated the Figure 4 photograph to Betty Rivers of the DPR. It is not known if the photograph was taken before or after the hotel was removed from Allensworth in 1938. In Figure 4, an interior chimney flue is seen on the southeast corner of the roof that is not apparent in the 1910 photograph. The grounded wires in the photograph could indicate a few of things: electricity, a street lamp reportedly placed on the street near the hotel, and the hotel telephone, one of two phones in Allensworth. All were discussed in the interviews as

49 being important milestones. A screened-in sleeping porch was added to the west façade of the building when the hotel was used as a private residence between 1927-1938

(Figure 5). Josephine Hackett’s mother managed the hotel at the time and remembers,

“There was kind of a sleeping porch there that my mother stayed in at the back of the hotel.” The porch is shown with a shallow-pitched hip roof. It is not known what the exterior of the west façade looked like before the addition of the screen-in porch.

The number of sleeping rooms in the east wing of the building is a matter of controversy. In her dissertation, Dr. Eleanor Ramsey cites 10 sleeping rooms (Ramsey

1977:163), in contrast to DPR, who constructed seven sleeping rooms and one toilet room. If these decisions were based on the primary data, e.g., interviews and photographs, either could be correct. Nevertheless, there were an equal number of sleeping rooms on either side of the hallway and each of these rooms has one double- hung sash window except for the two rooms at the front entrance to the hotel. These rooms have an additional window that looks out onto a veranda. All of the sleeping rooms have a wood door that leads to the center hallway. The front door opens onto a three-bay open porch or veranda covered by a shallow-pitched shed roof. For access to the porch, a two-step wooden staircase is centered in front of the elevated platform.

At the west end of the hotel is the dining/social area and the kitchen. The dining/social area, also called the recreation hall (Ramsey 1977:163), has four windows.

The building’s third door is on the southwest wall of the kitchen and had a three-step entrance with an overhead hood supported by brackets. By 1927, the third door was removed. Figure 3 shows a metal chimneystack projecting from the roof above this south entrance and in Figure 4 on the southeast corner. The 1989 building has two

50 chimneystacks, one each on the northwest and southwest sides. Allensworth residents remembered that the exterior walls, covered with wood shiplap siding illustrated in all the photographs, were painted light blue or grey with white trim.

At some point, the roof of the 1910 hotel was replaced as it appears in the ca.1927

photograph, which also appears to be very weathered. The roof pitch is the same in both

however, the addition of the extended eaves on the second version was a more

“fashionable” element within the Craftsman style. By 1927, private residents occupied

the hotel and the town was in decline. Figure 4 photograph shows the hotel in disrepair.

Methodology 1988-1989

Six units were excavated: two 6 feet by 6 feet, one 4.5 feet by 4 feet, one 3 feet by

4 feet, and one 2 feet by 3 feet, using arbitrary and stratigraphic methods of excavation.

The excavation exposed four features: Feature 1, a shallow rubble deposit, a standpipe,

and possible well feature; Feature 2, a trash pit; Feature 3, a concrete sidewalk, and

Feature 4, the privy pit (Figure 9).

Archaeologist Betty Rivers has conducted historical research on Allensworth and

the Allensworth Hotel continuously from 1988 to present. Staff members at the DPR

Archaeological Collections Unit performed the initial cataloging of the artifacts.

Archaeologist Phil Hines and zooarchaeologist Dwight Simons analyzed and interpreted

the faunal materials.

Prior to excavations, the 1988 crew completed a pedestrian survey on the two lots

where the hotel stood in 1910. The lots are on the northeast corner at Dunbar and Palmer

Streets (Figure 9), the heart of downtown Allensworth. The front façade of the hotel

faced east towards the railroad. In addition to the hotel, the property once contained a

51 well and water hydrant, a mechanics shop, and a barn/shelter for hogs and chickens.

Noted during the pedestrian survey was a large quantity of fresh water shell as a component of the soil in the general project area. The project site sits on the dry Tulare

Lake basin of a silty coat of alkaline-based alluvium with a common grey-white appearance of the top soil. This environment plays host to specialized plant and animal life such as jackrabbits, and endangered species like the blunt-nosed leopard lizard, the

Tipton kangaroo rat, and the burrowing owl (USDA 1992:18). The soils generally ranged from an organic A-horizon type to a grey-white silty loam and moderately compacted to clayey types. Rodent disturbance was pervasive in all units and described at times, as difficult to distinguish what constituted a cultural disturbance.

Archaeologists used a 900cc-capacity container (approximately one quart) to collect fragmented material and soil samples from every level. The samples were transported to the lab in Sacramento for sorting and quantification. Artifacts were dry screened on location. The soil analysis reports were not reviewed for this project.

Excavations at the site focused on site validation by determining the content and establishing the extent of the site. To establish the approximate location and dimensions of the building site, archaeologists performed pedestrian surveys, used historic photographs, and information drawn from the oral history interviews with former town residents. After removal of all tall vegetation by mowing and or tractor scrapes, archaeologists transected the area to identify any cultural materials or features of the hotel building. A foot reconnaissance revealed a sloping soil bank merging with a five- foot wide path of compacted soils that encircled the probable building site. Interpreted as a footpath, the anomaly was common to the other remnant building sites in the park. The

52 remnants of six embedded pier posts found in a vertical position were likely to have supported the central floor joists of the hotel building. Approximately 15 feet north of the remnant posts lay a concentration of building and occupational materials: nails, linoleum, roofing, roofing nails, wood, window shade rollers coat hanger, shoes, buttons, bottles, aluminum tubes, plastic grommets, snaps, and batteries (Figure 9).

Four-inch deep tractor scrapes facilitated the discovery of Feature 1, the shallow

rubble deposit, Feature 2, a trash pit, Feature 3, chunks of concrete sidewalk slabs, and

Feature 4, the privy pit. Feature 1, a shallow rubble deposit, consisted of wood and

concrete surrounding a metal standpipe and a redwood post remnant (Figure 9).

Shoveling exposed what may have been one of four community wells, corroborating oral

history accounts. Archaeologists excavated the rubble deposit using a “shovel broadcast

technique,” described as “not using screens to sift the soil and saving diagnostics only”

(DPR1988:1-5). Feature 2, the trash pit, involved excavating Unit 1 and Unit 2 in an

effort to relocate the brick feature observed by archaeologist Lee Motz while trench

monitoring in 1985. A large concentration of rusted metal, glass bottle and jars

fragments, and one red brick was found. Feature 3, large chunks of concrete sidewalk

slabs, are the remains of the walkway located in front of the hotel. This feature, which is present in the 1910 photograph of the hotel, helped determine the eastern location of the building site (Figure 3). Feature 4, a four-foot deep unlined privy (Figure 10) located at

the back of the hotel, yielded a variety of food service and food preserving objects

associated with the hotel kitchen. Units 3, 4, 4 Southwest (4SW), and 5 comprised the privy pit. The artifacts were processed at the DPR Collections Unit in West Sacramento.

Also on file are the lists of discarded non-diagnostic artifacts.

Feature and Unit Summaries

The excavation of the Allensworth Hotel site began on September 15, 1988 and concluded on October 15, 1988. The following feature and unit descriptions are summaries of the 1988 archaeological field notes recorded by the State of California

Department of Parks and Recreation archaeologists Dan Bell, Phillip Hines, Lee Motz,

Gary Reinoehl, Betty Rivers, and Rae Schwaderer. Noteworthy are Unit A excavated in

October 1987 and Unit 5 excavated in October of 1988. These units served as demonstration units for the Eleventh and Twelfth Annual Rededication Day ceremonies.

The demonstrations encouraged public participation and were part of the California State

Parks development and management objectives for Allensworth to “provide an opportunity to enjoy a wide range of cultural and educational experiences in a historical setting” (DPR1976:7).

Demonstration - Unit A: October 17, 1987

The Allensworth Eleventh Anniversary Celebration and Rededication Day took place on October 17, 1987. Excavations on the hotel site were scheduled to begin a year

later. The purpose of demonstration Unit A was to introduce the park visitors to

archaeology and its relationship to history and the hotel site (DPR1987:1). Unit A was

chosen as the likely location for a trash pit based on the surface deposit and a slump in

the grass. Archaeologists completed a surface collection for display of glass bottle and

ceramic fragments and faunal materials including a pig’s jawbone with teeth. Unit A

measured 36 by 36 inches and was excavated to a depth of approximately six inches. The public participated by dry screening the soil. White earthenware fragments, a glass bottle

fragment, wire and nail fragments, and a tin can fragment were recovered. “Artifact yield

54 was low,” said archaeologist Betty Rivers, “but it more than served its function for demonstration (Rivers 2006). “They [the people] were delighted” (DPR:1987). The artifacts were redeposited after the demonstration.

Demonstration – Unit 5: 10/14/1988-10/15/1988

For the Twelfth Annual Dedication Ceremony, the previously excavated Unit 5 was used as the demonstration unit for public participation. It is the west section of the excavated privy pit, which also includes units 4 and 4SW. The public was encouraged to participate in a demonstration of excavation techniques and dry screening soil to recover artifacts. Unit 5 yielded 75 artifacts and 800 plus faunal remains.

Rubble Deposit - Feature 1, Unit 1a: 9/15/1988 - 9/19/1988

Feature 1 represents a rubble deposit just below ground surface surrounding a

standpipe. The location of the rubble deposit and standpipe were approximately 25 feet

east of the front entrance of the hotel. The capped standpipe probably represents the

water source referred to by former residents of the town as the well or water main

(Ramsey 1976b). The chunks of concrete found surrounding the standpipe could

represent the pad for a well pump, which was one of four in various locales within the

town (Hackett n.d.; Ramsey 1976).

Two upright spiked railroad ties soaked in creosote flanked the galvanized standpipe. One post appeared to have supported the pipe at one time. An underground horizontal section of another pipe found running south from the feature was not fully exposed. This pipe could represent part of a community water system put into place in

1923 (Hackett n.d.). It lines up with a water pipe previously exposed at the Smith House lot, located to the south, across the street from the hotel (Figure 11). The small deposit of

55 remains recovered from around the standpipe included glass, earthenware, leather, rubber, and metal artifacts. Glass fragments, rubber, water valve head, shoe sole, iron hardware, and a baseball fragment were discarded (DPR: 1988). The terminus post quem

(TPQ) of the rubble deposit is 1929 (Table 1). In 1927, the hotel became a private residence. In 1938, Jack Phillips, a neighboring farmer, bought the building and moved it to his property to use as a bunkhouse.

Feature 2 Unit1b – Trash Pit: 9/13/1988 - 9/22/1988

Unit 1b was an attempt to locate a trash pit and a brick feature observed in 1988 by Lee Motz while he was trench monitoring beneath the pepper trees (Figure 9). Ten

inches of soil were shoveled from the unit with no artifact yield. Rust spots appeared in

the southwest corner. Unit 1b was abandoned. Unit 2, dubbed “the rust mine,” was

opened overlapping the southwest corner of Unit 1b.

Feature 2 Unit 2 - Trash Pit: 9/15/1988 - 9/16/1988

Feature 2, Unit 2, a trash pit located to the southwest of Unit 1b, contained a

deposit primarily consisting of glass containers, liquor bottles, and soda bottles (Table 2).

The northwest corner of the six-by-six foot unit was the only part of the unit excavated to

a depth of 4.8 feet below the tractor scrape. The excavated depth of the rest of the unit

was two feet below the tractor scrape. The first foot of the unit, scraped away using a

tractor, contained a good amount of rusted amorphous metal fragments. The metal is

likely associated with the machine shop that hotel manager John Morris operated from

1910 to 1916. The west sidewall profile drawing from 1988 shows two distinct layers of

rusted metal. A lack of charcoal or melted glass in the pit indicated that the trash was not burned but buried.

Exposed bottle and window glass fragments and two distinct layers of rusted metal were visible on the north and west walls. This indicated that the densest deposit of the trash pit was probably to the northwest of the present unit, where it converges with the southeast corner of Unit 1. This area of Unit 1 remains unexcavated below two feet.

Notable artifacts from this feature are the sad iron, “CBPA” embossed glass bottles, and Chesebrough Vaseline jars. The sad iron recovered (P847-3-7) duplicates a version with a detachable wooden handle that was patented by Mary Potts in 1871. The iron listed in the 1906 Sears Roebuck Catalog (1906:467). Until Potts’s invention, women wrapped the metal handles of sad irons with towels or aprons to help protect their fingers from burning (Carter 2006). Three soda bottles pictured below (Figure 12) embossed with a striated shoulder pattern bearing the initials “CBPA” (Object #’s:P847-

2-3, P847-2-4, P847-2-5) have a date range of 1917 to 1932. The heels of the bottles are embossed with “NET CONTENTS 61/2 FLUID OUNCES REGISTERED.” Peter

Schultz, archaeologist for the California Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR), identified the faint maker’s mark on the base of each as that of the Pacific Coast Glass

Company. He described it as being a “horizontal rectangle sliced diagonally in half, and the two halves are separated, with the letter P in the half on the left and the letter C in the half on the right.” In Bottle Makers and Their Marks (1971:414) by Toulouse, the mark is shown with a date range of 1924-1930, which Schultz disputes since the bottles are shown in 1917 ads (Shultz 2007). The letters “CBPA” may stand for the “California

Bottler’s Protective Association” (listed under the Bottlers’ Associations in Bottlers and

Beverage Manufacturers Universal Encyclopedia , 1925:232). The association was a conglomerate of smaller bottling companies that paid for molds. The same bottle was

57 recovered from a fill layer beneath the concrete floor of the Plaza Hotel site at San Juan

Bautista Mission State Historic Park (Cannon 2005). The Chesebrough Vaseline jars dated from 1908 contained a petroleum jelly that was traditionally used as a treatment for hair and skin. The thick, jelly-like substance became a household staple (Fike 1987:56).

The Hackett family used the small empty jars for jams, jellies, and pickles for the children and their friends (Hackett n.d.). The petroleum jelly used as a lubricant to clear eliminations from the posteriors of chickens, preventing infections (Hackett n.d.:104).

The Vaseline jars and the sad iron were deposited in the lower fill of the trash pit sometime after 1910, when the hotel opened. This suggests that the TPQ of the lower fill is after 1910. The upper fill dates ranged from 1917 to 1964. Because of its location,

Feature 2 trash pit was probably used from 1927 to 1938 when the hotel was a private residence and even after it was removed from the site.

Walkway - Feature 3: 9/16/1988 - 9/17/1988

Feature 3, a concrete walkway lying approximately five feet from the front of the hotel, was exposed with tractor scrapes. Two sections of the fragmented slabs, 3A and

3B, were uncovered in close proximity. The pieces lie in a broken pattern extending 18 feet north to south at a width of two feet. It is likely that these separate patches were at one time contiguous, forming the walkway that ran north to south from the front of the hotel to the street. There were no other artifacts associated with Feature 3.

Burned Trash Pit – Unit 3: 9/17/1988

Unit 3, a burned trash pit located to the east of subsequent privy units 4, 4SW, and

5, was approximately 50 feet northwest of the rear entrance of the hotel. Unit 3, also marked as an “exploratory unit,” encompassed a 6-by-6 foot area. To establish the

58 natural stratigraphic sequence for the area, this unit was excavated as a single entity.

Betty Rivers described the pit as “highly disturbed by rodents, fire, digging and redigging. It was a mess.” Chunks and flecks of charcoal were observed at 7-12 inches below the ground surface. The oxidized soil in the northwest corner of the unit was indicative of a trash burn; however, only one heat-affected glass bottle was found. An abundance of corroded and decomposing metal fragments was found. The metal is probably associated with the machine shop that John Morris operated from 1910 to 1916 when he and his wife managed and lived at the Allensworth Hotel. In Unit 3, a food service assemblage becomes evident. It includes a number of whitewares used for serving food and consumption including rim fragments of porcelain plates from England

(Figure 13). A recovered porcelain water pitcher made by Maddocks Lamberton Works of New Jersey could have been used in one of the guest rooms and dates to 1904, based on the Maddocks Lamberton Works maker’s mark (Figure 14).

Privy Pit – Feature 4 - Units 4 & 4 Southwest: 9/20/1988 - 9/22/1988

Feature 4, the privy pit, measured 8 by 8.5 feet and encompassed units 4, 4SW,

and 5. Large chucks of asphalt and rocks topped these units. Units 4 and 4SW exposed

one-third of the privy feature. The top of the privy pit appeared just below a burned lens,

a red color soil with lots of charcoal. The privy pit was located one foot below ground

surface (Figure 10). As projected, the artifact recovery was immediate and dense in the

SW corner of the feature. The first six inches or the “plow zone” yielded a number of

ceramic and glass fragments. The white earthenware fragments of hotel ware recovered

were indicative of what was to come at levels 2 and 3, where chunks of asphalt and rocks

capped the pit. Level 3 in both units 4 and 4SW held the majority of the artifacts. Level

3 artifacts included glass bottles, a Vaseline jar, and a medicinal bottle made by

Listerine/Lambert Pharmaceutical Company. Base fragments of glass canning jars, tumblers, and beverage bottles dominated the assemblage. Representing food preparation and consumption categories were fragments of porcelain and white hotel ware. The cataloged date range of artifacts is between 1890 and 1930 (Table 4). It is likely that the artifacts from Unit 3 migrated to Units 4 and 4SW or perhaps the other way around based on the proximity and the cross mends found between the pits.

Privy Pit – Feature 4 - Unit 5: 10/14/1988 - 10/15/1988

Unit 5 is a continuation and completion of the privy pit excavation. Unit 5

encompassed two-thirds of the privy pit. Within the five-by-four foot unit, the pit was

excavated as a single entity. Large chucks of asphalt and rocks topped this unit. The

outline of the pit was evident approximately one foot below the ground surface. In the

next six inches a “burn layer” or “burned lens” was encountered, based on the reddened

color and “lots of charcoal” found within the soil layers. The only artifact found heat

affected in this unit was a misshapen button.

Artifact recovery from Unit 5 was equivalent to units 4 and 4 SW, with a date

range between 1880 and 1930. Whole bottles and fragments of lantern chimneys, glass

canning jars, white earthenware, porcelain, and large quantities of metal objects were

excavated along with 800-plus faunal remains, including duck, chicken, turkey, pigeon,

and large mammal bones.

The privy pit feature was excavated to the same depth of all associated units (Unit

4, Unit 4SW, and Unit 5) and was fully excavated to the original configuration. The final

60 dimensions were approximately 5 by 2-2.5 feet; 3 feet deep and 4 feet below ground surface.

Hotel Structural Remains: Pier Post Remnants and Building Debris

Grading and sweeping took place in the area of the presumed hotel building site.

Remnants of six possible pier posts were uncovered. The post remnants extended east to

west horizontally for approximately twenty-eight feet. As part of the foundation of the

hotel, these piers would have given support to the center floor joists in combination with

a redwood foundation. Twenty feet north of the post remnants, a” concentration of building materials including nails, roofing, roofing nails, linoleum, and window shade

rollers” were recorded. The building materials were thought to represent the north

elevation of the hotel. The position of the post piers, the rubble deposit, the sidewalk, the privy pit features, and oral history accounts confirm the hotel’s north and south elevation

was situated parallel to Palmer Avenue.

Faunal Remains and Analysis

In May of 1989, zooarchaeologist Dwight D. Simons summarized his faunal analysis of the avian taxa identified from Allensworth in a report to Betty Rivers.

Archaeologist Phillip Hines from the Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR), provided an analysis of the 186 mammal bones, and DPR’s Pete Schultz identified the fish remains.

The environmental patterns of the basin contributed to specific soil compositions that preserve artifactual evidence with tendencies to decompose. While encouraging propagation of specific flora and fauna, the alkaline soils in the project area have a calcium component that in the right subsurface environment preserves faunal remains.

Out of approximately 1200 specimens collected from the hotel building site in

1988, 93% were from the privy pit. The privy pit encompassed units 4, 4SW, and 5.

Recovered bird bones are 83% of the collection, mammal bones 16%, and less than 1% is

fish bone. The collection included hare, rabbit, and 14 species from the avian taxon

including duck, turkey, and pigeon. King salmon and English sole, which would have been imported, represented the fish faunal remains, with cow, pig, and chicken accounting for the domestic faunal remains.

Simons’ analysis supports the oral history accounts of wild bird hunting, especially the duck or Anas sp ., which was 97% of the bird remains. The element count

of duck remains was 40% of the avifaunal collection. The minimum number of

individuals (MNI) is 61% of the collection. However, of the 14 species of birds, the

domestic poultry dominated the collection: chicken ( Gallus gallus ), turkey, and

California quail. Simons comments that, “the people of Allensworth were raising

chickens on a fairly large scale” (Simons 1989:1-2). The MNI of the chicken remains is

63% of the entire avian collection. During the first decade of the twentieth century,

domestic poultry prices were competitive with that of wild game birds, which were in

fact declining in numbers (Praetzellis, Praetzellis, Brown 1980:1-5). Duck and chicken

faunal remains are almost at a 1:1 ratio of consumption. Intriguing to Simons is the

number of domestic pigeon ( Columba livia ) remains, indicating possible breeding as

well. He makes note in his report that “pigeon bones occasionally occur in small

numbers at other historic sites in California, but never so abundantly as at Allensworth”

(Simons 1989:1-2). The hotel’s first managers, John and Clara Morris, being from New

Orleans, Louisiana, may have introduced this into the hotel cuisine. Roast pigeon was a

62 favorite dish at the time from the early nineteenth century French Louisiana Creole,

Acadian-Cajun population. The MNI of domestic pigeon remains is 14% of the avifaunal collection.

Simons compares Allensworth’s avifaunal assemblage to other late nineteenth- century localities in Sacramento, noting a “general” similarity. Illustrating this notion is his work for Praetzellis, Praetzellis, and Brown in 1980 with the Golden Eagle Site in

Sacramento and additionally in his manuscript Avifaunal Remains from Historic Period

Archaeological Deposits in Old Sacramento, California , 1980 for the DPR, which outlines Simons’s historical-archaeological model of poultry utilization from 1849 to

1920. The patrons of the Golden Eagle Hotel were of upper-middle to upper class status.

The ethnic cuisine served at the saloon and restaurant within the hotel was an “American version of ‘continental’ cuisine,” and included a large percentage of “market hunted” wild birds. This menu commanded premium prices at a time when laws passed protecting the waterfowl (Praetzellis, Praetzellis, Brown III 1980:1-5). At the same time, domestic poultry was scarce and expensive (1980:1-6). In Simons’s analysis, it appears that the Golden Eagle Hotel patrons could have afforded these delicacies while the patrons at the Allensworth Hotel enjoyed the same kinds of poultry farmed and hunted by the residents of the town. “Almost everyone raised chickens and hunted ducks,” remembers resident Henry Singleton (Ramsey 1976b; Rivers 2006; DPR 1982).

Archaeologists on the hotel excavation noted the “amazing amount of duck beaks” from the privy in the avifaunal collection (Simons 1989, Hines 2006; Rivers 2006). This indicates butchering on site with hunters snipping of heads, wing tips, and feet.

Allensworth was under the Pacific flyway in 1908. Department of Parks and Recreation

63 archaeologist Phil Hines analyzed the mammalian remains recovered from the hotel privy pit (Feature 4: units 4, 4SW and 5). Cows, rabbits, pigs, and gophers were representative of the 186 bones collected. Of those bones, 153 were too fragmented for identification.

The butchering techniques become important at this juncture. Several different cuts are represented for both the beef and pork. Examples of cuts made during the splitting of the carcass suggest that “cows and pigs were being butchered at the hotel site or near by”

(Simon 1989). The unidentifiable long bone shafts were most likely from cows. The shafts were split and according to Hines, long bones are commonly shattered to extract marrow and render bone grease. This has some nutritional value and can be used to make soap. Nannie Coleman lived in the hotel between 1917 and 1922, as did James Durrel.

He remembers Mrs. Coleman keeping “pigs behind the hotel” (Ramsey 1976a). Oral history accounts of the pioneers cite raising chickens, turkeys, pigeons, and only slaughtering the cows during the water shortages that escalated in 1914 (Ramsey 1976a;

Munoz 1976). There were also “rabbit hunts or drives” and duck hunting. “After a good rain some ponds would come up and we would hunt ducks all day” (Ramsey 1976d).

Tables 12-13 show a comparison between the faunal materials recovered from the

Allensworth Hotel, the Golden Eagle Hotel in Sacramento, and the Rustic Hotel, Fort

Laramie National Historic Site, Wyoming. The three hotels illustrate an assemblage from different ecological and cultural environments. To date there are no examples of an artifactual assemblage from a hotel owned and operated by African Americans.

San Diego, California has the best example in the west of segregated hotels at the height of the Jim Crow era. Thirteen hotels were amongst the identified properties of the

Downtown San Diego African American Heritage Study (Mooney and Associates 2004).

These hotels, like the Allensworth Hotel, serviced African Americans entertainers and travelers because they were not welcomed in white hotels except under certain circumstances, through the back door or as service employees. Some of the African

American hotels serviced whites in special areas and rooms.

Discussion

Todd R. Guenther’s 1988 thesis project, At Home on the Range: Black Settlement in Rural Wyoming, 1850-1950, pioneered the study of African American presence in

Wyoming with undocumented case studies and archaeological investigations of homesteader’s. One homesteader’s experience with racism and the Ku Klux Klan raised questions as to whether or not “participation and membership in white society was a worthwhile goal” (1988:78). Guenther observed that no matter how successful a black person might be, he or she was still seen as black (1988:78).

The hotel at Allensworth was heavily stocked with ceramic white ware.

Fragmented pieces with maker’s marks of Goodwin, Palestine, and KT&KS suppliers of this durable dishware were plentiful. The hotel served hot meals on those plates and probably had a few special serving pieces of porcelain for the church conventions that came to town. Porcelain water pitchers and bowls were in each of the sleeping rooms and in the morning the hotel staff served a fare of fresh farm foods including chicken, eggs, and other dairy products, but also served a diet of waterfowl and rabbits. As a comparison, the excavations of the 1912 White House Hotel in Buxton, Iowa (Gradwohl and Osborn 1984:87-97), the location of a predominantly African American coal mining company town, yielded artifacts similar to those found at Allensworth, such as the ironstone china fragments, glass preserve jar fragments and milk glass lid liner, chimney

65 lamps, and soda bottles. Whereas the hotel at Buxton catered to adult entertainment, the

Allensworth Hotel doubled as a recreation center, hosted Saturday night dances, and later served as a residence.

In 1988, the approximate location of the building site was established in part using historical photographs and oral history accounts. The size of the hotel parcel is roughly 2 ¼ acres at the intersection of Palmer and Dunbar Avenues in “downtown”

Allensworth. The original hotel sat on the southwest corner of this large parcel and was approximately 76 by 22.4 feet long. The compacted five-foot wide “trail” encircling the area of the hotel site was evidence of a possible building site. The same phenomenon occurred at other abandoned building sites in Allensworth. Occupation and structural debris was recorded during pedestrian surveys of the property. The “slumping” and

“depressions” on the northwest perimeter of the hotel site indicated possible subsurface features and materials.

Archaeologists excavated a total of five stratified units and four features. The artifacts excavated support the existence of the privy and the machine shop, the occupation of the hotel, and the nature of its structure. The privy pit (Feature 4) was fully excavated to the original configuration. The final dimensions of the pit confirmed evidence of a double privy structure. Units 3, 4, 4SW, and 5, representing the privy pit, presented the largest range of evidence for occupation of the hotel during the interpretive period, 1910 to 1938. The thick white hotelware was prevalent throughout the units, as were canning jar and chimney glass fragments. Many descendants remember cleaning the chimney glasses daily and filling them with coal oil or kerosene, “The children had small hands so they could reach into the glass and clean the black soot” (Hackett n.d.).

There were various types of beverage and medicinal bottles, fragmented and whole, excavated (Table 14). A one-ounce prescription type bottle embossed with “BARONNE

ST/NEW ORLEANS” found in the privy could have belonged to the Morrises’, managers of the hotel in 1916, to Joe Durrel, or to the Woods family, all from New Orleans.

The amounts of rusted and corroded metal materials found in most of the features

support the existence of a machine shop operated by Mr. Morris, hotel proprietor, in

1916. The remnants of concrete, wood, and galvanized piping is evidence that feature 1,

the rubble deposit, was a “well pad” and the water source referred to in oral history

accounts. Jewel Black, a resident in 1910, asked in 1977, “Do they still have their little

well up town, in front of the hotel where everybody use to go and get water” (Munoz

1976a)? The position of the large chunks of floated or smooth concrete is consistent with

oral history interviews and a 1910 photograph of the hotel with the walkway in the

foreground (Feature 3).

The faunal remains are evidence of the subsistence practices of the colony and the

fare served to hotel customers. Recovered Avian faunal remains out numbered domestic

animal remains (Tables 12-13).

The archaeological evidence supports the examples of life at the hotel: to serve

and accommodate travelers, visiting family members, railroad workers, transient workers,

church delegates, and newcomers waiting for their homes to be finished. It served as a

community center hosting Saturday night dances for the teens, a wedding reception, a

meeting center, and later a home for three different families. The assemblage provides

evidence of a distinctive dining style suggesting a very carefully planned routine of

service. The stock purchases of white hotelware, glass tumblers, and porcelain serving

67 dishes point to a serious attempt to provide “class” service punctuated by the entertainer/waiter, Mr. Toy. Service at the hotel became a community effort expressed in the story that Florence Broiles tells about the time “she and the other ladies acted as waitresses to serve a church delegation (Ramsey 1976e). They had limited the eggs to two for a person, so they wouldn’t run out.” One of the delegates, accustomed to having six eggs, asked for more. “I said, six? I took it on back to tell them what he said.” They said, “just tell him he can’t have it . . . I didn’t go back” (Ramsey 1976b).

What was the underlying process by which an African American hotel existed in an isolated rural town? The process enabled by a racist ideology that permeated the social and political systems during the Jim Crow era. How did the archaeological investigations inform the Allensworth historical record? The investigations shed light on the evidence, which confirmed ideas of why and how people lived at Allensworth during the Jim Crow era. Methodically taken up by Ramsey (1977) and advocated by archaeologist Maria Franklin “the initial effort of extending an open invitation to members of the black community to participate in the construction of their history”

(Franklin 1997:47) was the key. In 1988, the Department of Parks and Recreation understood the importance of ethnography brought to light by Ramsey’s work. The excavated assemblage from the Allensworth Hotel is the tangible evidence of the endeavors by the residents to achieve autonomy and acceptance within the world around them. Allensworth was developed to be a positive example for all but most of all to educate the white community in understanding their own inaccuracy and unlawfulness of the Jim Crow ideology and cultural stereotypes.

Chapter 5

Conclusion

“After I spoke to you and listened from a scientific perspective I re-read all the information I collected over the years with a different set of eyes” (Pope 2006:3).

Allensworth was a town built by people who were from many different parts of the country, from different economic backgrounds and diverse educational and professional status. Some of the homes built in Allensworth were used as vacation homes, as in the case of the Hackett family, who lived in Alameda, California and the

Allensworth family who initially resided in Los Angeles. Other residents migrated from the turbulent South as refugees of extreme and violent racial oppression. Retired military soldiers and their families, courted by the Colonel, bought property at Allensworth with their military pensions. All came to Allensworth with a desire to live life free from oppression, to educate their children, to be a positive role model for other African

Americans and to demonstrate equality to the white society that suppressed them.

The people established a community with many businesses that serviced the community and beyond. The Allensworth Hotel served many roles within the community. It was a symbol of pride and prosperity at a time when African Americans around the country could not freely uses public accommodations, especially hotels.

Traveling individuals, families, and mostly entertainers were welcomed in hotels owned or operated by African Americans. There was a network of hotels across the country, including San Diego, Los Angeles, and Oakland, California, which boasted some of the best. At Allensworth, the hotel provided a community center for meetings, teenage dances, entertainment, church conferences, community barbeques, food service, and

69 intimate family rituals of life and death. In sight of the Allensworth Hotel was the largest grain warehouse in the valley that sat by the tracks next to the train depot. The onsite railroad managers employed hundreds of white but mostly Mexican workers. The many businesses in the town, including the hotel, most likely serviced these workers and probably others in the surrounding areas. When Mr. Pope was a young boy of eight, living in the Allensworth house in the late 1930s, he frequently visited Mr. Hindsman, a storeowner, who told him many stories about life at the colony. “He told me that on

Saturday nights the train would stop at Allensworth and black folks would come from towns all over the valley to party. The people would come to Allensworth every

Saturday night.” Henry Singleton Sr., owned a store and the entire family were musicians playing outside on warm Allensworth nights (Ramsey 1977; Pope 2006).

The hotel’s artifacts tell the story of a dream for equality and acceptance. The porcelain water pitcher excavated from the privy, customarily used for washing, probably sat on a table in one of the guest rooms. Like the pitcher, the hotel, and the many decorative porcelain shards recovered, viewed as an expression of the goal for equality exemplifies W.E.B. DuBois’s push and ideals toward higher status in life and position.

Partly achieved by those who DuBois called the “aristocracy of talent and character” or

“the talented tenth” (DuBois 1903) Allensworth exemplified the lot. Many of the inhabitants of Allensworth were role models of professional and academic achievement.

Membership in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People

(NAACP) and the United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) is evidence of their convictions to the cause of racial equality and the determination of the townspeople to persevere during the Jim Crow era.

Booker T. Washington’s focus on industrial education, economics, and a

“conciliatory approach” to progress for the race inspired Colonel Allensworth to highlight the town as model community. The residents were industrialists with small service businesses to larger farm operations, raising chickens and hogs or cows and small dairy operations providing goods to white owned businesses in the valley. Everyone, it seemed had a chicken or hog pen and the hotel was no different. Most town residents had small vegetable gardens and some farmed acres of sugar beets and alfalfa. They hunted waterfowl and small game and they sometimes worked out of town for white business owners. The hotel garden consisted of vegetables and flowers, depending on which family was managing at the time (Hackett n.d.). Provided by the proprietors and possibly other colony members, guest diets consisted of foods grown in the garden, game and fowl hunted, or certain livestock. Proprietor, Mr. Morris operated a mechanics shop in the back lot of the hotel to service farm equipment for colony and valley residents alike. A polytechnical school at Allensworth would have completed the dream of the founders and

given the economic base the town needed to persevere. It was to be a model of Booker T.

Washington’s Tuskegee Institute of Technology. The DuBoisian and Washingtonian philosophies therefore coexisted at Allensworth. The hotel and the town of Allensworth

are evidence of these philosophies applied.

In the 1970s, the California State Park System pursued its mission to incorporate black history into the legacy of California history by reconstructing Allensworth.

Allensworth became the first and only state park to acknowledge the contributions of

African Americans in the development of California. The park brochure asserts that

“[Allensworth] is a Black town built by African Americans to establish an independent,

71 self-sufficient colony” and that “it is the first town in California founded upon the principles of Booker T. Washington, financed and governed by Black Americans”

(California State Parks 2002).

The goal of this research was to contextualize the data resulting from the archaeological investigations of the Allensworth Hotel within the history of the Jim Crow era. The investigation of the hotel site revealed a relationship between the political culture and the artifactual evidence. The evidence contributes to the current interpretive history of Allensworth in the context of the broader history of the African American experience in the United States and California. It further introduces the archaeological community to an aspect of Black town development as being a type of intentional/utopian community.

The analysis and interpretation of the archaeological evidence from other excavation sites at Allensworth would complete the history of Allensworth and the reason or need for this type of utopian community in a racialized California during the early twentieth century. This holistic view would provide additional data to study the relationship between socio-political and the artifactual evidence. A study of the individual families and their relationships with the community at their boundaries would offer a lesson in how and if the colony helped to educate the separatist opinions of both races. Additional archaeological studies of African American towns/settlements are needed in this context. An archaeological analysis and interpretation of Jim Crow hotels in California and across the nation for comparative studies is also needed. Research into the Allensworth pioneer family histories would enrich perceptions of what the culture of an African American community is at its core when faced with racial challenges. The

72 study of Allensworth is a contribution to California history readied for the inclusion into the educational curriculum in California State schools. The original mission of the

California State Parks System was to use Allensworth to incorporate black history into the legacy of California history and to provide interpretative programs giving recognition to the role played by African Americans in California.

This study also involved a personal journey identifying a personal position on racism and identifying the positions within the published academia. Sociologist David

Silverman concerns himself with the possibility, as a participant observer, of over- identifying with the participants and conceives this occurrence as going “native.” He alleges that consequently “they [the researchers] cannot remember how they found something out” or “cannot articulate the principles” (Silverman 2004:56-60). This critical reference to the complex nature of writing from a position of intimate affinity presents profound considerations for the participant observer that is a member of the

African American descendant community. In the study of Euro-American material culture, in a racialized society, is the white archaeologist perceived as “going native?”

Are we too close to the subject matter that as participant observers we treat certain assumptions as “revealed truths” instead of treating them as “accounts,” which are historically situated? Do we consciously vacillate between positions of insider and outsider, emic or etic? Hammersley suggests, “In a sense, all social research is a form of participant observation, because we cannot study the social world without being part of it” (1992). Studying Allensworth as a native researcher and having a psychological bond with those queried and those studied, there is an understanding, and a knowledge of being racialized that creates a powerful bond. This history is to current not to. In a profession

73 dominated by white professionals, often the emotional deliverance is removed. This can be less difficult to accomplish when studying the past of “others.” Although diverse viewpoints acknowledged from different sources permeate the literature some are more prevalent than others. As a racialized person with an intimate affinity to the African diaspora, a passionate response can be anticipated and imperative for truth in the accounts of African American history and archaeology. It is as anthropologists describe, as coming from an emic point of view.

The park at Allensworth is a representation of a community embedded in the diverse racial and political ideals of the Jim Crow era. It is evidence of African

Americans negotiating a racist social system by way of accommodation and resistance, using education, ingenuity, and integrity during one of the darkest hours of this country’s history. Historian August Meier in, Negro Thought in America 1880-1915: Racial

Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington (1963) states:

. . . social thought does not exist independently of social forces and social institutions, but maintains a complex, casual connection with them, both influencing their growth and direction, and in turn being influenced by them. No adequate understanding of Negro racial thought can be given without an analysis of the institutional developments in the Negro community and their interrelationship with the changing trends in Negro thought ( Meier 1963:ix-x).

Appendix A

Tables

Table 6. Chronology of the Allensworth Hotel.

1908 Allensworth founded July 21, 1910 Deed of Grants Lots Bargain and Sale, Lots 23, 24, Block 28 to Elizabeth Dougherty of Oakland 1910 The original Allensworth Hotel was constructed 1911 Alwortha Hall – first child born in Allensworth; 80 residents living in Allensworth 1913 Water pipes laid in Allensworth 160 residents 1914 Colonel Allen Allensworth dies in Monrovia, California; Rail stop moved to Alpaugh 1910-1927 Hotel managers: 1910-1916 Mr. & Mrs. John and Clara Morris / New Orleans 1916-1917 Mrs. Elvia Woods / New Orleans 1917-1922 Mrs. Nannie Coleman 1922-1924 Mrs. Regiana Mattox 1924 Mr. & Mrs. Fritz and Lizzie Jacobs 1924-1927 Mrs. Alice Hackett 1918-1923 Electricity in Allensworth; Street lamp near hotel; One of two town telephones in hotel 1928 Hotel was used as a private residence; Hotel architecture begins to change 1937 Original owner Elizabeth Dougherty dies on January 31, heirs acquire hotel property 1938 Hotel property sold by Dougherty heirs to area rancher Jack C. Phillips Sr.; Hotel moved to the Phillips land for “workers quarters” until 1967 1951 Hotel property acquired by Phillips heir, Jim C. Phillips Jr. 1972 Hotel burns to the ground just before it was to be moved back to Allensworth 1988 California Department of Parks and Recreation and conducts archaeology 1989-1990 Hotel reconstructed by Dodd and Associates, Sacramento, California

Table 7. Chronology of Jim Crow Laws in California.

1866 Voting [Statute] The 1866 California registry act required electors to complete voter registration three months before a general election. Naturalized citizens were required to present original court-sealed naturalization papers. 1866 Voter rights [Statute] Required electors to complete voter registration three months before a general election. Naturalized citizens were required to present original court-sealed naturalization papers. 1866-1947 Segregation, voting [Statute] Enacted 17 Jim Crow laws between 1866 and 1947 in the areas of miscegenation (6) and education (2), employment (1) and a residential ordinance passed by the city of San Francisco that required all Chinese inhabitants to live in one area of the city. Four voting restriction laws were passed that targeted foreign born inhabitants, particularly the Chinese. Although school segregation was banned by 1880, this law was overturned in 1902, and included Asian children as candidates for separate schools. Similarly, a miscegenation law passed in 1901 broadened an 1850 law, adding that it was unlawful for white persons to marry "Mongolians." The legislation reflects the dominant society's growing anxiety over the steady numbers of Asians immigrating to California by the early twentieth century. An 1893 statute barred public accommodation segregation, with seven additional civil rights laws passed by 1955. 1870 Education [Statute] African and Indian children must attend separate schools. A separate school would be established upon the written request by the parents of ten such children. "A less number may be provided for in separate schools in any other manner." 1872 Alcohol sales [Statute] Prohibited the sale of liquor to Indians. The act remained legal until its repeal in 1920. 1878 Voter rights [City Ordinance] The city of San Francisco required each voter to register in person before each general election in their own elector precinct. Because precincts were very small, if a voter moved he was required to reregister. An 1878 act applying to San Francisco required each voter to register in person before every general election. Voters had to register in their own elector precinct. Because precincts were very small, if a voter moved he was required to re-register. 1879 Voter rights [Constitution] "No native of China" would ever have the right to vote in the state of California. Repealed in 1926. Employment [Constitution] Prohibited public bodies from employing Chinese and called upon the

legislature to protect "the state…from the burdens and evils arising from" their presence. A statewide anti-Chinese referendum was passed by 99.4 percent of voters in 1879. From 1879 to 1926, California's constitution stated that "no native of China" shall ever exercise the privileges of an elector in the state." Similar provisions appeared in the constitutions of Oregon and Idaho. 1880 Barred school segregation [Statute] Children of any race or nationality, from six to twenty-one years of age, entitled to admission to public schools. Miscegenation [Statute] Made it illegal for white persons to marry a "Negro, mulatto, or Mongolian." 1890 Residential [City Ordinance] The city of San Francisco ordered all Chinese inhabitants to move into a certain area of the city within six months or face imprisonment. The Bingham Ordinance was later found to be unconstitutional by a federal court. 1891 Residential [Statute] Required all Chinese to carry with them at all times a "certificate of residence." Without it, a Chinese immigrant could be arrested and jailed. 1893 Barred public accommodation segregation [Statute] Unlawful to refuse admission to anyone with the price of admission to opera houses, theaters, museums, circuses, etc. Penalty: Injured person could recover actual damages and $100. 1894 Voter rights [Constitution] Any person who could not read the Constitution in English or write his name would be disfranchised. An advisory referendum indicated that nearly 80 percent of voters supported an educational requirement. In 1894, California passed a constitutional amendment that disfranchised any "person who shall not be able to read the constitution in the English language and write his name." An advisory referendum indicated that nearly 80% of voters supported an educational requirement. A similar amendment was again passed in 1911. 1901 Miscegenation [Statute] The 1850 law prohibiting marriage between white persons and Negroes or mulattoes was amended, adding "Mongolian." 1902 Education [Statute] Repealed earlier law barring school segregation passed in 1880. In addition to black children, Chinese and Japanese youngsters were also prohibited from attending schools designated for white children. 1909 Miscegenation [Statute] Persons of Japanese descent were added to the list of undesirable marriage partners of white Californians as noted in the earlier 1880 statute. 1913 Property [Statute] Known as the "Alien Land Laws," Asian immigrants were prohibited from owning or leasing property. The constitutionality of the land laws

were upheld by the United State Supreme Court in 1923 and 1925. The laws were justified as a means of protecting white farmers. The California Supreme Court struck down the Alien Land Laws in 1952. 1925 Barred school antidefamation [Statute] No textbooks or other instructional materials used by public schools could reflect upon U.S. citizens because of their race, color, or creed. 1929 Barred school segregation [School Code] Repealed discriminatory sections of earlier codes and provided that all children, regardless of race, should be admitted to all schools. 1931 Civil rights protection [State Code] Outlawed racial discrimination. Miscegenation [State Code] Prohibited marriages between persons of the Caucasian and Asian races. 1933 Miscegenation [Statute] Broadened earlier miscegenation statute to also prohibit marriages between whites and Malays. 1945 Miscegenation [Statute] Prohibited marriage between whites and "Negroes, mulattos, Mongolians and Malays." 1947 Subjected U.S. servicemen and Japanese women who wanted to marry to rigorous background checks. Barred the marriage of Japanese women to white servicemen if they were employed in undesirable occupations. Barred school segregation [Statute] Repealed 1866 segregation law that required separate schools for children of Chinese, Japanese and Mongolian parentage. 1948 Barred miscegenation segregation [Statute] Repealed miscegenation laws. Prior to repeal interracial marriages were prohibited, but no penalties were attached to such marriages, or to interracial co-habitation, or to migration into California by interracial couples legally wed out of state. 1954 Barred public accommodation segregation [State Code] All citizens given right to full and equal accommodations in public places. 1955 Barred National Guard segregation [State Code] Segregation and discrimination of state National Guard prohibited. Barred public accommodation segregation [State Code] Misdemeanor for innkeeper or common carriers to refuse service to anyone without just cause.

Note: Data from http://www.jimcrowhistory.org http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/scripts/jimcrow/lawsoutside.cgi?state=California

Table 8. Chronology of the Natural History of the Tulare Lake Basin.

1828-1829 Very little rainfall 1849 Very high waters; the lake measured 570 square miles (364,800 acres) 1850 Lake nearly dry; swamp 15 miles by 10 miles wide 1852-1853 Very high waters; as high as in 1862 (Thompson 1892:9) 1861-1862 Very high waters (750-800 sq miles; 480,000-512,000 acres) 1863-1864 Very little rainfall 1867-1868 Very high waters (Grunsky 1930) Tulare Lake was about 220 feet in elevation, flooding about 506,000 1873-1874 Very high waters 1881-1882 Reach an unusually low stage 1883 Lowest known stage as called by familiar people (Grunsky 1930:289) 1891 Dimensions of Tulare Lake 22 miles east to west by 17 miles/250 square miles 1890-1930 Period devoid of winters with excessive rain = occasional wet winters (Grunsky 1930:289) (Grunsky’s prediction was in 1930; actually dry until 1936) 1898 Lakebed bare in the fall 1899 Elevation of the lakebed 179 feet 1908 Allensworth founded 1910 Hotel opened 1923-1936 The lake was gone 1927 Tule elk numbered 72 1937-1938 More than 200 square miles flooded (128,000 acres) 1938 Hotel moved to Phillips land for workers quarters 1940s – 1950s Water control 1969 Flood 88,000 of 193,000 acres (137.5 square miles) 1972 Hotel burns to the ground 1983 82,000 acres flooded 1997 Nearly 300 square miles flooded

By 1899, the lake was dry for the first time and efforts to remove the remaining Tule marshes and contain the lake continued well into the 20 th century. The Lake continued to alternate periods of dryness with large floods. From 1923 to early 1936, the lake was gone, only to have more than 200 square miles flooded in 1937 to 1938. The completion of large dams on the Kings, Tule, Kaweah, and Kern Rivers in the 1940s and 1950s helped to control the rivers although the waters returned in years later years. Under drought conditions (during pre-water diversion times), the lake was known to evaporate completely. Nonetheless, on average, the surface of the lake was 210 feet in elevation; its greatest depth was about 35 feet submerging approximately 350,000 acres of land with two thirds of the lake bed extending from Tulare County into Kings County.

(Gronberg, Dubrovsky, Kratzer, Domagalski, Brown, and Burow 1998; Grunsky 1930; Latta 1949; Preston 1981; Thompson 1892; USGS 1998; Wallace and Riddell 1991)

Table 9. Chronology of Events: The Course of African Americans in U. S. History.

1865 Civil War ends 1865 Freedmen’s Bureau established 1865-1867 Presidential Reconstruction 1865 13 th Amendment abolishes slavery 1865-1866 Black Codes – restricting rights and freedom of freedmen and women 1866 Civil Rights Act: All persons have equal rights; designed to nullify Black Codes 1866-1867 Ku Klux Klan (KKK) established in Pulaski, TN and in Nashville, TN 1866-1870 KKK tortures and kills African Americans and sympathetic whites 1867-1877 Congressional Reconstruction 1867 Reconstruction Act –allowing the federal government to rule the south 1868 14 th Amendment –equal protection under the law 1870 15 th Amendment –the right to vote (black males) 1871 Civil Rights Act (Klu Klux Klan Act) counterattacked the Black Codes in the southern United States; Included in the Civil Rights Act were the rights to: make contracts, sue, bear witness in court and own private property. President Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill, saying that blacks were not qualified for United States citizenship and that the bill would "operate in favor of the colored and against the white race." 1875 Civil Rights Act passed and sought to guarantee freedom of access, regardless of race, to the "full and equal enjoyment" of many public facilities, but was rarely enforced 1876 Hayes/Tilden Compromise –marks end of Reconstruction 1870-1964 Jim Crow laws 1879-1881 Black Exodus 1883 Civil Rights Act of 1875 was overturned and declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court 1889 Appropriated Indian Land opened 1890 Appropriated Indian Land unavailable to Blacks 1893 The California State Assembly passed an anti-discrimination statute prohibiting segregation on streetcars. 1896 Plessey vs. Ferguson –separate but equal 1897 California passes first civil rights legislation 1905 Birth of a Nation film released 1909 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) first meeting February 12 in New York 1910-1912 Segregation ordinances established / divided into segregation districts 1911 Women gain right to vote 1913 NAACP –first established in Los Angeles California 1914-1919 World War I 1915 KKK resurfaces 1919-1933 Volstead Act -Prohibition

1925 KKK membership 4,000,000 1941-1945 World War II 1948 California’s law banning interracial marriages is declared unconstitutional 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education –reversed Plessy vs. Ferguson (1896 - separate but equal) 1964 Civil Rights Act –outlaws discrimination

Note: Data from Harley 1995; http://www.naacp.org/about/history/timeline/ ; http://en.wikipedia.org ; ( Wormser 1996).

CATALOG DATE DESCRIPTION MAKER ORIGIN MNI REFERENCES NO. RANGE Toulouse 1886 - Woodbury p847-4-1 [W]OODB[URY] [I]MPROV[ED] New Jersey 1 1969/334;Toulouse 1892 Glassworks 1971:539 Whitter 2006; Indiana 1900 - Greentown Edwards and p847-4-3 Embossed: Star inside Horseshoe Glass 1 1930 Indiana Carwile 2000/221- Company 222 M over Maddocks 1904 - Trenton, p847-4-11 MADDOCKS/LAMBERTON.WORKS Lamberton 1 1929 New Jersey in circle; ROYAL PORCELAIN Works Barber 1971:31 East 1884 - Palestine Canonsburg p437-4-12 E PALESTINE CHINA 1 1909 China PA. Company Lehner 1988/135 Gates and Ormerod 1982, Homer Newell, Historical 1901- Laughlin p847-4-13 HOMER LAUGHLIN under HL West 1 Archaeology [CD- 1915 China Virginia ROM], Vol16, Company Issue 1-2, 2001:128-169. Praetzellis, Rivers, East 1893 - Goodwin Shultz, 1983:40; p847-4-14 GOODWINS HOTEL CHINA Liverpool, 4 1906 Bros Lehner 1988/175; Ohio 1982:55 Knowles, East 1890 - p847-4-15 KT&K / 8—V / China / 258 Taylor & Liverpool, 1 1920 Knowles Ohio Gaston 1996/17-20 J. & G. Handley, p847-4-17 1912 J & G MEAKIN Meakin 1 Sturdevant England Ltd. 2003:36 J. & G. Handley, p847-4-20 1912 ROSALIE (J&G Meakin) Meakin 1 England Ltd. Ehrenhard 973:17 Praetzellis, Rivers, East, 1906 - Goodwin Shultz, 1983:40; p847-4-27 GO[ODWINS] Liverpool, 1 1913 Bros Lehner 1988/175; Ohio 1982:55 1920 - [SCHRA]M [AUTOMATIC SEALER] p847-4-42 1 Toulouse1969/276- 1925 with scroll 278 Table 10: Feature 1 Unit 3 Date and Origins of Marked/Datable Items

Description MNI Percent

Clothing 9 21.0

Food Storage 7 17.0

Food 24 57.0

Prep/Consumption 2 4.8

Toys 42 99.8

Undefined Use

(omitted) Total

Table 11: Unit 3 – Summary of Artifacts by Category

Allensworth Hotel, Col. Golden Eagle Rustic Hotel Ft. Allensworth SHP Hotel Laramie, NHS Sacramento

Species MNI Species MNI Species MNI

Goose (Chen) 1 Goose 3 (Anser spp.)

Duck 49 Duck 9 (Anas sp., Aythya sp., (Anas spp.) Bucephala sp., Oxyura jamaicensis)

Turkey (Meleagris 3 Turkey 2 Turkey 3 gallopavo) (Meleagris (Meleagris gallopavo) gallopavo)

Chicken (Gallus gallus) 54 Chicken 3 Chicken 9 (Gallus gallus) (Gallus gallus)

Blackbird 13 (Agelaius spp.)

Pigeon (Columba livia) 12

Total 119 30 12 Table 12: Avian faunal comparisons

Allensworth Hotel Rustic Hotel Col. Allensworth, SHP Fort Laramie, NHS Identification MNI Identification MNI

Domestic Cattle 7 Domestic Cattle 30 (Bos sp.) (Bos taurus)

Antelope, Sheep-cut 17 (Artiodactyla)

Domestic Pig 9 Domestic Pig 15 (Sus sp.) (Sus scrofa)

Domestic Chicken 54 Domestic Chicken 9 (Gallus gallus) (Gallus gallus)

Hares/Rabbits 8 Cotton Tail 4 (Lagomorpha) (Sylvilagus sp.)

Turkey Turkey 3 (Meleagris gallopavo) 3 (Meleagris gallopavo)

Fish remains 20 Catfish 2 (pertrale, rex, english sole; king (Ictalurus sp.) salmon-jack)

Goose 1 (Chen)

Duck 49 (Anas sp., Aythya sp., Bucephala sp., Oxyura jamaicensis)

Pigeon 12 (Columba livia)

Gopher 11 (Thomomys Bottae)

35 80 Table 13: Comparison of faunal materials

Appendix B

Figures

100

Pages 100-101 place hold f1 and f2

101

102

103

104

105

106

FIGURES 8,9,10,11 PLACE HOLD

107

108

109

110

111

112

113

114

Appendix C

Photographs

115

Photo: 1 Allensworth Dedication Day 1988

Photo 2: Archaeologist Dan Bell 1988

116

Photo 3: Archeologist Ray Schwaderer 1988

Photo 4. Archaeologist Betty Rivers inside the Hindsman Store 2003

117

Photo 5. Colonel Allen Allensworth, circa 1890’s

118

Photo 6. Allensworth Rail Sign, circa 1912

Photo 7. Grain Warehouse, circa 1910

119

Photo 8. Advertisement, circa 1910

Photo 9. Allensworth planned town site showing the “Horticulture College,” circa 1908

120

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