Note the high pommels on the saddle. PrOlecting the chest is a mewl cuirass. while the trouser-like na ture of the sca le leg-armor is characteristic of the Koreans.
63. Korean Unarmored Infantryman This figure formed the bulk of the Ko rean Army. Lack of shield and sword led to a very vulnerable infantry force .
The r ung-kon frescoes show uniform colors as tan with black trim. or red -brown with tan trilll.
64. Korean Cataphract Battle narrativcs of Chinese historians always allribu te the Korean defeats of this era (roughly 4th- 7th centuries) to the Korean lack of armored cavalry.
Yet here we have. from a fresco in the Twin Pillar Tomb in South P' yongan Province. of the Koguryo Period. a fully armored cataphrilct upon a fully armored horsc.
Dressed in highly polished armor and ornamentcd with a rcd fabric trim. armed with a len to twelve foot long lanL:c. appears a warrior type that even r ang Chinil appears to lack!
It C 65. Tu Chueh Armored Cavalryman This figure is after a description of the Turkic I'll Chueh dmed 581 A.D. Hair was worn loose. weapons carried were a bow . lance. and either a scilllitj)r or long sword. A nH~tal cuirass provided Ihe major defensive armo r. along wilh a buckler abolll one 1'001 in diameter. A description of (he Kirghiz tribe. dated 841 A.D .. allow these cavalrymen 10 have wooden leg ~lIld foot armor. Il also Slates that the standards carried by th is tribe \vere red. A hieran.:hal dress L:ode prevailed . as was true with most cultures of Ihe S(eppes. The commander. or Aye£. WOre a heavy sable hat in the winter and a pointed metal helmet in the summer. Lower ranks wore white felt hats. and the lowesl were neither allowed to wear hats nor furs or skins of :lny kind. A two hundred man bodyguard of a western T u ChueII chieftain wore highly brocaded coals under their armor. and also wore Iheir hair braided. 66. Ttl Chueh Unarmored Cavalryman Substituting javelins for lance and omitting the cuirass. (his figure is similar to Figu re 65. Colours would tend to be a bit brighter than Ihose of their Iisiung-nu bretheren. as they chose to trade more with the western world. 67 . T'u Chueh Standard From at least 540 A.D .. the standard of the T'll Chueh had been the lVo lf. In 581 A.D .. a gold she-wolrs head was the standard of both the eastern and western branches of the T'll CllUeh. 68. Western T'll Chueh Chieftain This figu re portrays the chieftain of the T ung Sh ih-hu . a tribe of the western T u Chueh. He wears a green satin coat buttoned to his left. and a ten fOOl red silk nllet around his braided ha ir. 85 ~ 67. f 86 Grousset states that the western I'u Chueh were armed with lances and straight (self) bows. Furs and fine woolen clothes were also worn by the tribal aristocracy. 69. Tokharian (Chieh-Ku) Infantryman The Tokharians were Scandanavian types who migrated to Siberia and then south into the Tarim Basin region. They are of the same stock as perhaps the Wu-sun, the Scythians, Sogdians, and could even be related to the Aryans who dominated the Indus Valley region in northern India. The Byzantines will, in later times, draft soldiers from these men to form the Varangian Guard. They had red hair, were tall , and had blue/green eyes. Again , rather dull shades of earth colors would dominate, possibly including painted shield designs of individual preference. .. 70. Early Tibetan Armored Cavalryman The Tang Annals provide the data on these warriors (Figures 70 and 71). They dressed in relt and leather and painted themselves with red ochre. In 665 A.D. , the Khotan called the Tibetans "fed faces" . Bow, sword , and ten foot lance provided offensive armament. The unique armor, called "willow !eaf, is the earliest known Tibetan armor. Long narrow scales were laced together to form this armor. The helmet was made of eight plates that overlapped and were similarly laced together. A leather face guard is added to this figure to complete his armor. In the Annals is also noted a helmet type that covered the entire face and neck leaving eye holes, but no physical evidence is extant. 71. Early TIbetan Armored Cavalryman This figure is wearing lighter armor than Figure 70, but could in no stretch of the imagination be deemed "ligh t cavalry". He still wears the "willow leaf' armor and distinctive helmet, but omits the thigh plates in favor of forearm protection. He may carry a small buckler and a few javelins that could be used for thrusting as well as throwing. Bows were not carried by these "skirmishers". The Golden Arrow was used to denote authority to command. similar to the Huns, perhaps hinting at some cross influence. A conch shell in land-locked Tibet definitely shows influence or trade with their southern neighbors. Each division had it's own flag. In 773 A.D., the upper division of the left horn (the Yar·lung division) had as its flag the current national flag of Tibet. 72. Kuchan Armored Cavalryman The city of Kucha, lying just north of the Tarim Basin , opposed Tang China in 644 A.D. This figure is derived from the Kizil frescoes dated to the 7th century A.D. Carried by the Kuchan cavalry were long swords that appear to be over three feet in length. Twelve foot long lances were also provided to this, the main element of the Kuchan Army. They wore what has been erroneously described as "mail armor", but appears to be either scale or 87 "Lamellar" armor. The conical helmet with leather neck-gua rd and slight moustache were also characteristic of this city state. 73. Early Islamic Horse Archer The Arab ic people started. in the 7th and 8th centurie s. to make themselves known to the eastern world. This figure of Ahplad Kurumli is dated to the early 8th century and typifies the Arabic light horse archer. 74. Vietnamese Infantryman h is extremely difficult to locate any visual representations of the Vietnamese fighting man. This figure. from the Tra Kieu Pedastal. is dated to the 7th or 8 1h ce nturies A.D. When armor was used, and this was se ldom. it would consist of woven bamboo or extremely tough buffalo hides. The Viernamese were often a thorn in the side of their Chinese overseers. as rebellions seemed to pop up every time China's power was threatened. The weapons employed by the Vietnamese were bamboo javelins. short spears. self-bows, metal machete-like swords. and a type of primitive cros.s.bow similar to that of the Burmese seen in figure 114(a). In cidentally, it is interesting to note that the Vietnamese are still using a crossbow almost identical to those shown in these illustrations as booby-traps. Their bamboo shield was about three or four feet high, and looked like that carried by Figure 99. 75. Uighur Prince The Uighurs seem to pop up here and there as allies 10 the Chinese and to her enemies. 1l1is prince is from a wall-painting in Te mple #19 at Bazaklik dated to the 8th or 9th century A. D. He wears a red robe, with yellow circles bordered with light green. His hat has a black crown over red, with blaek streamers. From Qoeo, dated to the same period. is another Uighur prince. He wears the hat shown in (a) in red and b lack. His robe is orange with the device shown in (b) "peppered" over it. or. as is referred 10 in heraldry. sem~ or semy. Coloring of this device from top to bottom is: purple. red and green. 76. Khitan (Liao) Armored Cavalryman As is visually ev ident, this warr ior was equipped for any emergency! Wi 11 foge l and Sheng's publication on the Liao describes in detail the Khitan (Liao) equipment which includes. pe r warrior: three horses: nine pieces of armor; saddlecloth and bridle; leather or iron frontal horse armor (chanfron and frontal) two composite and two se lf bows; 400 arrows in four quivers~ o ne long spear and one short spear: one club; one axe; and one bannered halberd! I think it 's rather safe to assume that, in actuality. if they had half of their assigned gear they were doing well. 77. KJ,itan (Liao) Cavalryman Although equipped with lacquered leather band armor: these cavalrymen operated as skirmishe rs. Armed with bows. iaveli ns and swords. they lacked the horse armor, most of the personal armor. and the halberd of their heavier counterparts. 89 <:':--=- ~ Q. 90 Nobles had a dress code that distinguished peerage. Only the highest nobles wore sable. with a purplish·black sheen being preferred over a plain black one. Ermine followed , with sheep . and mole furs being utilized by the lower classes. Khitan (Liao) officials wore a tunic (kalat) of dark green, fastened by buttons to their left. 78. Khitan (Liao) Conscript Infantryman The levy spearmen tagged along as skirm ishers and "cannon-fodder" for the cavalry. Termed the "Po-hai", they we re composed of not only Khitan and subject tribal levies, bu t also skilled Chinese artillerists. Their spear was about nine feet long and they were equipped with a small shield and helmet. As an alternative to the spear and shield shown, the militia cou ld be armed with crossbows and swords. Drab colors in the extreme would dominate, perhaps with the Chinese artillerists as an exception. 79_ lurchen Armored Cavalryman This figure is taken from a 14th century drawing of a lurchen \'.:arrioT , the "I-yi.i-t'u-chih". and can be seen in the Cambridge Unive rsity Library. Dark colors would dominate , with lighter fur trim. It shou ld be noted that virtually all of the "northern peoples" were related in some way and , as Steppe people , had much common ancestry. TIlerefore. colors used would be quite similar among the Hsiung-nu. ru Chueh , Mongols, lurchen and Uighurs. 80. Seljuk Turk Armored Cavalryman The Visier for the Mongol Gazan Khan, Rashid-al-Din , wrote and illustrated The World Chronicles Illustrated to document his Khan's exploits. In this work, the lami-et·Tawarikh , dated 1200 A.D .. are found many drawings of the Seljuks and the Mongols. This figure is taken from these drawings, and depicts the armored caval ry of the Seljuk Army . The composite bow, of a unique design , and the distinct quiver are characteristic of the Seljuks. A long sword of just over three feet in length , a twelve foot lance, and a shield complete the armament. Th e armor itself appears to be "lamellar" over which a surcoat of a very light hue was worn. The helmet shown in (a) is also shown in these drawings. 8 I. Seljuk Turk Unarmored Cavalryman A ceramic bowl, dated to the early 13th ce ntury A.D. and currently in the Freer Gallery in Washington, D.C. , shows a truly magnificent battle scene of the Seljuks in action. Im mediately to be seen are the horse archers carrying bow sheaths on their right , arrow quivers on their left, firing tlleir weapons left-handed. The trim on the tunics around the neck, upper sleeves, and chest was consistently contrasted to the tunic color. Tunics colors were dark blue, light green, grey . dark brown , and madder red . Trim colors would be, for example, light brown on a dark blue tuni c, light red on a dark brown , dark brown on a light green tunic and madder red on light grey. 82. Seljuk Turk Infantryman Also from the ceram ic bowl are pictured infantry. An intriguing little note is the laced leggings of these soldiers. One is instantly reminded of the Tokharians and the Scandanavians. 91 84. b. c. ~ Q . 92 No swords were noted. and tunic colors were as for Figure 81. The shield pattern colors are, from the outside in: dark brown, light blue, and black. 83. Seljuk Turk Kettledrummer Daled 1237 A.D .. a copy of Ihe "Hariri·s Makamal" (Ihe Pilgrim's Caravan) is in Ihe Bibliolheque Nationale in Paris. In this painting are depicted Seljuk musicians, unarmored cavalry. army and unit standards. TIlis ket tledrummer is mounted upon a dromedary camel, and is seen dressed in the standard Seljuk tunic as was depicted on the ce ram ic bowl. Differences noted are the turban and lower leg "puttee". Also shown is a turbaned Seljuk musician blowing the large trumpet drawn to scale in (a). Tunics in this painting are blue, green , and purple. Turban colors are red and blue. 84. Seljuk Turk King The frontispiece from a volume of the "Kitab-al-Aghani" . dated 1217 A.D .. shows a Seljuk King along with several infantrymen. The King is clad in a purple tunic. hat and trousers. The tunic was adorned with a wealth of gold embroidery - the pattern shown in (a). This was applied to every part of the tunic and hat. In fantry tunic colors provided by this sou rce were: black. red , purple and a light pink. 85. Seljuk Turk Standards " Hari ri's Makamat" provides the standard seen in (a). This is the Army standard. and colors for the lassels are, from lefl to righl: black, gold, black wilh gold fringe. The ceramic bowl provides figure (b), which is a unit standard. The globe color is while, which may represent polished metal, the horse-hair is black. and the feather is red. Rashid-al-Din's "'World History" shows figure (c) with a bear-like creature on the field of the standard. This appears to be a personal standard, much in the form of a western blazon-of-arms. The field is white with a black bear "'rampant". 86. later Tibetan Armored Cavalryman This figure is derived from an early 14th century type. still used in ritual fetes in Tibet today to commemorate past glories. Heavily padded cloth trousers and sleeves are arm ored with a chain mail shirt. inferior in strength to western or Persian mail. An iron disk is located over the sternum and suspended by leather straps. A scimitar-like sword is worn on his left side. How bow is slung over his back when not in use. The helmet is adorned with black horse-hair radiating about a light colored leather oval. A lance. between ten and twelve feet long, is decorated with a long pennant, while the horse's harness has a multitude of feathe rs attached. The symbol shown in (a) was embroidered or painted in black on the rider's trousers, just above the knee. 93 87 _ Later Tibetan Lama Religion was so important to the Tibetans, not only in civil matters but also in those of the military, that I deemed it appropriate to include one such priest. In fact , when the Mongols wanted to subjugate Tibet. they did it not by warfare bOt by diplomacy_ They ousted the ruling king, and substituted the Hi gh Lama , who just happened to be pro · ~'1ongol , as ruler. This Lama. dressed in a bright scarlet robe, is a High Priest of one of the fuling monastic orders. 88_ Later Tibetan Mystical Letter This is the letter OM. As this was their sign for the omnipotent. it was not that unusual to find it appea ring almost everywhe re that div ine in tervention was needed, including army banners. 89. Later Tibetan Unit Standards These are taken from a wall painting in Tibet, the "mgon-khang" dated to the early 14th cenlUry A. D. They are almost surely small unit " regimental" standards, as the flag-division system was still in existence. (See figure 71). 90. Nepalese Archer Providing Tibet with infantry support was her southern neighbor. and ally, Nepal. This bowman constituted the bulk of the infantry of this allied army. He does not wear armor - the "bands" are colored bands of contrast ing colors. such as black and yellow. Note the use of a self-bow and the peculiar hat he wears. 91. Mongol Armored Cavalryman Such a Illuitiwde of descriptions of ~' I ongol armor prevail that there is no other course but lO use a composite of the more reasonable types. An iron scale (perhaps lamellar) shirt seems to be the most viable of alternatives. Other possibilities are chainmail shirts. ox·hide cuirass. cuir bouilli. leather reinforced with iron plates. and black. lacquered bands of leather. Quite conceiva bly. all of these types were employed by individual preference. as no other explanation seems valid when so many differing descriptions abound. A wicker-backed shield with a lOugh hide coverin g is generally accepted as the Mongol shield. The lance. about twelve feet long. had a small hook below the spearblade and was adorned with a !Uft of black horse-hair. Two composite bows with two quivers totalling 60 arrO\vs; a mace: an axe; a lariat; a sword; and le ather bags_ clearly show the relationship to 'heir mentors, the Khitan ( Liao) (see Figure 76)_ As many sources claim the horses were armored as not. Either la cquered leather or iron scales are described as provid in g the horse armor (chanfron and frontal). Howorth's epic five volume work on the Mongols provide an exce ll ent description of these people. The fi rst and paramount "mark" of the Mongol was the presence of two red ribbon streamers. each 45 centimeters long. that were attached to the helmet or hat and hung down the back. Trouser colors were grey or bright blue. In winter. sheepskin or wool lined trousers were substituted. 94 <;6 °o'p0o ooro oqW °DQ °ZS 0' 0p 0q °D °59 °L9 The long wide tunic, the kalat, was usually blue or brown. Wealthy nobles wore these kalats decorated with plush trim on collars, borders, hems and cuffs. Soiled silk robes, captured in plunder, could also have been worn. The leather boots were heel-less with many laces. The conical cap was made of quilted material , with a turned up brim, and was decorated with fox or wolf fur. A heirachy of furs existed with these Steppe people; the wealthy and upper social classes used wolf, fox , badger, and monkey (in that order) while the lower classes had dog and goat. 92. Mongol Armored Cavalryman He substitutes black lacquered leather bands for the scale armor. He also utilizes javelins in lieu of the lance. As a skirmisher, or member of the "mangudai" , his horse would be unarmored. Figures (a) - (e) denote tribal differences in headgear. The Derbet and Urian-khai allies wore hats with a thick rim and round, flat top (a). The Tanguts employed a cylindrical cap as shown in (b). In the late 1200's, Ustad Mehmed Siyah Qalem painted some Mongols. Figures (c) - (e) are tribal headgears within the Mongol nation ,but their names are not recorded. Colors for these are, from top to boltom: (c) Black, with light blue trim; (d), gold , black, with red trim; (e), gold, black. Kalats with collars and borders faced with different colors are also depicted. Blue kalats are faced red; brown kalats are faced light blue; and black kalats are faced red. 93. Mongol Khan This figure is styled after a description of the Jenghis Khan at 56 years of age. Mounted on a white horse , he wore a white felt hat adorned with eagle feathers. Of course, the Mongol red streamers were worn. A long black sable coat, trimmed with plush, and closed with a girdle of golden plates, was his attire. Madder colored boots completed his dress. An interesting note that should be reiterated - the J_enghis Khan was not dark in coloring as the Chinese and Hollywood depict him. As did his father, Yesugai , Temujin had reddish hair and blue eyes. In fact . great note was made of Kublai's birth, as Kublai was dark in complexion. The cross-breedings that occurred with conquest produced the familiar dark Mongolian types that have come to represent the "legions of Jenghis Khan". Tablets of Authority were issued to commanding officers in the Mongolian Army. (a) represents the tablet issued to a commander of 100. It was silver and weighed 120 saggi. One saggio was equivalent to 1/6 ounce, or 74 grains troy. (b) was given to a commander of 1,000, was gold and weighed 120 saggi. 96 (c) was issued to a commander of 10,000, was gold, weighed 220 saggi, and had a lion's head stamped into it. (d) issued to a commander of 100,000, weighed 300 saggi , was gold , and carried the symbols of the sun, moon, and lion. (e) was issued to the prince of the realm , weighed 300 saggi, was gold , with the stamp of the gerfalcon onil. A golden parasol (miniature) was also issued to a commander of more than 100,000, and these commanders were authorized to sit on a silver chair in the presence of the Khan. 94. Mongol Standards The tuk, representing the Khan , consisted of nine yak tails, usually all white. The composition or arrangement of these tails has been shown in many forms. Figure (a) is the description noted to be that of the lenghis Khan. Figure (c) is the standard for an un designated Khan. In 1256 A.D., Nayan, a Mongol chieftain and cousin of Kublai (son of Agul, of the line of Uchegin, Temujin's brother - a very low ranking family lineage) rebelled against Kublai. He was a Christian, and his standard bore the Christian cross. This is shown in figure (b). It is interesting to note that the KJlans have traditionally allowed any and all religions to prosper within the Mongolian Army. It was said that had the Christian missionaries been able to prove their God more powerful than any other, Kublai would have converted. As it was, Kublai respe cted all Gods, and neve r was a religious edifice destroyed nor priests mistreated at his command. 95. Mongol Auxiliary Archer This auxiliary archer is Chinese, taken from the Mongol Invasion Scroll , the "moko Shurai e-kotobe" dated I 293 A.D. , attributed to Tosa Nagataka and Tosa Nagaaki. The quiver is of leopard skin trimmed with black. He wears a buff-colored coat, white trousers, black boots and yellow metal helmets. The "hair" shape near the ears is actually a part of the helmet, and not the warrior's hair. It can be seen again on figure 105. Chinese auxiliary spearmen are shown with the same helmet, but with a green coat, and carrying a shield and six·foot long javelins. 96. Mongol Kettledrum, the Great Naccara of the Khan Two kettledrums were carried by a Bactrian camel since the time of the lenghis Khan. The drum roll of the Great Naccara was only used to signal the charge of the army. 97. Uighur Savant Unarmored Cavalryman Early in the lenghis Khan's career, he subdued the Uighurs and they joined his forces. These were used almost exclusively as light, skirmishing cavalry, and for this purpose carried short thrusting spears and a small buckler. They are distinguished by their yellow cloaks, worn over the left shoulder, and their characteristic black velvet hats. 98. Kalmuk Chieftain Howorth describes two such chieftains. One was attired in a horseskin cloak with a broad red scarf about his head. The other wore a dark blue kalat, buttoned across the chest with white metal buttons, and a leather belt worn and secured by a silver buckle. His helmet shaped hat was of black silk trimmed in black velvet. Two broad red ribbons feU from the hat down his back. 97 95. 96. 98 66 ·vOI '£01 ·001 Madder boots completed his dress. The Kalmuk were also employed as skirmishing auxiliaries of the Mongol Army. 99. Korean Auxiliary Infantryman Figures 99- 109 all appear on the Mongol Invasion Scrolls. The Figures 99- 102 are identified as Koreans by the standard seen in Figure 103. We are told that auxiliaries were equipped in the Mongol fashion , therefore, we might assume that native Mongolian infantry appeared as these figures do. The spear carried by this soldier is long - perhaps ten to twelve feet in length. He is additionally armed with a bow and probably also has a sword. The huge wicker shield is shown on the scroll studded with arrows , and none have pierced the shield , flimsy as it might appear. Uniform colors are not to be seen , though the following colors are all used : light blue (almost turquoise); emerald green; white; reddish brown; grey; buff; and black. 100. Korean Armored Cavalryman This armor type has been seen before , and is frequently seen in the Scrolls. H. Russen Robinson refers to it as "Lamellar" . and there doesn't seem to be another name for it. The armor is colored white in the Scroll, and therefore represents polished metal. In addition to the bow shown , Similarly armored cavalrymen on the Scroll are also equipped with a twelve foot long lance, but no shields are to be seen. Colors noted for the armored cavalry . though not uniform, are: emerald green~ white~ buff; and brown. 101. Korean Auxiliary Armored Infantryman The armored counterpart of Figure 99, this warrior wears a coat of lamellar armor instead of long robe . His shield was a small buckler. perhaps also of wicker composition. A composite bow, six·foot long spear, and probably a sword completed his offensive armament. Colors were not uniform, but whites, greens, browns, and buffs dominated. 102. Korean Auxiliary Musician This figure carries a gong, an instrument quite common in Eastern armies. It is of brass, about two and a half feet in diameter. The musicians in the army would also have drums that were carried and look rather like bass drums. 103. Korean Standard The field of the standard is orange, the upper part of the "Yin-Yang" is buff, the lower part white. 104. Chinese Standard This standard flies from a ship transporting Chinese auxiliaries to shore. Therefore, it is safe to assume that this is a Chinese standard, as it is also true that the Chinese supplied the ships and crews for their Mongol masters. From right to left, the colors are: maroon; black; a red-orange field with a white circle. 100 101 0p 'vv °601 I I I °801 105. Japanese Imperial Bodyguard This figure is from the "Mounted Imperial Bodyguards Scroll", the "zuishin teiki emaki", dated 1247 A.D. , attributed to Fujiwara Nobuzane. The Guardsman is armed only with bow and arrows and definitely has no other weapon. He is dressed entirely in white, with a black hat and shoes, a red be lt and red ·shafted arrows. On eith er side of his hat is a fan shaped metallic ornament similar to that worn by Figure 95. 106. Japanese Armored Cavalryman From the In vasion Scrolls, this figure is representative of the mounted Samurai, th e legendary heroes of the Invasion repulse. Literally, there are volumes written on the cxtemely ornate and intricate designs incorporated in the decoration of their armor. but simplified designs and patterns are seen on the Scrolls. The armor is uniformly black lacquered, with alternating bands of either yellow, light blue, green , or red. Shields are not carried. Weapons included two swords, one long (Dai) and one short (Sho); and a bow six to seven feet in length. For further accuracy and in-depth stud ies of Japanese armor, I wou ld direct the reader to the volumes li sted in the Bibliography - especially the book by Hakuseki. 107. Japanese Armored Infantryman This warrior ca rries a very unusual we apon for wh ich I can find no prototype. It was probably used to dismount a mounted opponent by use of rope and hook. The hat was dark brown with a white trim. The "'epaulets" were white with a red trim. The lamellar cuirass and abdomen plates were brown , th e stockin gs black , and the sleeves and trousers grey. I 08. Japanese Armored Infantry Officer Though identical in basic costume lO the figure above , there were certain distinct ions awarded to officers. He wears bla ck trousers and sleeves. and has a distinctive "V" device on his armor. Th e device itself is green while the in side of the "triangle" thus formed is white. He is armed with the formidable "Naginata" - a murderous weapon in the han ds of a trained warrior. 109. Japanese Standards Standards (a) and (b) are definitely armored cavalry regimental standards. (d) is an infantry standard, and (c) is possibly the standard for figures 107 an d 108. Standard (a) is white wi th black devices. Standard (b) is also white, with a light blue circle with brown shapes. This is th e standard of a regiment commanded by Shiraishi Rokuro. Standard (c) has a white upper half with blue and white banded fea thers. The lower half is black. Standard (d) from top to bottom is: white; green ; light blue ; and black. 102 (0 1 11 O£II 110. Koloman Cavalryman These horsemen were the best fighters among the uncivilized border tribes, according to Marco Polo. Figures 110-113 are taken from Colonel Yule's work on Marco Polo, and, as they are the only drawings so far found, and do accurately portray the descriptions, there is no reason to assume that they are grossly inaccurate. The Koloman wore beards but no moustaches. Their hair was gathered into a tuft, about which blue cloth was wrapped - a bit like a turban. Fine blue cloth was a favored material for tunics and trousers alike. Weapons carried were long lances at least twelve feet in length, large bows and razor-sharp swords. Ill. Sangmiau Armored CavaUyman The Sangmiau tribe of Kweichau (Carajan) were subjects of Kublai Khan. These cavalryment " rode long" in the saddle, the saddle having a high cantle in the rear. They wore armor of boiled leather (cuir bouilli) and were armed with sword, shield, and short thrusting spear. A crossbow could be carried in lieu of the spear. The quarrels of the Sangmiau tribe were all poisoned. 112. Miautse Armored Infantryman This tribe is also from Kweichau,and may have been subject to Kublai Khan. Their armor was buffalo leather overlaid with an iron plate and disks. The shield is rather interesting almost a direct copy of the Tang Dynasty infantry shield (see Figure 34). The spear carried is six to seven feet long. 113. Sangmiau Crossbowman This figure is shown with llJl extremely oversized crossbow. He is shown in the original drawing with three attendants assjsting in drawing the bow. It is obvious that a crew of four was needed to operate this weapon , but further information on it is not available. Of course , being from the Sangmiau tribe , we may expect that the bolts fired were pOisoned. 114. Burmese Archer As with the Vietnamese, examples of Burmese warriors are also notoriously hard to come by. Just after the Mongol incident, a purge of art objects occurred that destroyed most of the then extant artifacts. The descriptions of the Burmese warriors concur with a fresco dated to the early 13th century at Wet Kyi-in Ky-byank-Kyi. This figure's dress is derived from that fresco. In 800 A.D. , Kingfisher feathers were quite popular for use as rank distinctions, so it is possible that this tradition continued. The Mon people's device was hamsa, or the wild goose, and as such, this device would probably appear in the form of a standard or shie1d device - possibly used by the crossbow unit of the Mon Guard. Figure (a) shows a typical crossbow of this general area, and could be an alternative to the self-bow shown. 104 115. Burmese Armored Infantryman Quilted pads of cotton constituted the annor for these soldiers. Swords and shields were carried, possibly in addition to short spears, as were carried by all infantry at the Battle of Pyedawthagyun in 1084 A.D. The Mon Guard were said to carry gilded swords, shields and helmets. 116. Burmese Armored Cavalryman Armored in exactly the same fashion as figure liS, the short spear carried may have been supple· mented by a small buckler. Elite units often had gilded helmets. 117. Steppe Nomad's Horse A sturdy, stocky mount served the purposes of most of the Steppe peoples from the Hsiung·nu to the Mongols. This typical mount was small, only 12 - 13 hands tall, with the most favored steeds coming from the Gobi Desert area. The Hsiung-nu preferred whites, greys, blacks, and chestnut colors. The Tu Chueh tribe, "po-rna" or "ghora" (which isTurkic for "spotted horses" or Piebald), favored horses with that coloring. The Mongols preferred greys, chestnu ts, bays, and sorrells. The Mongol saddle had the stirrups up very high , and had a broad, high pommel and cantle. 11 8. Han Dynasty Horse This horse is a copy of the first section of the "Five Horses Scroll" by the famous Chinese painter, Li Lung-mien. It is quite similar to horses seen on Han Dynastic reliefs and frescoes. The Pei-yuan fresco shows horses in white, buff (palomino?), burnt sienna (bays), grey, and black-legged duns. The saddle blankets are always white, and the trappings are vermillion or white. 119. Ferghanan Horse This is a copy of an ink drawing of the famous horse, by the T ang Dynasty master, Han Kan. In the early second century B.C. , the Han Chinese waged an entire campaign just to subdue Ferghana and Sogdiana, in order to acquire enough of these an imals. A bit taller than the typical Steppe pony, this animal was quite suited to the rigors of Steppe life, and soon was sought after by all. 11tis is the legendary "blood·sweating" horse of eastern tales, and this "legend" is truth, not myth. Due to a parasite infecting these animals, the capillaries on the skin surface are actually forced to bleed when the body is under stress. This beast and it's sub·breeds were utilized by virtually every nation covered in this book, when they could get their hands on them. They were predominantly of a yellow·brown color, with black or darker hair on the legs up to the knee (hock) or mid·forearm (gaskin). Greys followed as the next most common color. 106 LO I 121. 122. 123. 124. 108 120. Tang Dynasty Horse This figure is copied from a drawing by Yen Li-pen , from a bas-relief in Li Shih-min's tomb in Chao Ling, Shensi Provin ce. I t is of " r e-lei-p'iao". the great general's favorite steed. Figure (a) shows a chanfron also shown on the original relief. From the frescoes at Tun-huang, the following horse colorings are depicted: duns. greys, whites. blacks, chestnuts, and sorrell s. 121. Kushan India Horse From reliefs in the British Museum come the con figuration of trappings as shown on this figure. It is a little later than the Kushan era, the Gandharan (about 50 - 100 years later). No sti rrups are shown' on the relief, but we may assume that the Kushan did have them , as their kin smen. the Ind o-Scy thians. made use of them. 122. Mongol Ha lf-Armored Horse The arguments pro and con whether the Mongols used iron or lacquered leather armor for their horses are as numerous as those whether the rider wore these or not. Battle descriptions of the Mongol armored cavalry in action either tell of shiny metal fro ntal armor. or blackened lacquered leather. The Khan's personal 1,000 man Guard were all mounted upon black horses. The Jenghis Khan's shock divis ion s (Tumens?) had all the armor and trappings paiIlled either red or black. 123. Japanese Imperial Guard Horse These horses. the mounts of Figure 105. were all white. with red trappings. Note the unusual st irrup. it is the "'abumi" or "batto" . and quite unique to the Japanese. 124. Japanese Armored Cavalryman's Horse This is the mount of the Samurai. as depicted in the Mongol In vasion Scrolls. Most of the trappings are red. but this is not the rule as other colors are shown. these being brown and black. Browns and blacks seem 10 be the most popular horse COlO f, with a few duns noted. 125. Kushan Indian Wa r Elephant This figure is taken from a silver dish in th e State Hefmitage Museum in Leningrad. Visible armamen t for the two-man crew was a sha n spear (five to six feet) and a bow. 126. Seljuk Turk War Elephant This illustration was derived from Rash id·al·Din's "Universal History". As evident, there was no howdah , and the crew held on to the elephant by means of ropes tied over the beast's blanket. The warrior crew seem to be wearing lamellar armor, along with the light-hued su rcoat. The long lan ce or pike ca rried by one of th e crew is at least IS' long. The other crewman has the standard Seljuk composite bow. 127. Burmese War Elephant As enigmatic as many of the Oriental modes of fighting or weaponry so far revealed. we have the oddist now - the Burmese war elephant. 109 126. 110 Recorded by Marco Polo at the Battle of Vochan in 1272 A.D., this figure is an illustration of that description. The elephant has purposely been represented as an average sized beast to show that such an arrangement of warriors was possible. It should be noted that the warriors only mounted their beasts prior to joining combat - therefore, the an imal did not have to put up with the burden for any long period of time. This eleph ant is mounted with 12 warriors plus the mahout. Marco Polo describes the elephants as each having 12-16 warriors. As the Occidental world is used to hearing of perhaps a four man crew at best , this detail of the Burme se war elephant merits further discussion as even the translator of Marco Polo, Colonel Yule, is a bit "bothered" by the large number of crew. He has uncovered a few descriptions of the Oriental war elephants that unnerve a western military tradition. TI,e Third Book of Maccabees alleges that an In dian elephant can carry 32 warriors besides the mahout. Philoslralus, in his Life of Apollonius, II c.ii, tells us that 10-15 were carried on the elephant. An elephant sent by Timur Khan to the Sultan of Egypt is said to have carried 20 drummers. Nicolo di Conti, visiting Burma in 1435 A.D., states that 8- 10 was the number. Caesar Frederick, in 1568, states four, and ChristOpher Barri , in Cochin China (London, 1633) says that ordinarily the Cochin Chinese (Burmese) elephant carried 13- 14 warriors, six on each side (mounted on two tiers of three each) with two guarding the rear. Therefore , we have evidence of anywhere from four to 32. As Marco Polo was indeed at the Battle of Vochan, I see no reason to dispute his observed 12-16 crew. The crewmen wore no armor , but the elephant wore a kind of quilted cotton armor on occasion. Slung to the sides of the elephant were quivers of bamboo javelins and arrows for the upper-tiered archers. 128. Chinese Light Chariot This chariot is a prototype of the vehicle that was used by the Chinese Army from the times of the Chou throughout the Han and perhaps beyond. The vehicle usually carried a two-man crew, the warrior usually armed with a bow. This particular chassis is from a re construction of such a vehicle, from the "Khao Kung Chi" and appears in Needham's Science and Ci,ilization In China, volume 4. The scale of the fighting compart ment, asjudged from reliefs and frescoes, appears to be roughly a 3:2 ratio, that is , side to side: front to back. The charioteer is grasping with his left hand a u-shaped bar that traverses the vehicle from side to side. It is also possible that the charioteer occupied the area in front of the bar, and sat as he drove the two-horse cha riot team. This left more room for the warrior to wield his bow in combat. 129. Chinese War Chariot This particular vehicle, from the Wu Family Shrines, is the Han dynasty prototype of the war chariot. The Chou version would be quite similar, yet without canopy. Unlike figure 128, this vehicle's fighting compartment was approximately square. Beginning in the Chou period and thereafter, the crew of this vehicle consisted of a spearman on the right side, an archer on the left, and a driver in the middle. The nobleman in command of the vehicle could be any of the warrior rypes, induding the,driver. Size of weapons varied; the Chou used spears of two sizes, the rnau of 4 cubits, and the ko of 16 cubits, in addition to the composite bow. During the Han, crossbows (nu) could be carried, as were 112 £11 "6ZI long lances (more than 12' long), in addition to bows and javelins. According to Wittfogel and Sheng's work, these long lances were also carried in the lighter chariot depicted in figure 128. The canopies of the chariots were circular, with a square painted or embroidered in its center, a representation of the earth (square) surrounded by the universe (circle). The color of the canopy may correspond to the colors set out by edict in 21 A.D. (see figures 9, 14 and 15). • The Chou chariot, without canopy, had its sides covered with wooden boards or bucklers as a defence I· against arrows. Inside of the chariot would be mats of bamboo or embroidered carpets. Commanders had many embellishments to distinguish their vehicles on the field. In addition to green silk covered axle trees, the quadriga had golden bits with little bells on each side, and richly embroidered reins. At times , the horses were covered with hrigandine or protected by bucklers. Chariot unit commanders had an oxtail affixed to a pole signifying their command (see figure 4a). Fi Fei, in his "Ts'ai Yung" (i 92-133 B.C.) describes the Han Emperor's chariot. The canopy was of • yellow silk , and had a bunch of yellow feathers or a yak tail attached to the left end of the yoke, at the end of the chariot pole tongue, or attached to the left outer horse of the quadriga. Along with the effectiveness of the crossbow, the introduction of caJtrops into Oriental warfare during Han Wen-ti's reign (i 79-156 B.C.) served to reduce significantly the effectivenss of the chariot as a shock weapon. • 130. Sung Dynasty Commander's Chariot As mentioned earlier. the chariots during the Sung Dynasty were probably used only as a command vehicle. Dimensions of the vehicle were quite large - approximately twice the size from side to side as front to back. Along with the general, a charioteer and aide were depicted in the original drawing. Affixed to the chariot was the commander's personal standard, along with the weapons illustrated in figure 44. The horses of the quadriga were all garbed in cloth "surcoats", decorated with horizontal stripes of bright colors. , 131. Light Catapult This figure represents the P'i-li Ch'. catapult of the-Han Dynastic period, but could also represent the smaller catapults used by any dynasty covered by this book. A typical P'ao (small engine) would have 40 men pulling at the ropes to provide the necessary tension to catapult the rock when it was fired. This 40 man crew was used to propel a 2 lb. rock a distance of 100 yards. One hundred men provided the tension for a machine that launched a 251b. rock 165 yards. The rope length of this machine was 34 feet. 132. Multiple Crossbow E.T.C. Werner's Chinese Weapons gave the information needed to represent the multiple crossbow pictured. Although this particular weapon is contemporary to the T'ang, we are informed by ancient authors that such weapons were used by the Han Dynasty. Pan Ku states explicitly that crossbows capable of discharging several bolts at a time were used. These bows were augmented by repeating crossbows which in appearance looked like ordinary weapons, but 114 i S II o 'j"------I )-_~....,----;>--l 0 with a box·like magazine placed over the stock of the weapon. By means of a lever. the bowstring was st retched into firing position and a bolt dropped into the breach. There. the trigger was pulled to fire the bolt. TIle magazine held from 2-10 baits, depending on the size of the bow. This weapon was not uncommon, except that it doesn't 'seem that the cavalry were issued the bow (as strange as that may sound). These weapons were probably used from the Han period and on. Even the Mongols utilized such weapons, operated by Chinese artillerists. 133. Rockel and Fire Arrow The rocket pictured is a Mongo!·era prototype, and probably earlier missiles lacked the stabilizing fins. It has been described and pictured as a bamboo tube, reinforced leather. or even thick paper. The " Invincible Bamboo Commander" of the Sung era (quite a colorful name for such a weapon) had a 1S00 yard range (7-800 pu) and it's explosion was described as terrific and destructive. More than likely. it was used to disrupt an enemy rather than to kill. It could be fired from a sma ll ramp·like platform, but occasionally (as was used aga inst and by the Mongols) several rockets were encased in a box·1ike structure and fired en masse like a "nebelwerfer". The fire arrow had a sack of gunpowder attached to the shaft , and had a fu se inserted into it. The missile was fired from a conventional bow, with the fuse lit. Upon burning of the fuse. the sack exploded. TllUS, an arrow could be fired to a location, and then explode, if the timing of the fuse was correct. These were used at least as early as the Tang, and perhaps earlier. 134. and 135. Trebuchels of the Later Dynasties Large engines such as these, are of course, not "field weapons" but rather those used fo r seige warfare. As early as 712 A.D .. even the Islamic armies had such weapons - as Muhammad-bin·Qasim's Army had five large engines called "Uroos" (the bride) each manned by a crew of SOD! The pictured engines are both of the Liao Dynasty (ca. 1000 A.D.) and are described in Wittfogel and Sheng's work on the Liao. These weapons utilized either ISO or 240 man crews. Ranges and weight of shot fired are not re corded. These weapons we re not limited to anything as mundane as just firing rocks- as their "arsenal" of missiles was virtually unlimited. The I' Hu o p'ao" hurled gunpowder balls wit h fuses that exploded on impact. The "Mongol Invasion Scrolls" of Japan record the Mongol's use of such weapons, and the Mongols used them against the Nayan Tartars in 1286. The "Chin Chih p'ao" threw pots of molten metal, and the "Fen p'ao" launched pots of manure! Literary evidence points to the Khitan (Liao) use of said missiles, but this has not been substantiated by any ancient accounts. These weapons were not the ultimate in Oriental artillery- but the scope of this book limits the inclusion of the cannon. The oldest known bronze cannon in the world is a Mongol weapon- dated 1332 A. D. Thus we see many innovations and inventions- discovered by the Chinese and honed to a science by her enemies. The fury and military expertise of the Mongols would not remain in Asia, nor would it end- Europe was next. 11 6 I BIBLIOGRAPHY I. CHINA 1. Bingham, W. The Founding of the Tang Dynasty. New York: Octagon Books, 1970. 2. Bodde, D. China's First Unifier. Hong Kong : Hong Kong University Press, 1967. 3. Ssu·ma Ch'ien. Records of the Grand Historian of China. The Shih Chi. Translated by B. Watson. New York: Columbia University Press, 1961 Volumes I and I! . 4. Cottrell, L The Tiger of Ch'in. New York : Holt , Rinehardt and Winston, 1962. 5. CrOissant, D. 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Paris : Li braire Pion , 1951. 16. Gungwu, W. The Structure of Power in North China During the Five Dynasties. University of Mal aya Pre ss , 1963. 17. Harriso n, J, The Chinese Empire. New York : Harcou rt , 1972. 18. Hirth, F. The Ancient History of China. New York: Library Press, 1969. 19. Hirth, F. China and the Roman Qrient. Hong Kong, 1885. 20. Hookham, H. A Short History of China. New York: Mentor Books, 1969. 21. Cho·yun Hsu . Ancient China in Transition. Stanford: Stanford University Press , 1965. 22. Pan ku. The History of the Former Han Dynasty. Translated by H. Du bs Baltimore : Waverly Press, 1938, Three Volumes. 23. Lee , S. A History of Far Eastern Art. New York: Prentice Hall , 1964. 24. Dun Li . The Ageless Chinese. New York: Charles Schribner's Sons 1971. 25. Loewe, M. Records of the Han Administration. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967 Two Volumes. 26. Loewe, M. Everyday Life in Imperial China. New York: Putnam's Sons 1968. 27. Loewe, M. Military Operations in the Han Period, London China Society Occasional Papers # 121961 vii, pp. 1-26. 28. Needham, J. Science and Civilization in China. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1965 Four Volumes. 29. Pulleyblank, E. The Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan. Oxford: Oxford University Pre ss, 1955 11 7 30. Reischauer, E. Ennin's Travels in rang China. New York: Ronald Press, 195 5. 31. Rudolph, R. " The Minatory Crossbowman in Early Chinese Tombs", Archives of the Chinese Art Art Society of America, Volume XIX 1965, pp. 8- 15. 32. Shafer, E. Ancient China. New York: Time·Life Books, 1967. 33. Sickman , L. and Soper. A. The Art and Architecture of China. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1971. 34. Siren, O. Chinese Painting. ew York: Ronald Press, 1956, Volume I. 35. Siren , O. Chinese Sculpture. New York: Hacker Press, 1970 Two Volumes. 36. Siren. O. The Chinese on the Art of Painting. New York: Schocken Books, 1963. 37. Swann, P. Chinese Monumental Art. New York: Viking Press, 1963. 38. Teggart. F. Rome and China. Berkeley: University of California Pre ss , 1939. 39. Toynbee. A.. editor, Half the World. New York: Holt, Rinehardt and Winston. 1973. 40. Sun Tzu. The Art of War . Translated by S. Griffith Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963. 4 I. Wallacker, B. "Studies in Medieval Ch inese Se igecraft. The Seige of YU'pi 546 A. D.". Journal of As ian Studies Volume XXVIII #4 August 1969, pp. 789- 799. 42. Watson , W. China Before the Han Dynasty. New York: Praeger 1962. 43. Werner. E. Chinese Weapons. Los Angeles: Ohara Publications, 1931 . 44. Wittfogel and Sheng. History of Chinese Society= Liao . New York: McMillan and Company, 1949. 45. Han Yii. The Veritable Record of the rang Emperor Shun·tsung. The Shun·tsung Shih·lu. Tr anslated by B. Solomon, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1955. 46. Ying·Shih YU. Trade and Expansion in Han China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967. II. CENTRAL ASIA AND THE STEPPES 47. Bussaghi. M. Painting of Central Asia. Translated by L. Small Cleveland: World Publishers, 1963. 48. Chavannes. E. Documents sur les Tou·Kive (Tures) Occidentaux. Par is. 1900. 49. Grousset. R. The Empire of the Steppes. Translated by N. Walford Rutgers: Rut gers Unive rsity Press, 1970. 50. Howorth. H. History of the Mongols. London. 1876. Five Volumes. 5 1. Ipsi roglu , M. Painting and Cu lture of the Mongols. New Yo rk: Abrams Publishing, 1958. 52. Komroff, M.. editor, Contempories of Marco Polo. New York, 1928. 53. Lamb. H. Genghis Khan. 'ew York: R. McBride & Co. , 1928. ~ 54. \·Iartin. H. The Rise of Chingis Khan and his Conquest of North China. Baltimore: Johns Hopk in s Univers ity Pre ss. 1950. 55 . McGovern , W. The Early Empires of Central Asia. Chapel Hill , North Carolina: Un iversity of North Carolina Press. 1939. 56. Ku o-yi Pao. Studies on the Secret History of the Mongols. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965. 57 . Parker. E. A Thousand Years of the Tartars. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1969. 58. Phillips, E. The Mongols. New York: Praeger, 1969. 59. Phillips. E, The Royal Hordes. New York: McG raw ·Hill, 1964. 11 8 60. Prawdin, M. The Mongol Empire. Translated by E. Paul, New York:MacMillan and Co. , 1940. 61. Mirza Muhammad Qazvini. The History of the World Conqueror. Ala ad-Din ata-Malik Juvaini. Translated by J. Boyle , Cambridge:Harvard University Press, 1958. Two Volumes. 62. Saunders, J. History of the Mongol Conquests. London: Routledge and Paul , 1971. 63. Sheppard, E. " Military Methods of the Mongols", Army Quarterly. Volume XVIII , 1929, pp.305-315. 64. Stein, A. On Ancient Central Asian Tracks. New York: Pantheon 1964. 65 . Talbot·Rice, D. Ancient Arts of Central Asia. New York: Praeger 1965. 66. Walker, C. Jenghiz Khan. London, 1939. 67. Yule, H. The Book ofSer Marco Polo. London: John Murray Publishers 1871. Two Volumes. 1II. MISCELLANEOUS 68. Abbate, F. , editor, Indian Art. New York: Octopus Books, 1972. 69. Agrawala , V. Heritage of Indian Art. 1964. 70. Anderson, J. Japanese Armor. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Stackpole Books, 1968. 71. Maung Htin Aung. A History of Burma. New York: Columbia University Press, 1967. 72. Binyon and Wilkinson. Persian Miniature Painting. New York: Dover Press, 1971. 73. Chitora, K. Military Costume of Old Japan. Tokyo, 1893. 74. Frankfort, H. The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1970. 75. Gordon, C. The Ancient Near East. New York: W.W. Norton and Co. 1965. 76. Griswold , Kim and Pott. The Art of Burma, Korea and Tibet. New York: Crown Publishing, 1964. 77. Grube, E. The World of Islam. New York: McGraw·HiII , 1960. 78. Haarh, E. The Yar-Lui! Dynasty. Copenhagen: G.E.C. Gad's Forlag, 1969. 79. Hakuseki, A. The Annour Book in Honcho-Gunkiko. Translated by Y. Otsuka, Rutland, Vermont: Charles Tuttle and Co., 1964. 80. Harvey, G. A History of Burma. Lon.don: Frank Cass and Co., 1967. 81. Uoyd, S. The Art of the Ancient Near East. New York: Praeger, 1961. 82. McCune, E. The Arts of Korea. Rutland, Vermont: Charles Tuttle and Co. , 1962. 83. Norbu, T. and Turnbull, C. Tibet. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1968. 84. Phayre, A. , Lieutenant General. History of Burma. New York: A.M. Kelly, 1969. 85. Pinder-Wilson, R., editor, Paintings from Islamic Lands. Oxford: Cassier Publishers, 1969. 86. Puri, B. India Under the Kushanas. BombayjChowpatty : Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1965. 87. Rawson, P. The Indian Sword. New York: Area Publishing, 1968. 88. Robinson, B. "Arms and Armour of Old Japan", Victoria and Albert Museum Bulletin #6 H.M. Stat. Office, London, 1951. 89. Rosenfield, 1. Dynastic Art of the Kushans. Berkeley: University of Califami a Press, 1967. 90. Rowland, B. The Art and Architecture of India. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1967. 91. Rowland, B. Gandhara Sculpture From the Pakistan Museum. New York: The Asia Society, 1960. 92. Sharma, G. The Indian Army Through the Ages ..New York: Allied Publishers Ltd., 1966. 93. Smith, B. Japan-A History in Act. New York: Doubleday and Co. 1964. 119 94. Snellgrove, D. and Richardson, H. A Cultural History of Tibet. New York: Praeger, 1968. 95. Talbot·Rice, T. The Seljuks. ew York: Praeger, 1966. 96. Talbot·Rice, T. Islamic Painting. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1971. 97. l ing·shen Tao. "The Influence of l urchen Rule On Chinese Political Institutions" . 10urnal of Asian Studies, Volume XXX # 1 November 1970. pp. 121-I31. 98. Varley, H. The Samurai. London: We idenfeld and Nicolson, 1970. 99. Weems, G. , editor, Hulbert's History of Korea. New York: Hillary House, 1962. Two Volumes. IV. GENERAL WORKS 100. Bullock, R. " Oriental Arm s and Armor" , Bulletin Metropolitan, Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, February 1947 . 101. Denison, G. A History of Cavalry From the Earliest Times. London: MacMillan. 1913. 102. Hogg, O. Artillery: It's Origins, Heyday and Decline. London: Archon Books, 1970. 103. Laffont , R. The Ancient Art of Warfare. Paris: The International Book Society, 1966. Volume 1. 104. Laufer, B. "Prolegomena on the History of Defensive Armor", Part I, Chinese Clay Figures, Field Museum of Natural History Publication 177, Volume XIII, #1 Chicago, 19 14. lO S. Piggott. S., editor, The Dawn of Civilization. New York: McGraw-Hill , 1961. 106. Rawson, P. The Art of Southeast Asia. New York: PraegeL 1967. 107. Robinson, H. Oriental Armour. London: Herbert lenkins. 1967. 108 . Stone, G. A Glossary of the Construction, Decoration and Use of Arms and Armor. New York: l ack Brussel , 1961. 109. Talbot-Rice, D., editor, The Dawn of European Civilization. New York: McGraw·Hill. 1965. 110. Wiens, H. "Cultivation , Development and Expansion in China's Colonial Realm in Central Asia", Journal of Asian Studies, Volume XXVI #1 November 1966. pp.68- 80. 120 , APPENDICES A. SOURCES FOR THE BATTLE OF SOGDlANA AND PAN CH'AO'S CAMPAIGN. The saga of Chih·chih and the Sino-Roman en counter can be found in The History ofthe Former Han Dynasty by Pan Ku , as translated by Homer Dubs. in Volume II , pages 282-283. This is the primary source for the information, but in Everyday Life in Early Imperial China by Michael Loewe (New York: Harper & Row , 1968), pages 80- 81, the same encounter is described with out reference to the Romans involved. Pan Ch 'ao's campaign can be found described in many sou rceS. Rene Grousset. renowned sinologist , details the campaign in both The Empire of the Steppes, pages 37-47, and The Rise and Splendour of the Chinese Empire, pages 7 I -76, There is one minor problem, however. In the Steppes book. the march on Rome is definitely a military mission of conquest. The other account describes it as a diplomatic mission , one to open diplomatic relations and possibly establish alliances between Han China and Rome! To this account, the Parthians, fearing such a grand alliance, set out to convince Kan Ying that such an alliance was impossible. Kan Ying bought this, and returned to Pan eh'ao. The Chinese encounter with Kushan In dia can be found in Puri's India Under the Kushanas on pages 26- 27 . B. THE EXISTENCE OF STIRRUPS IN HAN CHINA. A controversial issue among equestrian circles is exactly when or whe re the first stirrups were used . 1 have neither the qualifications nor the intent to answer this question. I have been trained , however. to observe. My illustrations of the Han Chinese and Hsiung-nu cavalry equipped with stirrups are based mainly on visual evidence and partially on litera ry reference. It is generally accepted that stirrups were introduced to the Western world by the nomads of the Steppes. Exactly when is debatable but, as is evident from this book, these same nomads had harassed and influenced the Oriental world approximately a millenium before directly involving the west. From at least the 4th century B.C., the Chinese had adopted the Hsiung·nu tactics and mode of warfare. The presence of stirrups, vis ible on Han Dynastic funerary reliefs and frescoes surely indi cate that the Hsiung-nu had these prior to the Chinese use of them. Of cou rse it has not been proven that the Hsiung-nu or the Chinese did indeed Invent the stirrup, but my money rides on the Steppe nomads. In any event , close examinativn of the following art objects will show conclusively. that. stirrups can be dated to the Later Han Dynasty , if not before. The clearest relief showing stirrups utilized D} Ha'l Chinese cavalry can be seen from the Wu liang t'zu shrines, specifically, Battle on the Bridge. This is dated 147-168 A.D., and can be seen quite clearly in Half the World , Arnold Toynbee. editor, on pages 272- 273. The cavalrymen on the extreme right and left will be seen to be using stirrups. A funerary rubbing from I-nan, ShanttJOg Provlnte , In the Hsiao-t'ang Shan style can be seen in Sickman and Soper's Art and Architecture of Chma, on page 78 (plate 46). This is dated to the Later Han (25- 221 A.D.) but is not as clear as Battle un the Bridge. A transparency of thIS plate when enlarged indeed does show stirrups worn by the fi rst or upper register cavalrymen. A fresco from the Pei-yuan tomb from liao-yang in southe rn Manchuria, again dated to the Later Han can be found in Wilma Fai rbanks' Adventures In Retrieval on page 96. Stirrups are again evident on this fresco. While researching this topic, I came upon a gold plaque classified as Sarmatian, from the State He rmitage Museum in leningrad. This can be seen in Phillips' The Royal Hordes on page 95, plate 106. This is dated to the 4th or 3rd century B.C. , and certainly the horse's trappings seem to include short stirrups. If these are stirrups. then the hypothesis that the Chinese inherited the sti rrup from their nomadic neighbors circa the 4th-3rd centuries B.C. is not invalid. In any case, the Han Chinese did use the stirrup from at least the Later Han period. As stated in the introducti on, the intention of this work is to foster further research into the ancient Oriental art of warfare. If any readers are genuinely interested in such research, I will be more than happy to provide de rivations fo r statements appearing in this work and any assistance I can offer. I would ask, in these days of economic inflation. that such correspondence be accompanied by a self. addressed envelope with two international reply coupons. Correspondence should be addressed to: John P. Greer 5233 Til den Avenue Apt. 14 Van Nuys, California 91401 U.S.A.