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Cover: A kills the provincial governor and cuts him in two halves with his . From „Horie-monogatari-emaki“ (堀江物語絵巻), by Iwasa Matabei (岩佐又兵衛), period (17th century)

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Markus Sesko

Legends and Stories around the 2

© 2012 Markus Sesko Print and Publishing: Lulu Enterprises, Inc. eBook Version

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– 4 – Contents

Preface 7 1. The Tsubokiri no 9 2. The Kogarasu-maru 17 3. From women, geese, and 32 4. The curse of Muramasa 37 5. Divination on the basis of sword blades 48 6. The life of a royalist swordsmith 52 7. The of 58 8. The Yoshimoto-Samonji 68 9. The Takemata-Kanemitsu 76 10. The bean matter 84 11. The Gokotai- 88 12. The case of Kiyomaro 90 13. The tragic love story of Hosokawa Tadamasa 101 14. The Kuronbogiri-Kagehide and other Date swords 104 15. The Furiwakegami- 110 16. The Tsurumaru-Kuninaga 113 17. The of Katō Kiyomasa 119 18. The tantō Uraku Rai Kunimitsu 129 19. The Tsuriganekiri-Kuniyuki 133 20. The Nagashino and other Ichimonji 136 21. Kotetsu´s career 142 22. Yasutsugu and the short phenomenon of nanban-tetsu 154

Map of the old provinces 163 Glossary 165 References 168 Index 170

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– 6 – Preface

This is now the second volume of my book „Legends and Stories around the Japanese Sword“ published about one and a half years ago. Once more I try to bring the reader closer to the Japanese sword and dig deeper into the matter by the means of legends, stories and anecdotes about famous swords and their swordsmiths. Like in the first volume, I introduce several famous meitō or meibutsu and the same rule applies here too, namely that many of the legends described in this book are, as the name already suggests, legends, that means there are often several versions going round. Also, the historical sources and records are often more or less divided, but this will be mentioned when required for the understanding of a certain handed down legend. The names in this publication are quoted the Japanese way, namely: family name (myōji, 苗字), title (shōgō, 称号), common name (zokumyō, 俗名), and the actual name (nanori, 名乗 or jisumei, 実名) which was adopted after the coming of age (genpuku, 元服). In the case of Takeda Shingen the syntax of his would be: „Takeda (myōji) Shinano no Kami (shōgō) Tarō (zokumyō) Shingen (nanori)“ (武田 信濃守太郎信玄).

September 2012 Markus Sesko

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– 8 – 1. The Tsubokiri no tsurugi

Let me begin with the Japanese Imperial Court, or more precisely with the crown prince. His personal sword for self defence – which is called a „mamorigatana“ (守り刀) – is the Tsubokiri no tsurugi (壷切剣). The history of this sword can be traced back to the time of emperor Daigo (醍醐天皇, 885-930, r. 897-930). First of all, the origins of the swords are somewhat unknown and in old documents it is referred to by different names like, for example, „Kiritsubo no tsurugi“ (斬壷剣), „Kiritsubo no tsurugi“ (切壷剣), „Tsubokiri no tsurugi“ (壷斬剣) or with the aforementioned characters (壷切剣). From the meaning of the characters it can be assumed that at one time a kind of jar (tsubo, 壷) was cut through (kiri, 斬り・切り) with the sword. Incidentally, there is the theory that the first and initial nickname of the sword was „Kiritsubo no tsurugi“ (斬壷剣). An old legend says that the sword was once owned by Chōryō (張良, chin. Zhang Líang, 262-189 BC), a famous tactician of the Chinese Hàn dynasty (漢, 206 BC to 220 AD). But this is a mix-up with Fujiwara no Nagara (藤原長良, also read as „Fujiwara no Nagayoshi“, 802-856) based on the similarity of characters (張良 → 長良). The most accepted history of the sword states that the Tsubokiri no tsurugi went from the possession Nagara into that of his younger brother (藤原良房, 804-872) who bequeathed it to his adopted son (藤原基経, 836-891). By the way, Mototsune was the natural third son of Nagara. But we do not know from which Fujiwara it went eventually into the possession of the emperor or the crown prince. Because of the complexity of the subject and for a better understanding we have to examine briefly the connection of the Fujiwara family with the then Imperial Court.

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Picture 1 from left to right: Fujiwara no Nagara, Fujiwara no Yoshifusa, Fujiwara no Mototsune. The portraits were made by Kikuchi Yōsai (菊池容斎, 1781-1878). From 1825 to 1836, he compiled in the „Zenken-kojitsu“ (前賢故実) publication a collection of more than 500 monochrome portraits of historical figures.

When the Imperial capital was transferred from to Heiankyō (平安京, present-day Kyōto) in 794, the then emperor Kanmu (桓武天皇, 737-806, r. 781-806) introduced new government offices which gave more direct power to the emperor and his closest aides. This resulted in a government for almost half a century, at the same time the Fujiwara family was also able to gain supremacy over all the aristocratic families. At the end of this development the emperor was once again reversed to a mere representative role, as it was the case in the Yamato era. In 857 emperor Montoku (文徳天皇, 827-858, r. 850-858) appointed the aforementioned Fujiwara no Yoshifusa, previously his aide, as chancellor (daijōdaijin, 太政大臣). The latter eventually managed to set his own minor grandson on the throne as emperor Seiwa (清和天皇, 850-881, r. 858-876). Yoshifusa himself took the title of „regent“ (sesshō, 摂政), a post which literally translates as „governing additionally“. This set a precedent; it was namely the first time that a person other than a prince had taken the post of regent of an underage emperor. But what was more controversial for the then imperial family and the other aristocrats was the fact that Yoshifusa continued his regency even after Seiwa became of age.

– 10 – Yoshifusa´s successor, Fujiwara no Mototsune, changed the name of his inherited post of „sesshō“ to that of „kanpaku“ (関白). This later became the common title for a regent of an emperor of age to rule. Mototsune acted as kanpaku regent for emperor Kōkō (光孝天皇, 830- 887, r. 884-887). From then on the Fujiwara family held the monopoly of the combined post of sesshō-kanpaku, i.e. to govern an underage emperor and an emperor of age. This led to two hundred years of Fujiwara dominance at the Imperial Court, earning the nickname „Fujiwara Era“. But let us return to the Kiritsubo no tsurugi. Today it is assumed that the sword passed from Mototsune to (宇多天皇, 867-931, r. 887-897). Uda was the son of Kōkō. Kōkō made use of a „trick“ known since the 8th century AD aimed at reducing the political influence of his sons and to end the disputes in the succession to the throne by granting them family names. These given clan names like „Minamoto“ (源), „Tachibana“ (橘) and „Taira“ (平) – in the case of Uda it was „Minamoto“ – still marked the sons as members of the aristocracy but they lost their claim to the throne. However, their direct descent from the imperial line committed them to loyalty. Later, when it was time to pick a successor to Kōkō´s throne, the choice fell anyway on Uda again. Well, there is also another approach regarding the Kiritsubo no tsurugi, namely that it had passed from Fujiwara no Yoshifusa to emperor Montoku. This assumption is based on the following legend: when the sickly Montoku was again close to death, the imperial family sent for a Yin-Yang master (onmyō-, 陰陽師). Spiritual advisers were common practice back then for healing diseases. They gave the Kiritsubo no tsurugi to the master, whose name is not known, in order to use the swords inherent power to pray for the emperor’s recovery. But it did not help, Montoku died at the young age of 32, and the Yin-Yang master fled taking the sword with him. Later it was rediscovered – according to transmission entirely intact and unharmed – during excavations around Kyōto´s Shinsen´en garden (神泉苑).*1 It is said that this took place before the fifth year of (仁和, 889).

*1 The garden, located south-east of Nijō Castle, was rearranged during the era.

– 11 – So the first handing over of the Kiritsubo no tsurugi as mamori- gatana for the crown prince probably took place in the fifth year of Kanpyō (寛平, 893) when emperor Uda´s son Daigo – mentioned at the beginning of this chapter – was officially nominated as crown prince. Daigo´s mother Taneko (胤子) was a Fujiwara and there is the transmission that the Fujiwara imposed a condition on the Kiritsubo no tsurugi, namely that it should only be handed over to a crown prince whose mother was a Fujiwara on her father’s side. The first difficulties emerged with the later emperor Go-Sanjō (後三条天皇, 1034-1073, r. 1068-1072) whose mother was „only“ a maternal Fujiwara. So the Fujiwara boycotted the handing over of the sword and also the succession to the throne of Go-Sanjō. But because the previous emperor Go-Reizei (後冷泉天皇, 1025-1068, r. 1045-1068) had no sons, his brother Go-Sanjō was the next legitimate candidate. The distrust of the Fujiwara turns out not to be unjustified because Go-Sanjō paved the way for a dissolution of the kanpaku regency. He abdicated in 1072 due to illness and retired to a monastery (in, 院), but because of his death in 1073 he didn’t have the time to exercise power in the name of his son Shirakawa (白河天皇, 1053-1129, r. 1073-1086). But the latter continued the aim of his father and abdicated ahead of time to govern the destinies of his own son from the monastery, and to prevent the power falling into the hands of the Fujiwara.*2 Well, it would have been better if the Fujiwara had handed over the sword to the crown prince before because it was destroyed in a fire at the imperial palace which raged on the eighth day of the first month of Kōhei two (康平, 1059). But a replacement was made by an unknown smith. Because Shirakawa´s mother was a Fujiwara on her father’s side, the newly made sword was eventually handed over to him. Bad luck, part of the palace caught fire again on the eleventh day of the twelfth month of the same year. The sword was not destroyed but damaged, the blade had to be re- tempered (yakinaoshi, 焼き直し) and a new mount had to be made. Some reports say that the new saya showed lacquer ornamentation in the form of bays and a mother-of-pearl inlay of dragons and that the suspension (obitori, 帯執り) was of blue leather.

*2 This „cloistered rule“ was called „insei“ (院政).

– 12 – In 1221 when emperor Gotoba (後鳥羽天皇, 1180-1239, r. 1183- 1198) provoked the Jōkyū War (Jōkyū no ran, 承久の乱), the copy of the Tsubokiri no tsurugi was lost in the turmoil’s. When the new born prince Hisahito (久仁) – the later emperor Go-Fukakusa (後深草天皇, 1243-1304, r. 1246-1259) – was to be nominated as successor to the throne in the first year of (寛元, 1243), it was decided that another replacement should be made. But later, during emperor Kameyama’s (亀山天皇, 1249-1305, r. 1259-1274) ceremony of the succession to the throne in Shōka two (正嘉, 1258), the first replacement which was lost in the Jōkyū War was found in the treasury of the Shōkōmyō´in (勝光明寺). With this, the swords were exchanged, that means the Tsubokiri no tsurugi extant today is the first replacement made after the fire in 1059. Several hundred years later, at the beginning of the , the sword was almost destroyed by fire again. But the sources disagree. One says that it was the great fire in the second year of Jōō (承応, 1653) and the others that it was the fire in four (万治, 1661). Anyway, it is said that it was rescued from the smoking ruins and after a new polish it turned out that the blade’s tempering was still intact. Of course, a new mounting had to be made. The Tsubokiri no tsurugi reappears in the chronicles regarding emperor Higashiyama (東山天皇, 1675-1809, r. 1687-1709). His father, emperor Reigen (霊元天皇, 1654-1732, r. 1663-1687), abdicated in the sense of the old system and acted as regent to his thirteen year old son, though only after appointing Higashiyama as successor to the throne on the 25th day of the third month of two (天和, 1682). Two days later he sent, in a „cloak-and-dagger operation“, the courtier Tsuchi- mikado Yasutomi (土御門泰福, 1655-1717) to bring the Tsubokiri no tsurugi for the soon to be held official ceremony. Normally, the Court protocol was that the sword was given to the prince after his nomination as crown prince by an officer of the Imperial guards, i.e. after the so- called „rittai-shiki“ (立太子式) ceremony.

– 13 – But it is assumed that such a ceremonial handing over of the Tsubokiri no tsurugi had not been performed for a long time and so there were some „uncertainties“ in the ritual. Incidentally, the Japanese court protocol confirms that such a rittai-shiki ceremony was held on November 3rd 1916 when (裕仁) – the later emperor Shōwa (昭和天皇, 1901-1989, r. 1926-1989) – was appointed crown prince.

Picture 2: The ceremonial rittai-shiki of prince Akihito (明仁) on October 19th 1953.

Unfortunately there exists no pictures of the handing over of the Tsubokoro no tsurugi but we can easily imagine the act by looking at the ceremony of the handing over of the Imperial regalia, the so-called „-tō-shōkei no gi“ (剣璽等承継の儀, see picture 3). On January 7th 1989, the three Imperial regalia were handed over to present-day emperor Akihito. The regalia consists of the sword Ame no Murakumo no tsurugi (天叢雲剣), the jewel Yasakani no magatama (八尺瓊勾玉), and the mirror Yata no kagami (八咫鏡). The ceremony was held in the Matsunoma hall (松の間) of the Imperial Palace in Tōkyō. The court official on the far right carries the sword in its chest. The latter is covered in red brocade, as is the box holding the mirror.

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Picture 3: The handing over of the Imperial regalia to emperor Akihito.

Details regarding the Tsubokiri no tsurugi sword itself are hardly known but that also applies to most of the time-honoured swords in the possession of the Imperial family. In Yamaguchi Yukimitsu´s (山口幸充) publication „Karaki-zuihitsu“ (嘉良喜随筆) we read that it is a work of the legendary smith Amakuni (天国), but as his existence is doubted this approach is no longer followed today. In this work we also read about the anecdote that says that a princess, who married a member of the (近衛), fell ill and the Tsubokoro no tsurugi was borrowed by the Konoe to support their prayers for her recovery. Apparently they „forgot“ to return the sword, but subsequently when several cases of disease within the Imperial family occurred people began to remember that they were no longer under the protection of the crown prince’s sword and so it was returned. A theory says that the Tsubokiri no tsurugi has a nagasa of 62,1 cm and another speaks of 68,2 cm. One says the blade is straight and in kiriba-zukuri where only the tip section is forged in kissaki-moroha (see picture 4), as it is in the case of the Kogarasu-maru (小烏丸). Others claim that the blade has a standard shinogi-zukuri shape. The tang is said to be curved and has two large irregular mekugi-ana.

– 15 – And some even go so far as to say that it is a work of the Ko-Bizen smith Nobufusa (延房). But Nobufusa is traditionally dated to the era (元暦, 1184-1185) which does not correspond to the copy made in the 11th century. Another possibility could be that it is a work of Ko-Bizen Nobufusa (信房) written with a different character for „Nobu“. Some old sources date this Nobufusa back at least to the Kanna (寛和, 985-987) and Ei´en (永延, 987-989) eras. However, the Tsubokiri no tsurugi is today in the possession of crown prince Naruhito (徳仁, b. 1960). His appointment as crown prince took place on February 23rd 1991.

Picture 4: A blade from the Shōsō´in in kiriba-zukuri with a double-edge tip section.

– 16 – 2. The Kogarasu-maru

The name „Kogarasu-maru“ (小烏丸), lit. „the little crow“, is surely well known to anyone who has become somewhat acquainted with the Japanese sword. In this chapter I would like to go into greater detail on the subject of the Kogarasu-maru and its transmissions because, apart from the outward appearance and the connection with the Taira family, not much is known about this sword beyond specialist circles. I want to start with the theories about the naming and the provenance of the sword because there exists basically five in all. In the first volume of the Legends and Stories around the Japanese Sword I briefly mentioned one of the transmissions, namely the one which is found in the scroll on swords („Tsurugi no maki“, 剣の巻) of the „Heike-monogatari“ (平家物語).*3 Hachimantarō Yoshiie´s (源八幡 太郎義家, 1039-1106) fourth son Minamoto no Tameyoshi (源為義, 1096-1156) once owned the famous sword „shishi no ko“ (獅子ノ子, lit. „lion cub“). He had made an exact copy of the shishi no ko, accordingly by a master smith from Harima province, because he was of the opinion that one lion cub is too lonely. It turned out that the copy was an excellent masterwork and so Tameyoshi ordered a splendid mounting for the sword. The menuki ornaments of the hilt were made in the shape of crows and so he called the sword „kogarasu“. As mentioned in the first volume, the kogarasu was originally 6 mm (2 bu) longer than the original and so the shishi no ko acted upon its own initiative and cut off the oversize of the kogarasu.

*3 The „Tale of the Heike“ is an epic account of the struggle between the Taira and the Minamoto clans for control over at the end of the 12th century. It is considered as one of the great classics of medieval Japanese literature.

– 17 – However, today it is assumed that this anecdote has another background, namely that for whatever reason the metal mekugi peg – which was connected to the menuki on such old mountings – broke and so the tang sunk 6 mm deeper into the hilt. So the next time when Tameyoshi drew it it seemed that both swords had miraculously the same length. Anyway, because of this „incident“ Tameyoshi give the shishi no ko its original name „tomokiri“ (友切, roughly translates as „equal cutter“).*4 Subsequently the sword came into the possession of Tameyoshi´s son Minamoto no Yoshitomo (源義朝, 1123-1160).

Picture 5: Minamoto no Yoshiie from Kikuchi Yōsai´s „Zenken-kojitsu“.

If we believe the sword scroll of the „Heike-monogatari“, then the Kogarasu-maru was originally in the possession and a heirloom of the Minamoto and not of the Taira family, as the established theory says.

*4 The sword had already cut off 3 sun (~ 9 cm) from its „competitor“, the makuragami“ (枕上, lit. „at the cushion“).

– 18 – But in the „-monogatari“ (平治物語)*5 we find an entry which says that the sword was worn three months after the death of Yoshitomo by Taira no Shigemori (平重盛, 1138-1179), namely in the context that Shigemori had killed Yoshitomo´s oldest son Akugenta Yoshihira (悪源太義平, 1141-1160) with it in a duel in front of the Shishiden hall (紫宸殿) of the Imperial palace. The entry says that „Shigemore wore the sword called ´Kogarasu´“ but it could be that he just took it from the dead Yoshihira and made it the treasure sword of the . The second theory about the naming of the sword goes back to emperor Kanmu (桓武天皇, 737-806, r. 781-806). Kanmu was the one who carried out the move of the Imperial capital from Nara to Heiankyō. One day he visited the newly finished southern hall and looked pleased into the sky. Suddenly he saw a crow flying between the clouds which carried something. He tried to lure the bird with his wooden sceptre and succeeded. The crow turned around, landed in front of him, and started to talk: „I am a messenger of the grand shrine of Ise and I have a sword for Your Majesty!“ She cleaned her plumes a , jumped around and dropped the sword she was talking about. Due to this incident emperor Kanmu called the sword „Kogarasu-maru“. According to the sword appraisal protocols of the family (宇都宮),*6 this legend goes back to an oral transmission of the -period general Yana Gyōbuzaemon Nyūdō En´a (簗刑部左衛門入道円阿). As Kanmu descended from the Taira family, this brings us back to the established theory that the sword was a heirloom of this clan.

*5 This works deals mainly with the course of the so-called „Heiji Rebellion“ (Heiji no ran, 平治の乱) of the years 1159-1160. *6 „Utsunomiya Mikawa Nyūdō mekiki-sho“ (宇都宮三河入道目利書). Utsunomiya Mikawa Nyūdō was one of the most important sword appraisers of the Nanbokuchō period.

– 19 – This brings us to transmission number three. In 939 (平将門, ?-940), a fifth generation descendant of emperor Kanmu, provoked a disturbance in the eastern Kantō provinces by calling himself „new emperor“ (shinnō, 新皇). The then actual emperor Suzaku (朱雀天皇, 923-952, r. 930-946) sent Masakado´s cousin Taira no Sadamori (平貞盛, ?-989) and Fujiwara no Hidesato (藤原秀郷) to deal with this and symbolically gave Sadamori a sword. Back then it was common for the emperor to give his main general a sword as a legitimate symbol of the powers conferred upon him. Such swords were called „settō“ (節刀).*7 They pursued Masakado until Sashima (猿島), in Shimōsa province, where he hid in a mansion. It was decided to smoke him out but suddenly eight men came out of the house as Masakado possessed the secret „Art of the Doppelganger“ (bunshin no jutsu, 分身の術), being able to make copies of himself. As there was some confusion among the besiegers regarding who was the real Masakado Sadamori cut down with his settō one who had a crow-like helmet ornament. It turned out that this was the „real“ Masakado and so he gave the sword the nickname „Kogarasu- maru“. But old historical documents say that emperor Suzaku did not give Sadamori a sword but a so-called „daijō-kanpu“ (太政官符), an official letter for his legitimacy. And the texts say also that Masakado was struck by an arrow of Sadamori, fell down from his horse and died that way. Theory number four is found in the Muromachi-era sword book „Chōkyō mei-zukushi“ (長享銘尽). Therein we read that the name „Kogarasu-maru“ goes back to „Kogarashi“ (木枯). But first we need to disgress a bit. A legend says that there was a very poor man living in who visited the Ise shrine every day to prey for an improvement of his situation. One day a mysterious voice said to him: „If you go hunting right now you will be able to feed your family forever!“

*7 The meaning of this term goes back to the word „shirushi“ (符節) which means „symbol, sign, badge“ and, in a broader sense, also „proof“.

– 20 – He did as was told and, to his surprise, he was very successful. Towards the evening he reached the Mitsugozuka hill (三子塚) where he found an abandoned . Of course he took it with him but he had to camp on the way back home because it was already dawn. The next morning he was confronted with an eerie scenery: all the branches and leaves of the tree his sword was leaning against had withered. Because of this he gave the sword the nickname „Kogarashi“ which means „[making] the trees (ko, 木) wither (karasu, 枯らす)“. This story was told to Taira no Tadamori (平忠盛, 1096-1153) who bought the sword from the man for a generous sum. So in the end the voice was right because now the man was able to feed his family with Tadamori´s money. Some time later Tadamori took an afternoon nap in Kyōto´s Ikedono residence (池殿). When he was asleep a giant snake came out of the local pond and tried to devour him. But the Kogarashi freed itself from its scabbard and pushed the snake back into the pond. Very impressed by this act Tadamori gave the sword another nickname, Nuke-maru“ (抜丸), roughly meaning „the drawn one“.

Picture 6: Taira no Tadamori from Kikuchi Yōsai´s „Zenken-kojitsu“.

– 21 – In the „Heiji-monogatari“ we find another entry concerning the Nuke- maru. The book says that it was worn by Tadamori´s fifth son Taira no Yorimori (平頼盛, 1133-1186) during the Heiji Rebellion when he encountered the giant Hachimachi Jirō (八町次郎). It came to a chase on horseback and Jirō was able to hook his huge rake into Yorimori´s tehen (天辺), the small round opening on the top of a Japanese helmet. So he pulled him down from his but Yoshimori drew the Nuke-maru and severed the pole of the rake. In turn, Jirō fell from his horse and was killed by Yoshimori. As proof of this incident Yoshimori returned to the Taira palace with the rake still in the tehen. But most experts assume that the Kogarasu-maru and the Kogarashi were two different swords, which were both handed down within the Taira family. The Kogarashi was often listed in old sources as the „Kogarashi-maru“ (木枯丸) and so it is likely that some later chroniclers mixed that up and constructed a non-existing relation between the two swords.*8 Another „proof“ that there were two swords are their different provenances after the time of Tadamori. These provenances are found in Hanawa Hokiichi´s (塙保己一, 1746-1821) „Buke-myōmoku-shō“ (武家 名目抄) and it says that Tadamori bequeathed the Kogarasu-maru and the Kogarashi to his oldest son and heir (平清盛, 1118-1181). Kiyomori kept the Kogarasu-maru and presented the Kogarashi to his younger half-brother Yorimori. The former was then handed down within the Taira mainline and the latter became the treasure sword of the Yorimori lineage. Yorimori gave the Kogarashi to his son Taira no Yasumori (平保盛, 1157~1233), Yasumori to his son Taira no Yorikiyo (平頼清), and Yorikiyo bequeathed it to his son Taira no Yasukiyo (平保清).

*8 The theory that the Kogarasu-maru and the Kogarashi were the same sword is found, for example, in the „Nōami-hon mei-zukushi“ (能阿弥本銘尽), not in the original version of Nōami Shinnō (能阿弥真能, 1397-1471) but in a later revised edition.

– 22 – The fifth theory of the name of the Kogarasu-maru says that it comes from the blade that resembles a Korean sword (karasabi, 韓鋤). „Kara“ (韓) means „Korea“ and „sabi“ (鋤) „spade“ or „plough“ or, from its etymological origin, „sharp tool“ or „cutting tool“.*9 According to the theory, the word „karasabi“ was abbreviated to „karasa“ which turned into „karasu“ over the time. But Japanese etymologists also follow another approach, namely that „karasabi“ stood actually for „akara- sami“ (明ら真身) which means „sparkling, flashing blade“. So „akara- sami“ became „karasabi“ and „karasa“ which was added by the syllable „ko“ to obtain „kogarasa“, lit. „small flashing blade“. Let us now turn to the subsequent history of the sword. So at the end of the , the Kogarasu-maru was in the possession of the Taira family or, to be more precise, of Kiyomori´s heir Taira no Koremori (平維盛, 1158-1184). The Taira suffered a crushing defeat at Ichinotani (一ノ谷) and many clan members fled by ship to Yashima (屋島) on the island. Amongst them was Koremori who gave orders that the Kogarasu-maru and the hereditary Karakawa no yoroi (唐皮の鎧) should be given to his son Takahira (平高清, 1173- 1199) so that they could be handed down within the family. Koremori committed suicide by drowning in the sea. The sword did not reach Takahira but was taken into custody by Koremori´s older half-brother, Taira no Tomomori (平知盛, 1152-1158). Tomomori, for his part, committed suicide in the subsequent Battle of Dannoura (壇ノ浦) by binding an anchor to his legs and jumping into the sea. It is now assumed and noted by some chroniclers that the Kogarasu-maru was also lost in the chaos of the . The three Imperial regalia also suffered the same fate when the six years old emperor Antoku (安徳天皇, 1178- 1185) drowned.

*9 Other swords were also called „karasabi“. For example Susanoō no mikoto (須佐之男の尊) found in the tail of the giant serpent he killed the famous Ame no murakumo no tsurugi (天叢雲剣) which also received the nickname Orochi no karasabi (大蛇の韓鋤), lit. „Korean sword of the giant serpent“.

– 23 –

Picture 7: Wada Yoshimori from Kikuchi Yōsai´s „Zenken-kojitsu“.

But the sword book „Tenbon-mei-zukushi“ (天文銘尽) says that the Kogarasu-maru passed from Wada Saburō (和田三郎, 1147-1213) to Ashikaga Yoshiuji (足利義氏, 1189-1255). Wada Saburō, his official first name was „Yoshimori“ (義盛), was, at the time of Ichinotani and Dannoura, director (bettō, 別当) of the so-called „board of retainers“ (samurai-dokoro, 侍所). According to the „Heike-monogatari“, he crossed with his small boat between the enemy ships firing numerous arrows. So we can assume that he didn’t carry the precious Kogarasu- maru during these actions. Yoshiuji, on the other hand, was an ancestor of the famous (足利尊氏, 1305-1358). The bakufu troops under Yoshiuji´s command beat the Wada in the third year of (建暦, 1213) and this was probably when the Kogarasu-maru came as a war spoil into the possession of the Ashikaga family. The „problem“ is that this provenance is only found in the „Tenbon-mei- zukushi“. All other old sword documents of the Nanbokuchō and early don’t mention the Kogarasu-maru, neither in connection with Yoshimori nor with Yoshiuji.

– 24 – Anyway, the Kogarasu-maru was long thought to have been lost in the Battle of Dannoura until it reappeared about 350 years later in the possession of the Ise family (伊勢). The Ise were etiquette experts for the warrior aristocracy (buke-kojitsu, 武家故実) and served the Ashikaga- shōgun in this function. The family itself descended from a Taira sideline, which was already a branch of its own at the time of Kiyomori´s great-grandfather. Ise Sadatake (伊勢貞丈, 1717-1784), who worked in the post of his family for the Edo-bakufu, made a drawing of the Kogarasu-maru and added the following comment:

„The sword Kogarasu-maru and the armour Karakawa no yoroi came into the possession of our family as a reward when Sadamori killed Masakado. Since that time it has been handed down in the lineage of the eldest son until me, Sadatake, which makes, from Tengyō (天慶, 938-947) to (明和, 1764-1772), thirty generations of 829 years.“

Sadatake contradicts the old provenance of Takahira and Tomomori. He writes further that his ancestor Ise Sadataka (伊勢貞孝) and his oldest son Sadayoshi (貞良) died fighting in and around Kyōto in the fifth year of (永禄, 1562). Sadayoshi left a five years old son called Torafukumaru (虎福丸) who, for safety, was taken to Obama (小浜) in , with the Kogarasu-maru. There it was feared that the precious sword would get stolen and so it was given to the care of Sadayoshi´s younger brother who was a monk in Kyōto. Later, when Torafukumaru came of age – he then bore the name „Sadatame“ (貞為) – he bequeathed the Kogarasu-maru to his son Sadateru (貞輝) who, through the agency of his maternal aunt, went to Edo into the service of shōgun (徳川家光, 1604-1651). Sadateru´s great- grandson, by the way, was the father of Ise Satatake. Sadateru´s aunt was the famous court lady Kasuga no Tsubone (春日局, 1579-1643). She offered the Kogarasu-maru to Tokugawa Iemitsu as a present, but after a „cooling-off period“ of ten days he suggested that it would be better if the sword remained within the Ise family because they had taken care of it for several hundred years.

– 25 – Well, at the time of Sadatake, contemporary sword experts and chroniclers were obviously sure that the Kogarasu-maru of the Ise family was the real thing. Either Sadatake was so convincing with his provenance or they had other information that we do not know of today. During the Meiji era (明治, 1868-1912) count Sō Shigemasa (宗重正, 1847-1902), whose family had previously ruled the Tsushima-Fuchū fief (対馬府中藩), eventually bought it. The Sō claimed that they were descendants of the Taira-lineage on Tomomori’s side, which would close the circle. In the end, in 1882, Shigemasa presented the Kogarasu-maru to emperor Meiji (明治天皇, 1852-1912).

Picture 8: The gyobutsu Kogarasu-maru, nagasa 62,7 cm, sori 1,3 cm.

After all these stories, let us focus on the sword itself. As mentioned before, and seen in picture 8, the Kogarasu-maru extant today is forged in kissaki-moroha-zukuri. This blade shape was popular during the but extant swords from that time – like for example the specimen in the Shōsō´in (正倉院) – have a noticeable shorter cutting-edge on the back.

– 26 – In addition, the Kogarasu-maru is of a better quality than the blades of the Shōsō´in and is on a level with early Kyūshū works, like that of the Ko-Naminohira school (古波平) or of Bungo Yukihira (豊後行平). The gyobutsu Kogarasu-maru is unsigned but has always been attributed to the legendary swordsmith Amakuni (天国). Ise Sadatake writes about this: „The blade is mumei and because of the bad condition of the tang no file marks can be seen. But the Hon´ami family and other sword appraisers all agree that it is a work of Amakuni.“

Picture 9: The nakago of the Kogarasu-maru from the „Tsuguhira-oshigata“.

But we know of a drawing by Hon´ami Kōetsu (本阿弥光悦, 1558- 1637) which shows a date and a signature (see picture 9). This drawing was later published again in the „Tsuguhira-oshigata“ (継平押形).*10 It must be noted that the drawing of the blade and tang by Kōetsu is identical with the extant gyobutsu in terms of length, proportions, position of the mune-machi and ha-machi and the mekugi-ana.

*10 The drawing by Hon´ami was first published in the eighth year of Keichō (慶長, 1603) in the „Hon´ami Kōetsu-oshigata“ (本阿弥光悦押形). The „Tsuguhira-oshigata“ from 1928 is based on a collection of drawings of the treasure swords of (徳川秀忠, 1579-1632), made by the Edo swordsmith Ōmi no kami Tsuguhira (近江守継平) around (元禄, 1688-1704).

– 27 – The tang is quite corroded so we can’t make out any signature today but this does not mean that there was no mei visible at the time of Kōetsu, i.e. during the early Edo period. This would also explain the very fine and incomplete reconstruction of the signature in the „Hon´ami Kōetsu-oshigata“. This signature reads: „Amakuni (天国)*11 – Taihō ?- nen ?-gatsu“ (大寳？年？月).“ The Taihō (大宝) era is noted with the characters in use at the time of Amakuni, i.e. with (寳) for „hō“. The year is only partial visible, all we can see is a curved stroke to the bottom right. So it could be either an eight (八) or a two (弐).*12 Because the Taihō era lasted only for four years, the eight can be dropped and we get the second year, i.e. 702. The smith Amakuni was also dated in old sword documents to the Taihō era and this would tally with the date of the Kogarasu-maru. But we have to be cautious. It is possible that the date „Taihō“ was „read“ by Kōetsu with a great deal of good will and the information in mind that Amakuni was supposedly active around Taihō. Let us take a look at the mounting of the Kogarasu-maru. Already Ise Sadatake notes that the hilt wrapping are loose and that the metal fittings through which the suspension was slung were broken. This mounting is said to have been made in the second year of Ōnin (応仁, 1468). That means it is possible that the original one was destroyed by fire in the course of the Ōnin War which started in 1467. Count Muneshige said that the mounting was even more damaged when he bought the sword and that he had it restored because he didn’t want to hand over a sword to the emperor in such a bad condition. Picture 10 shows Sadatake´s drawing of the blade, the mounting and its parts.

*11 Obviously Kōetsu was only able to recognise the outer radical (口) of the character „Kuni“. *12 (弐) is the variant of the character (二) used for legal documents and the like. In the „Chōkyō mei- zukushi“ we even read the exact date of the signature, namely the 25th day of the eighth month of Taihō two. Maybe during the Chōkyō era (長享, 1487-1489) more parts of the signature were legible.

– 28 –

Picture 10: The depiction of the Kogarasu-maru from the „Shūko-jūshu“.

The depiction is from the „Shūko-jūshu“ (集古十種), a 85-volume catalogue covering ten categories (jūshu, 十種) of antiques (shūko, 集古), commissioned in the twelfth year of (寛政, 1800) by (松平定信, 1759-1829), the then daimyō of Shirakawa. Incidentally, the „Shūko-jūshu“ shows a menuki in the form of a so-called „sankozuka“ (三鈷柄), the hilt of a Buddhist ceremonial sword and no longer a crow that the „Heike-monogatari“ pointed out as the original shape of the menuki. For the sake of completeness I would like to introduce at the end of this chapter the „other“ Kogarasu-maru. It is a sword which was handed down within the lineage of Kiyomori´s younger half-brother, Taira no Tsunemori (平経盛, 1124-1185). Tsunemori died in the Battle of Dannoura and left a two year old son, begotten from a mistress. This son was taken into the family of regent Hōjō Tokimasa (北条時政, 1138- 1215) who left him in the care of his eldest son Yoshitoki (義時, 1163- 1224). The latter took later the family name „Ema“ (江間) and the transmission says that with the coming-of-age ceremony (genpuku, 元服), Tsunemori´s son was given the name „Ema Terutsune“ (江間輝経).

– 29 –

Picture 11: The gyobutsu Kogarasu-maru together with its present-day mounting on the special treasure chest of the Imperial family.

Terutsune had to flee later to due to slanders but took the Kogarasu-maru with him. Terutsune´s successor and 17th generation was Ema Terumori (江間輝盛, 1533-1582) who was in turn a retainer of the Takeda family (武田). When ordered his warrior Kanamori Nagachika (金森長近, 1524-1608) to attack the Ema in the tenth year of Tenshō (天正, 1582), Nagachika returned with the Kogarasu-maru as a spoils of war. As a loyal vassal he tried to present it to Ieyasu who he refused and said: „This sword is connected with the Taira family. It is of no use for a man like me who is a descendant of the .“ And so it was offered to the Kokubunji (国分寺) in Hida´s Takayama (高山) where it is kept until today. It is designated jūyō-bunkazai, has a nagasa of 75,7 cm and is attributed to the swordsmith Mitsuyo (光世)*13 who was active around Shōhō (承保, 1074-1077) in Miike (三池), in . Some assume that the nickname of the sword goes back to the deep black saya which reminds us of the plumage of a crow.

*13 Because of the characteristic yaki-otoshi (a hamon which does not start immediately at the hamachi), some attribute the sword to Bungo Yukihira.

– 30 –

Picture 12: The jūyō-bunkazai „Kogarasu-maru“ from the Kokubunji and its mounting.

An interesting version of this transmission explains how the Kogarasu-maru, i.e. the one which is now a gyobutsu, came into the possession of Ise Sadatake. According to this version, Terumori was killed by a certain Ushimaru Chikamasa (牛丸親正), who was a retainer of Kanamori Nagachika. Chikamasa offered the sword to Hida´s Kokubunji who sold it some years later to a wealthy person from (富山) of Etchū province. But in Keichō seven (慶長, 1602), the sword was again bought by a person from Hida who returned it to the Kokubunji. An enterprising monk saw his chance and tried to turn this famous sword into cash in the new capital Edo. But he was cheated by a dealer who acted through an agent and left the monk without the sword and only a small deposit. After that the of the Kogarasu-maru was lost until Ise Sadatake rediscovered it more than one hundred years later in an antique shop. But this story does not explain why there is a Kogarasu-maru still preserved in the Kokubunji and is probably a mix-up of several oral transmissions.

– 31 – 3. From women, geese, and naginata

In volume one of the Legends and Stories around the Japanese Sword I mentioned that the Maeda family (前田) preserved in a special treasury the famous Ōtenta-Mitsuyo (大典太光世), a sword by Munechika (宗近), and a naginata of the Shizu school. In this chapter I would like to elaborate briefly on the noted theory that the entry „shizu no naginata“ (静の薙刀) in the Maeda chronicles does not refer to the Shizu school (志津), but to the name Shizuka-gozen (静御前). Generally, there were two basic shapes of naginata, namely the „shizuka“ (静) and the „tomoe“ (巴) shape. The names go back to famous female figures, namely to Shizuka-gozen (静御前, 1165-1211), the favourite concubine of Minamoto no Yoshitsune (源義経, 1159-1189) and to Tomoe-gozen (巴御前, 1157~1247), a female warrior and also a concubine of Kiso no Yoshinaka (木曾義仲, 1154-1184). The shizuka shape is not very curved and does not broaden that noticeably to the tip. The tomoe shape is what I might call its counterpart. It shows a pronounced sori and a broadening tip area (see picture 13). Today there are more naginata in tomoe shape extant which led to the theory that it developed from the earlier shizuka shape. But old pictorial chronicles show us that the tomoe shape was also used in earlier years.

Picture 13: shizuka shape (top) and tomoe shape (bottom)

– 32 – Tomoe-gozen was, as mentioned, an infamous female warrior and beauty who managed to become a bodyguard of Yoshinaka. But it was common for Heian and wives of bushi to be trained in the use of the naginata because they were supposed to defend their home when their husbands were on campaign. So it is somewhat surprising that there are two naginata extant from the possessions of the more „peaceful“ Shizua-gozen and not a single one from Tomoe-gozen.

Picture 14: Tomoe-gozen (left) and Shizuka-gozen (right) from Kikuchi Yōsai´s „Zenken-kojitsu“.

One of the two mentioned naginata of Shizuka-gozen was once owned by the Tokugawa family. One winter day the third Tokugawa- shōgun Iemitsu (徳川家光, 1604-1651), who was always ready for a joke, took this naginata and crept up to the pond in the garden in front of his residence. His aim was to kill a wild goose with the naginata and so he jumped out of the thicket to go for the bird. But as he was bringing the naginata to the starting position for a blow, he realized that something was wrong with the weapon.

– 33 – After a quick inspection he discovered to his horror that the tang had broken inside the shaft! Of course, the tang of a naginata is considerably longer than that of a sword and so is a little bit more fragile, but this should not happen to a famous masterwork by Munechika. Angry and annoyed he reported this incident to his elder and close friend Hotta Masamori (堀田正盛, 1609-1651): „Imagine. The tang of my heirloom, the naginata from the possessions of Shizuka-gozen broke whilst I was hunting wild geese! I would really like to sell it to an ironmonger…“ „Milord, you were lucky, it could have been a lot worse. What if this happened on the battlefield! But a good swordsmith can surely repair the broken tang“, advised Masamori. So Iemitsu´s servant was sent with the piece – or rather with the two pieces – to master Heki Ippō (日置一法), who performed not only an excellent and barely noticeable repair but also made some copies on order of a not specifically mentioned Tokugawa retainer. It seems that Iemitsu had a penchant for „hunting“ birds because we know of another anecdote about a naginata. One day he went on a falcon hunt with his falconer Kyūsuke (小野久助). When he spotted a falcon, he tried to cut it with his naginata.*14 The bird left some feathers but flew away whereupon Iemitsu said in a state of shock: „Did I hit the bird? Or did I hurt you?!“ „Milord, I am fine. Maybe the cutting edge of your blade is too blunt?“ But all of a sudden, the bird fell into two halves after flying a few metres. „Well“, Iemitsu said, „the blade doesn’t seem to be that blunt!“ Let us now turn to the second naginata from the supposed possession of Shizuka-gozen, namely to the one which was later owned by the Maeda family.

*14 Another version of this anecdote says that he did not use a naginata but a and did not attack a falcon but a wild goose. Thereupon he gave the sword the nickname „Gankiri“ (雁切り, lit. „geese cutter“). The specific blade is a work of the Chikushū smith Yasuyoshi (安吉) which later became a heirloom of the Sakakibara family (榊原).

– 34 – It had been a heirloom of the Tokugawa family before being sent as a dowry to Maeda Toshitsune (前田利常, 1594-1658) who, for political reasons, was married to Tokugawa Hidetada´s (徳川秀忠, 1579-1632) daughter Tamahime (珠姫) after the . We are now in the later years of Toshitsune. He ordered that the Shizuka-gozen naginata should be suspended on the upper crossbar of his wife’s bed-chamber. His elder, Imaeda Chikayoshi (今枝近義, 1614- 1679), called for the heads of the chambermaids, Imai (今井) and Matsumura (松村). He explained to them that it is a piece which is animated by a spirit (shinrei, 神霊) so no maids nor female servants are allowed to enter the bed-chamber when they are menstruating.*15 Of course, one of them – her name was „Tsuya“ (ツヤ) – forgot that order and promptly the naginata fell down from the crossbar, unsheathed itself and deeply penetrated the underneath bed with its tip. Everybody was horrified but fortunately the lady was not in her bed and the blade also survived undamaged. Toshitsune´s grandson Maeda Tsunanori (前田綱紀, 1643-1724) later had a new scabbard made for the naginata. The blade was stored into a two-layered chest, together with the Ōtenta- Mitsuyo and the sword by Munechika. A shimenawa (注連縄, a sacred shrine rope) was put over the chest and the whole was given to a specially built treasury called Takigimaru (薪丸). Later the treasury was colloquially called „karasu-tomarazu no “ (烏止まらずの蔵), lit. „the treasury on which the crows never land“. By the way, Hon´ami Kōho (本阿弥光甫, 1601-1682) was given the order for a new saya. Kōho was the grandson of Kōetsu and worked like the latter for the Maeda family. In the course of the work he asked his employer if he was allowed to keep the old scabbard as an object of study and as a souvenir. The Maeda had no objections to his request. But shortly later a mysterious infectious disease circulated in the Kaga fief (加賀藩) and also affected some members of the Hon´ami family.

*15 As in most other parts of the world, women in their period were regarded as impure in Japan and prevented from participating in ritual actions and or be near consecrated objects.

– 35 – The physician ordered the sick to remain in bed, but this and the decoction he made for them did not help. Thus a Hon´ami brought up the old saya of the Shizuka-gozen naginata. As Munechika blades were supposed to have magical powers, some of them must also have taken hold of the scabbard too. So the piece was handed from one bedridden patient to the other and, lo and behold, they recovered, probably through autosuggestion. It was also mentioned that another Munechika sword was stored in the „karasu-tomarazu no kura“. This was a with a nagasa of 45,45 cm, once in the possession of Maeda Toshitsune´s older sister Gō (豪, 1574-1634) who was married to (宇喜多秀家, 1572-1655). She had received the blade from her adoptive father . Hideie was on the side of the Toyotomi at Sekigahara and withdrew to Satsuma after the defeat. He was caught but through Gō´s mediation the death penalty was turned into banishment to the island of Hachijō(八丈島).*16 Gō was left in the care of the Maeda family and took with her the Munechika sword. She presented it to a Korean immigrant and retainer of the Kaga fief called Sakyō (左京). Sakyō´s adopted son and heir Yōshuku (養叔) was in turn the younger brother of the court physician of the Maeda. Yōshuku, who was a physician too, presented the sword to his lord Maeda Tsunanori because he said he had no use for it as a general practitioner. So the Ōtenta-Mitsuyo, the naginata of Shizuka-gozen and the kodachi by Munechika were unified under Tsunanori and became one of the most treasured heirlooms of the Maeda family.

*16 Hachijō Island served the bakufu throughout the entire Edo period as a place of exile for criminals from Eastern Japan. It is located about 287 km to the south Tōkyō.

– 36 – 4. The curse of Muramasa

What is well known in the sword world is that blades by Muramasa (村正) were considered to be cursed or unlucky by the Tokugawa family. In this chapter I would like to shed a little more light on the circumstances and introduce the various cases which were the basis for this superstition. It all started with Tokugawa Ieyasu´s grandfather, Matsudaira Kiyoyasu (松平清康, 1511-1536), the 7th generation of the Mikawa- Matsudaira line (三河松平) and lord of (岡崎城). The arch rivals of the Matsudaira were the Oda (織田) of neighbouring and so, in four (天文, 1535), Kiyoyasu decided to attack Moriyama Castle (守山城)*17 which was held by Oda Nobumitsu (織田信光, 1516-1556). When the Matsudaira army of about 10.000 men set off, a rumour started to circulate that Abe Sadayoshi (阿部定吉, 1505-1549) – a retainer of the Matsudaira – was secretly communicating with the enemy. Kiyoyasu did not listen to these rumours but Sadayoshi tried to prove his loyalty and called for his son Yashichirō Masatoyo (弥七郎正豊, ?-1535). It was also assumed that Sadayoshi feared that Kiyoyasu had already sent a squad to execute him and so he gave his son the order: „As a sign of my loyalty it would be best if you kill me to dispose of this matter once and for all!“ Masatoyo was not able to get a wink of sleep after receiving even the written order from his father. When morning finally broke he heard neighing horses and thought the bailiffs were faster than him and that the execution was already in progress. He jumped out of his bed, grabbed his sword lying next to his cushion and started running so that he was even able to somehow fulfil his father’s wishes and to protect the honour of the family.

*17 The castle is also noted in contemporary chronicles with the characters (森山城). It was erected in front of the Owari main castle (清洲城) to intercept possible attacks.

– 37 – On his way to Sadayoshi´s room he came across Kiyoyasu and drew his sword as in trance: „If you had trusted my father, then he would have stayed alive!“ Instantly he delivered a blow towards Kiyoyasu and the latter yelled: „Masatoyo, have you turned completely mad?!“ The strike severed his earlobe. When Kiyoyasu turned around to escape the situation he was fatally hit by Masatoyo´s second blow. With a smooth and clean cut his blade entered Kiyoyasu´s right shoulder and left the body at the left hip.*18 Upon this Masatoyo was killed by Kiyoyasu´s companion Uemura Ujiaki (植村氏明, 1520-1552). In the course of the investigations on this case it was found out that Masatoyo’s blade was a work of Muramasa. It was an oversized ō- with a nagasa of 81,8 cm. This incident is one of the earliest known written accounts which mentions the supreme sharpness of Muramasa´s blades. Extant works from the 1st generation Muramasa date from about the (文明, 1469-1487) to the Eishō era (永正, 1504-1521). His year of birth and death is unknown but the 1535 incident took place either shortly after his death or even during his lifetime.*19 Well, the misfortunes of the Matsudaira family connected to Muramasa blades continued with Kiyoyasu´s son Hirotada (松平広忠, 1526-1549). On a balmy spring night he was woken up by the vibrations of the steps in the hall that he felt on his cushion. He opened his eyes and was able to catch a glimpse of a shadow. Immediately he grabbed his sword and shouted: „Scoundrel, stop!“ When he heard more steps and tried to run in that direction he noticed that he had no more control of his legs. He looked down and recognized in fear that his clothes were blood- soaked.

*18 Such a diagonal cut across the body is called „stole cut“ (kesagiri, 袈裟斬り) because it roughly follows the hem of the stole of a Buddhist priest. *19 The oldest extant dating of a Muramasa blade is from the first year of (文亀, 1501).

– 38 – Hirotada was able to follow the figure into the garden. At that time, the aforementioned Uemura Ujiaki was on guard duty on the veranda. „Stop that man!“, was Hirotada´s order. After a moment of shock realising that his lord was in danger he drew his sword and chased after the man and killed him. The dead body was examined and they saw that he had only one eye, which was actually a good starting point for further investigations. It turned out that the man was a certain Iwamatsu (岩松八弥) and that he was obviously completely drunk that evening. These were so to speak mitigating circumstances but some of Hirotada´s retainers said that he was an assassin sent by the enemy and that the intoxication was part of the plan to obscure the backgrounds. But the high level of alcohol had probably saved Hirotada´s life. However, Iwamatsu was a retainer of the Matsudaira who had lost an eye in battle and who was known for his ferocity. He also had a remarkable list of taken heads. When they removed the handle from his sword – it was a wakizashi – the signature „Muramasa“ was revealed. The misfortunes with the Muramasa blades also passed on to Tadahiro´s son Tokugawa Ieyasu. After his father’s death, the seven years old Ieyasu – his name then was Matsudaira Takechiyo (松平竹千代) – was sent as a hostage*20 to the Imagawa family (今川), who were military governors of and the arch rivals of the Matsudaira in terms of supremacy in that area. One day, using the kozuka of his katana, he injured himself. The cut was not that deep but unnaturally painful. He cleaned the blood from the blade and could not believe his eyes: It was signed „Muramasa“. So his grandfather was killed by a Muramasa sword, his father almost, and now it was his turn. Ieyasu strongly believed that this was no coincidence and this became firmly fixed in his mind.

*20 The practice of „human pledge“ (hitojichi, 人質) was a common practice during the . Most of the influential warlords had sons, daughters and/or wives more or less permanently staying at the mansions of allies.

– 39 – Years later Ieyasu married Tsukiyama-dono (築山殿, 1542-1579) to strengthen the bond between the Matsudaira and the Iwamoto. Tsukiyama-dono was the daughter of the Iwagawa-retainer Sekiguchi Chikanaga (関口親永, 1518-1562) and the younger sister of (今川義元, 1519-1560). But when Ieyasu engaged in an alliance with the Imagawa’s arch rivals, the Oda, the family of his wife was not particularly happy. By the way, Ieyasu needed the Oda to fight against the Takeda (武田). In the chaos of the war back then, raised the suspicion that Tsukiyama-dono and her first son with Ieyasu, Matsudaira Nobuyasu (松平信康, 1559-1579), were in cat hoods with the Takeda. As a „logical“ consequence and in order not to endanger the alliance with Nobunaga, Ieyasu ordered the execution of Tsukiyama-dono and the ritual suicide (, 切腹) of his son Nobuyasu. Tsukiyama-dono was executed by Ieyasu´s retainer Nakano Shigemasa (野中重政)*21 on the 29th day of the eighth month of Tenshō seven. The time for Nobuyasu came somewhat later, on the 15th day of the ninth month of that year. His second (kaishaku, 介錯) was his close friend Hanzō Moritsuna (服部半蔵守綱), but when he raised his sword he burst into tears. So the Imagawa-samurai Amagata Michioki (天方通興), who was actually the official witness of the ceremony, stood in. In this function, he was only armed with a wakizashi at that moment and, have a guess, the blade was a Muramasa! This strengthened Ieyasu’s paranoia: His grandfather, his father, himself and his son were either killed or injured by Muramasa blades. So he called for his chamberlain and, according to transmission, ordered that works of this smith should disappear from the face of earth once and for all.

*21 According to transmission, Shigemasa returned to his home village (堀口) after executing this command. There he a secluded life. When two deaf-mute daughters were born later into the Nakano family, it was believed that this was the curse of Tsukiyama-dono. Thereupon the family erected several stone lanterns in front of her mausoleum as a kind of compensation. These stone lanterns are still in existence.

– 40 –

Picture 15: Tsukiyama-gozen

After Sekigahara, the victorious side of the Tokugawa made a full investigation of the battle in order to carry out the correct rewards and punishments. In one of these investigations, the deeds of Oda Nagataka (織田長孝, ?-1606) were assessed. Nagataka was the son of Nobunaga´s brother, the famous tea master Oda Urakusai Nagamasu (織田有楽斎 長益, 1548-1622). In a battle Nagataka had killed the enemy commander Toda Shigemasa (戸田重政), namely in close combat by entirely piercing his helmet with a . The yari remained completely intact and was shown upon request to Ieyasu. „A truly masterly “, he said, but he dropped it and cut his hand. „Ha! Must be a Muramasa“, Ieyasu said jokingly and the present Urakusai replied with a serious face: „Yes, it is indeed a work of Muramasa.“ „You know that blades by that smith are unlucky for the Tokugawa, don’t you!“ „If so, I will never ever wear a sword from Muramasa again“, promised Urakusai, broke the shaft of the spear into two halves and threw it aside. Incidentally, another transmission says that Nagataka cut through the shaft of the yari with his wakizashi.

– 41 – But the misfortunes with Muramasa blades continued even after Ieyasu´s death. Tokugawa Tadanaga (徳川忠長, 1606-1633) for example, the younger brother of the third Tokugawa-shōgun Iemitsu (徳川家光, 1604-1651), committed suicide with a Muramasa-tantō. But not out of mysterious or unexplainable reasons. Already in the eighth year of Kan´ei (寛永, 1631) he was placed under house arrest because of improper behaviour – he had killed a (according to other transmissions several) vassal(s). One year later he spread unfounded rumours concerning the then punishment of Katō Tadahiro (加藤忠広, 1601- 1651) by the bakufu. For this, all his land was confiscated and the Tokugawa government suggested that he should commit seppuku. On the evening of the sixth day of the twelfth month of Kan´ei ten (1633) he ordered his page to bring sake and prepare dinner. When the latter returned to the chamber of his lord he saw him sitting completely dressed in white and leaning forward a bit. But when he took a closer look he saw that the white of his dress was mixed with red. He came closer and realised that Tadanaga was dead and that his Muramasa-tantō was stuck halfway in his throat. As indicated before, Ieyasu placed a quasi „Muramasa ban“ but it seems that this was not so strictly monitored by the bakufu. Even in the list of Ieyasu´s estate*22 we find a Muramasa blade and in the sword chronicles of the Mito-Tokugawa family we find two katana and three yari by this smith. Another example. The Kyōto sword polisher Imamura Yukimasa (今村幸政) kept record of all the blades he had inspected and polished. In this „Rekikan-kenshi“ (暦観剣志) protocol we find, for the era (文化, 1804-1818) alone, ten Muramasa blades given to him for a new polish. That means it was actually not that strictly forbidden to own or carry around Muramasa blades. But we can safely assume that they did not like to see an ally or a close retainer wearing a Muramasa sword because things might turn against them because of their „harmful power“. It is also known that the Tokugawa did not accept a Muramasa as an appropriate sword present.

*22 Called „Sunpu-owakemono“ (駿府御分物).

– 42 – In the first volume of the Legends and Stories around the Japanese Sword I described the financial problems many samurai were facing from the mid to the end of the Edo period. So if one owned a Muramasa and had no other choice to wear or present this sword, he made do with an „emergency solution“. Such a solution was to carry out a so-called „kaisan“ (改鏨, lit. „change of chiselling’s“). There are many Muramasa blades where one of the two characters for „Muramasa“ (村正) was removed or altered (see picture 16). In most cases the character for „Mura“ was removed and, for example, the character „hiro“ was added underneath „Masa“ to obtain „Masahiro“ (正広). Other possible combinations were „Masamune“ (正宗), „Muratada“ (村忠), „Mura- mune“ (村宗) or „Hiromasa“ (広正).

Picture 16: sunnobi-tantō, mei: „Mura“ (村), nagasa 31,8 cm, sori 0,6 cm

But there were also those who wore Muramasa blades on purpose because they were adhered opponents to the Tokugawa regime. This concerned first and foremost the end of the Edo period when the grievances against the inability of the bakufu spread amongst many daimyō. One of the first who used Ieyasu´s superstition against him was (真田幸村, 1567-1615). He was famous for winning battles while being greatly outnumbered. When Sekigahara started, he sided with (石田三成, 1560-1600) because he thought he could gain more if the Western Army won. But Yukimura´s brother Sanada Nobuyuki (真田信之, 1566-1658) sided with Ieyasu so that the would survive regardless which side was victorious.

– 43 – Well, we know the outcome of the battle and so Yukimura´s lands were confiscated. He spent some years hiding and secretly recruited an army of about 7.000 men which deployed against the Tokugawa in 1614 during the winter campaign of Ōsaka Castle.*23 During the siege he proudly wore a Muramasa daishō. It is said that the Mito-daimyō Tokugawa Mitsukuni (徳川光圀, 1628-1701) praised Sanada with the words: „He is a warrior and this act [i.e. wearing the Muramasa daishō] has to be honoured as a token of his complete devotion to his mission.“ There is another anecdote about the Confucian, physician and convinced royalist Tomita Taihō (富田大鳳, 1762-1803) who was teaching at Higo´s Saishūkan (再春館) medical school. He complained about the weakening Imperial court and visited one day a sword dealer. „I am looking for a Muramasa sword. Money is no object!“, he said. Because money was no object, it was easy for the dealer to get him a splendid daishō by Muramasa. Taihō was overjoyed and celebrated his new acquisition with a lot of sake. Later, and obviously drunk, he talked to his sword: „Well my Muramasa. You waited long enough in your scabbard. I have a great task for you because you shall decapitate the shōgun!“ However, Taihō never put that into practice but he played a major pioneering role for the later royalist party (kinnōtō, 勤王党) of Higo´s fief (熊本藩). Somewhat more „subtle“ than the drunk Taihō was the famous Saigō Takamori (西郷隆盛, 1828-1877). He had a double-edge moroha-zukuri tantō by Muramasa mounted into the frame of an iron fan (tessen, 鉄扇, see picture 17). On the uppermost slat he had the following poem engraved:

匕首腰間に鳴り hishū yōkan ni nari 粛々として北風起る shōshō-toshite hokufū-okiru 平生壮士の心 heizei-sōshi no kokoro 以て寒水を照す可し motte kansui o terasubeshi

*23 Yukimura erected a small fort on the south-western corner of Ōsaka Castle.

– 44 – With the famous dagger at my hip, the north wind arises strong but calm, so that the spirit of the ordinary hero brings the cold water to shine.

This poem alludes to the famous words of Jìng Kê (荊軻, ?-227 BC). He is renowned for his failed assassination attempt on King Qín Shîhúang (秦始皇, 259-210 BC). On the way to the Qín capital he sang: „Piercing wind, freezing river of Yì. The hero fords, and never returns!“ (kaze shōshō- toshite ekisui samushi, sōshi hitotabi satte mata kaerazu, 風蕭蕭兮易 水寒・壮士一去兮不復還). When he went an for audience with the king he had a poisoned dagger concealed inside a map. When the king opened the map revealing the dagger, Jìng Kê seized it and attacked the king, who was briefly unable to draw his own sword. One of those present, a doctor, grabbed a medicine bag and attacked Jìng Kê, whereupon the King drew his sword and wounded him. Later, the assassinator was eventually killed by the guards. This means that Takamori considered this little tantō as a subliminal message of resistance against the Tokugawa regime. Incidentally Beppu Shinsuke (別府晋介, 1847-1877), the kaishaku at Saigō Takamori´s seppuku, wore a Muramasa wakizashi but the signature was not authentic (gimei, 偽銘).

Picture 17: Example of a tantō mounted as a tessen.

– 45 – In order to not miss out swords I would like to introduce at the end of this chapter a jūyō-bijutsuhin katana by Muramasa (see picture 18). It was once the favourite sword of Nabeshima Katsushige (鍋島勝茂, 1580-1657), the first daimyō of the newly founded fief (佐賀藩) of after Sekigahara. The Nabeshima actually sided with Mitsunari but did not participate in any of the major battles of Sekigahara and were able, by negotiating through the Ieyasu-ally (黒田長政, 1568-1623), to be spared. Katsushige and Nagamasa had fought side by side three years before at the siege of Ulsan (蔚山) in Korea. The katana bears on the back of the tang the ginzōgan inscription „Nabenobu“ (鍋信) which is an abbreviation for „Nabeshima Shinano no Kami“ (鍋島信濃守), the family name and honorary title of Katsushige. The actual signature of the sword reads: Muramasa – Myōhō-renge-kyō – Eishō jūten mizunoto-tori jūgatsu jūsannichi“ (村正・妙法 蓮華経・永正十天癸酉十月十三日, „13th day of the tenth month of Eishō ten [1513], year of the rooster“). The 13th day of the tenth month was the day of the death of the great Buddhist reformer (日蓮, 1222-1282). „Namu-myōhō-rengō-kyō“ (南無妙法蓮 華経, „Glory to the Sutra of the Lotus of the Supreme Law!“) is the main mantra practiced by Nichiren and his followers. The Japanese name „daimoku“ (題目) for this mantra gave the blade its nickname, „Daimoku- Muramasa“ (題目村正). On the basis of the signature and the date – which was obviously not chosen coincidentally – we can assume that Muramasa was also a follower of Nichiren-Buddhism too. Katsushige gave the blade to his eldest son Motoshige (鍋島元茂, 1602-1654) whom was given in Kan´ei 19 (寛永, 1642) the newly founded Ogi fief (小城藩) of Hizen province. Motoshige was a great swordsman and was trained by the famous master Yagyū Munenori (柳生宗矩, 1571-1646).

– 46 –

Picture 18: jūyō-bijutsuhin, katana, mei „Muramasa – Myōhō-renge-kyō – Eishō jūten mizunoto-tori jūgatsu jūsannichi“, nagasa 66,4 cm, sori 1,6 cm

Incidentally, at the end of the Edo period, there was a smith called Shigehide (重秀) working in the neighbouring Ōmura fief (大村藩). His civilian name was „Hayashi Tamon“ (林多門, ?-1872). He had studied in Edo under the master Taikei Naotane (大慶直胤) and focused on copies of Muramasa blades. Contemporary reports say that these copies were very popular among Nabeshima-samurai because Muramasa swords has been admired there since the time of Katsushige.

– 47 – 5. Divination on the basis of sword blades

Regarding the unlucky blades of Muramasa I would like to introduce in this chapter the almost forgotten practice of „divination on the basis of sword blades“ or „divination on the basis of the sword signs“ (kensō, 剣相). Kensō was practiced long before sword appraisal was known and is already found in the Buddhist Jātaka (jap. „Honshō-kyō“, 本生経), the informative stories about the previous lives of Buddha. Therein we read of a Brahman in the service of the king of Kosala who „knew the sword signs“:

„There was a Brahman who could tell, by smelling them, whether swords were lucky or not. He accepted bribes and made it a rule only to recommend the work of those smiths who gave him presents, while he rejected the work of those who did not bribe him because they ´did not show the signs´. Now a certain smith made a sword and inserted into the sheath some finely-ground pepper and took it in that state to the King, who at once handed it over to the Brahman to test. The Brahman unsheathed the blade and sniffed it. The pepper got up his nose and made him sneeze, so violently that he slit his nose on the edge of the sword.“

Well, regarding the Japanese sword, we find the earliest notes on kensō practice in a copy of the „Kanchi´in-bon mei-zukushi“ (観智院本銘尽) from the 30th year of Ōei (応永, 1423). Therein, the swordsmiths Amakuni (天国), Yasutsuna (安綱) and Gassan (月山), or respectively their works, were classified as „not suitable for a lord“, or kiku-saku (菊作, blades tempered by emperor Gotoba himself) were commented with „wiping out impurity“.

– 48 – The „Shinkan Hiden-shō“ (新刊秘伝抄) from the end of the Muromachi period advises for cursed swords to carve as many Sanskrit characters for bhrūṃ (jap. boron, see picture 19) around the signature as the age of the owner. This character stands for driving out evil and serves also as a purifying symbol.

Picture 19: Sanskrit character (jap. bonji, 梵字) for bhrūṃ.

The origins of systematic kensō rituals during the Edo period lie in Kyūshū´s of the Muromachi era. In the „Bekki-ryū kensō-hiroku“ (戸次流剣相秘録), a certain Ōtomo Tsurumaru (大友 鶴丸) is mentioned as the founder of the Bekki school (戸次流) of kensō. It is said that that he was the adopted son of Bekki Tajima no Kami (戸次但馬守). When we take a look at the genealogy of the Ōtomo family we can assume that the nickname „Tsurumaru“ probably refers to Chikatake (大友親武), because his youth name was „Tsuruhōshi“ (鶴法師). Chikatake was the son of Chikashige (大友親繁, 1411-1493), who was in turn the military governor of Bungo and Chikugo. So Bungo was quasi the stronghold of kensō from where it was distributed all over the country. Also well known was the Usa school (宇佐流) from the village of Usa of the same name. According to extant documents of the Usa school, it was founded by a certain Ōkōchi Yorinaka (大河内頼仲) in the third year of Tenshō (天正, 1575).

– 49 – Kensō eventually became fully established in the mid Edo period, mostly through the propaganda of the Usa and Bekki schools. Publications on this subject increased from the early 19th century onwards like, for example, the „Kensō-shinpi-roku“ (剣相神秘録) from the second year of Kyōwa (享和, 1802) or the „Sōken-seiden“ (相剣正伝) from Bunka five (文化, 1808). Besides the Usa and Bekki mainstream of kensō other schools also emerged who competed with each other. These were, among others, the Yamagata (山形), Ogasawara (小笠原), Yamamoto (山本), Wada (和田), Okabe (岡部), Takuma (宅間), Kinoshita (木下) and Fudō (不動) schools. But how was kensō performed? In general, the principles of yin and yang (in´yō, 陰陽), the Five Elements (gogyō-setsu, 五行説), and astrology were mainly applied. Yin and yang is used to describe how polar opposites are interconnected and are interdependent in the natural world, and how they give rise to each other in turn in relation to each other. So it was used to explain processes of transformation and „ups and downs“. That means after yang is at its height, inevitably a decline of yang and a rise of yin follows. The system of Five Elements, based on the so-called „Five Phases“, is used for describing interactions and relationships between phenomena. The Five Elements wood, fire, metal, water and earth are now used to describe the state of the Five Phases in nature. If sun or crescent shaped tobiyaki (飛焼き) – small isolated temper elements atop of the actual temper line (hamon, 刃文) – were spotted, the kensō would say that this was a very auspicious omen. But slanting saka- ashi (逆足) counteract their power, that means they lower the auspicious effect of the tobiyaki. Regular ashi on the other hand, that means ashi which form a midare-hamon (乱れ刃文) with a regular rhythm, stood for luck and a secure, harmonious married life.

– 50 – If we refer to the above mentioned kensō schools we notice that Muramasa blades show many unlucky features. A peculiarity of his temper line was, for example, that it drops deeply down to the cutting edge between the waves of the midare (see picture 20). The Yamagata school says that this is unlucky and causes unsteadiness and therefore a sword with such characteristics should never be worn or presented at a celebration or a wedding. The Ogasawara school says that a koshiba (腰刃), a singular high rising temper element in the habaki area is also not good because it stands for an excessively proud sword wearer. Thus it was very impolite to wear such a sword in the presence of ones lord. But the schools interpretation varied for a hamon. For example, the Okabe school says that a deeply dropping hamon stands for a „stabilization of luck“ because these areas remind us of a ship running aground in shallow waters. In a figurative sense, the luck was „running aground“ too and came to a halt for the sword wearer.

↑ ↑ Picture 20: katana, mei „Muramasa“, nagasa 62,3cm, sori 1,5 cm, please note the dropping of the hamon at the marked areas

– 51 – 6. The life of a royalist swordsmith

Before I pass on to another topic I would like to go back to the royalists mentioned in the previous chapters. One smith of whom we know that he was faithful to the emperor was Nobumasa (信正), civilian name „Takei Heizaburō“ (武井兵三郎). The first generation of sword- smiths with the name „Nobumasa“ of that lineage was active around Kansei (寛政, 1789-1801), in the castle town of Kōfu (甲府), in . The lands around the castle, i.e. the Kōfu fief (甲府藩) of the same name, were under the control of the bakufu from the Kyōhō era (享保, 1716-1736) onwards. Here one speaks of a so-called „tenryō“ (天領), a fief which was not ruled by a daimyō but by the Tokugawa- bakufu itself. Accordingly, the income of the fief ended up in the treasury of the bakufu too.*24 Before that the Kōfu fief was under the control of the Tayasu family (田安), one of the three branches of the ,*25 but their changes in taxation lead to a great peasant revolt in Kansei four (寛政, 1792). As such tenryō lands were mostly ruled by (旗本, lit. „banner men“)coming from Edo in alternate attendance, it was not very attractive for swordsmiths to settle there because these hatamoto still had their centre of life in Edo and mostly commissioned Edo-based swordsmiths for new blades.

*24 The Tokugawa family owned most of the feudal land during the Edo period. In the 17th century their total income was about 4 million . The wealthiest daimyō, the Maeda, made „just“ 1 million koku. Incidentally, during the Edo period the term „bakuryō“ (幕領) was used. „Tenryō“ describes in a the narrower sense the lands which came back into the emperor’s possession in the course of the . *25 Called „go-sankyō“ (御三卿). The other two were the Hitotsubayashi (一橋) and the Shimizu family (清水).

– 52 – Due to this revolt, the bakufu government did not enjoy a good reputation in that area. As in other regions of Japan too, local people thought that the bakufu was incompetent, greedy for money, and was only lining its own pockets. However, the second generation Nobumasa married a woman from Sano (佐野, present-day Sano City in Prefecture) from and moved there. Signed blades are only known from the third generation of this lineage onwards. They refer to the castle town of Sano, like for example a wakizashi with the mei: „Yashū Sano-jōka ni oite – Takei Nobumasa saku“ (於野州佐野 城下・武井信正作, „made by Takei Nobumasa in the castle town of Sano in Shimotsuke province“). At the time of the third generation Nobumasa, the Sano fief (佐野藩), with its income of 16.000 koku, was ruled by Hotta Masatsugu (堀田正頌, 1842-1896).*26 The smith thought that the techniques of his school were insufficient and went to Edo to study under Suishinshi Hideyo (水心子秀世), the son-in-law of the famous master Suishinshi Masahide (水心子正秀). He was young and full of enthusiasm and maybe also the anti-Tokugawa spirit of his home town played a role in his joining the so-called „sonnō-jōi“ movement (尊皇攘夷). This movement – translated as „Revere the emperor, expel the barbarians!“ – was of a social nature, and with the appearance of Commodore Matthew Perry’s (1794-1858) ships in 1853, the national seclusion policy of the Tokugawa was questioned. At the same time the Imperial court demanded the bakufu to take all necessary measures to ward off a potential Western suppression.

*26 The Sano fief also shared the fate of been under Tokugawa/bakufu rule several times, i.e. to become tenryō. Masatsugu was in control of the fief given to the Hotta family from 1854 until the abolition of the feudal system in 1871.

– 53 –

Picture 21: Woodblock print by Utagawa Kuniteru (歌川国輝) from 1891. It shows Takeda rebels from Mito under the sonnō-joi banner.

– 54 – The fact that the bakufu was powerless against the foreigners, despite the will expressed by the Imperial court, lead to efforts to replace the Tokugawa regime by a government more able to show its loyalty to the Emperor by enforcing the Emperor’s will. One of the climaxes of the unrests was the so-called „ Rebellion“ (Tengu-tō no ran, 天狗党の乱) of 1864 which broke out in Mito province. The bakufu opponents founded the Tengu party (Tengu-tō, 天狗党) and marched westwards with Kyōto as their target. In the third month of one (元治, 1864) Fujita Koshirō (藤田小四郎, 1842-1865), the leader of the Tengu party, entrenched himself with his men for one and a half months quite close to the forge of Nobumasa. Because Fujita needed more supporters for his „project“ he convinced Kawatsura Toraichirō Yoshimichi (川連虎一郎義路, 1841-1864) to join his army. Yoshimichi was the eldest son of the local village head and commander of the nōhei troops (農兵), samurai working as farmers in times of peace. He had participated in the assassination of Ii Naosuke (井伊直弼, 1815-1860) by the sonnō-jōi men, i.e. in the so-called „Sakuradamon Incident“ (Sakurada-mongai no hen, 桜田 門外の変) of 1860, and was a renowned swordsman despite his young age. But Yoshimichi was betrayed by the elder of the Sekiyado fief (関宿藩) which he originally served. The veteran bushi was angry because one „from among their own ranks“ was now fighting against the bakufu. With the information from the elder the shōgun immediately ordered the execution of Yoshimichi. The swordsmith Nobumasa heard of the judgment and, together with Yoshimichi, he hatched the plan to take the latter to Edo because it would be easier for him to hide in the anonymous masses. Nobumasa had visited Edo a couple of times and so he knew some secret paths into the capital. Unfortunately the plan backfired and Yoshimichi was discovered, caught and executed while he was out for a stroll in the red- light district in Susaki (洲崎).

– 55 – Well, a more „family-friendly“ version of this transmission says that he was visiting the Susaki shrine (洲崎神社) and was caught there. Because nobody wanted to perform the execution at the shrine, he was taken to the close coast. There he desperately tried to defend himself against the 15 men before he was finally killed. Nobumasa witnessed the whole incident from a hiding place, but as he was alone and being only a smith, he wasn’t able to help his friend. When the bakufu bailiffs left he recovered the topknot which had been cut off by one of them in exuberance. He took the topknot to Yoshimichi´s father and told him, with tears in his eyes, of the unsuccessful plan. After this incident Nobumasa was more than ever determined to support the sonnō-joi movement. For the moment he went underground at the village school (gōgakkan, 郷学館) of Kokufu Yoshitane (国府 義胤). This school was founded by Yoshitane´s father Yoshiaki (義明) in Yokobori (横堀), very close to the forge of Nobumasa. Soon it became an educational centre for children throughout the region. Yoshitane himself was a sinologist, physician and martial artist. Nobumasa told him about his background and it turned out that Yoshitane shared his convictions, so he erected a little forge for him in the garden of the school and even paid for his raw materials. It is said that Nobumasa forged there more than 30 blades until the end of the Tengu Rebellion in the first month of Genji two (1865). Surely they were all made with the spirit of the sonnō-joi movement in mind. Out of gratitude he forged an excellent daishō for Yoshitane which bears the following signature: „Kōyō-shi Takei Nobumasa + kaō – Keiō-san hinoto-u mōka kore o tsukuru – Shimotsuke Yokobori ni oite – Gōgakkan“ (甲陽士武 井信正・慶応三丁卯孟夏造之・於下毛與古保里・郷学館, „made by Takei Nobumasa, a retainer of Kai province, at the beginning of summer in the third year of Keiō [1867] at the village school in Yokobori in Shimotsuke province“).

– 56 – This daishō is today designated a cultural property of (see picture 22), not only because of the superior quality but also because of the local history. Nobumasa used different characters for the place names, namely for „Yokobori“ (與古保里 → 横堀) and for „Shimotsuke“ (下毛 → 下野). Yoshitane, on the other hand, recommended Nobumasa to his friends and so we know of an almost identically signed katana which he made for a certain „Shinmura Gizaburō Tomonaga“ (新村儀三郎智長) from Yokobori. A short anecdote exists for this blade, namely a fortune teller prophesied Tomonaga: „Those who own this sword will be cursed!“ But Tomonaga replied simply and concisely: „If this is true, I want the sword more than ever!“

Picture 22: katana of the daishō by Nobumasa, nagasa 69 cm, sori 1,4 cm

– 57 – 7. The swords of Takeda Shingen

In chapter 4 I made a brief reference to the Takeda family. In the following I would like to elaborate on their relationship with swords. The most famous representative of the was of course Shingen (武田信玄, 1521-1573). He was one of the most outstanding warlords of the Sengoku era and arch rival of Oda Nobunaga and Tokugawa Ieyasu in the battle for supremacy over all Sengoku-daimyō. In the „Kōyō- gunkan“ (甲陽軍鑑), the chronicles of the military achievements of the Takeda family, completed in 1616, we find the following, quite interesting entry:

„In the following year he celebrated his coming-of-age ceremony (genpuku, 元服) and suggested that the tachi of Yoshihiro (義弘), the wakizashi of Samonji (左文字), the old banner, the tatenashi armour and the horse Onikage (鬼鹿毛) – all of them heirlooms of the Takeda family – should be handed over to him.“

Picture 23, left: kokuhō, ō-yoroi „Tatenashi“; right: hinomaru banner

– 58 – The armour tatenashi no yoroi (楯無鎧, see picture 23) was once worn by Minamoto Shinra Saburō Yoshimitsu (源新羅三郎義光, 1045- 1127), the ancestor of the Takeda family. Yoshimitsu´s son Minamoto Kurogenta Kiyomitsu (源黒源太清光, 1110-1168) gave it, together with his banner, to his son Takeda Nobuyoshi (武田信義, 1128-1186) in Hō´en six (保延, 1140), who was the first to take the family name „Takeda“. The banner by the way (see picture 23) is the oldest extant banner which shows the rising sun (hinomaru, 日の丸), the present-day national flag of Japan. In this context – it was the genpuku ceremony – Nobuyoshi received from Minamoto no Tameyoshi (源為義, 1096-1156, see also chapter 2) a tachi called „Tora-maru“ (虎丸). According to transmission, this sword was a heirloom of the Minamoto but the whereabouts of it was already unknown at the time of Shingen. Thus it never appears again in any documents. The horse Onikage belonged to Shigen´s father Nobutora (武田信虎, 1494-1574). Nobutora too had a penchant for swords. His favourite piece was an oversized ō-katana of the Bizen-Osafune smith Kanemitsu (兼光) which had, according to the „Kōyō-gunkan“, a nagasa of 2 shaku 9 sun (~ 87,9 cm). In 1897 the journalist and sword collector Takase Ukō (高瀬羽皐, 1853-1924) discovered a blade at a sword dealer in Tōkyō´s Akasaka district (赤坂) which bore the following signature: „Bizen no Kuni Kanemitsu – Nobutora-shoji – Tenbun hachinen sanzun-age“ (備前 国兼光・信虎所持・天文八年三月三寸上, „Bizen no Kuni Kanemitsu – owner Nobutora – shortened in the third month of Tenbun eight [1539] by 9 cm“). The blade had a nagasa of 2 shaku 6 sun (~ 78,8 cm), several nicks, and traces of an arrow impact in the hi, that means it was surely used in one or more battles. Of course the supplement „Nobutora-shoji“ is no definite proof that the sword was really in the possession of Nobutora.

– 59 – Takase did some investigations and asked the historian Naitō Chisō (内藤恥叟, 1826-1902).*27 The latter found out that the Ashida were custodians of the Suzuki family (鈴木), who were in turn castellans of Mito Castle (水戸城) and members of the elders of the Mito fief. This tallies with a letter of Hon´ami Chikatoshi (本阿弥親俊)*28 where he also mentions that the blade had been in the possession of the Suzuki family for several generations and that it shows traces of an arrow impact in the hi. Suzuki Iwami no Kami Shigemune (鈴木石見守重棟, 1839- 1868) sided with the bakufu during the Meiji era and was killed by sonnō-jōi troops. Prior to that he had given the Kanemitsu to his father who was able to escape. From the estate of Shigemune´s father it eventually went to Takase Ukō. The Yoshihiro tachi mentioned at the beginning of this chapter is probably the „Kai-Gō“ (甲斐郷) or „Kai no Kuni Gō“ (甲斐国郷) as it is listed in the „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“ (享保名物帳).*29 Therein it is described as follows: „fuchi-yuisho, shinogikado ni hosoki-hi ari kore, kobore ari“ (不知由緒、鎬角に 細き樋有之、こぼれ有, „unknown provenance, narrow hi along the shinogi, nicks [on the cutting edge]“). The blade is listed with a length of 2 shaku 1 sun 3 bu (~ 64,5 cm). A drawing (see picture 24) of the Kai-Gō is found in the Hon´ami Kōtoku-oshigata“ (本阿弥光徳押形), an oshigata collection by Hon´ami Kōtoku (本阿弥光徳, 1553-1619). On the basis of the position of the carving of the stylized suken (素剣) on the tang it can be assumed that the blade was greatly shortened. That means the suken was once a on the shinogi below of the narrow hi.

*27 Naitō Chisō had studied under Fujita Tōko (藤田東湖, 1806-1855), the father of Fujita Koshirō introduced in the previous chapter. *28 Chikatoshi´s Hon´ami name was „Kōso“ (光蘇). *29 Shōgun (徳川吉宗, 1684-1751) commissioned Hon´ami Kōchū (本阿弥光忠) in the fourth year of Kyōhō (享保, 1719) with the acquisition of the most famous swords (meibutsu, 名物) of the country. The resulting work was the „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“

– 60 –

Picture 24: Kai-Gō from the „Hon´ami Kōtoku-oshigata“.

Obata Kagenori (小幡景憲), one of the compilers of the „Kōyō- gunkan“, writes that the tachi had once a nagasa of 2 shaku 9 sun (~ 87,9 cm) and that Shigen had it shortened to 2 shaku 7 sun (~ 81,8 cm). The reason was that Shigen wanted to harmonise the numerical values of the blades length with those of the lunar calendar. The latter is namely divided-up into 27 sections (nijūnana-shuku, 二十七宿) so, according to Kagenori, he wanted the sword to be listed with a 2 and a 7 in the records and not with a 2 and a 9. If this sword is the Kai-Gō then it was later again shortened to 2 shaku 1 sun 3 bu (~ 64,5 cm), the dimensions with which it is listed in the „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“. The „Shinchō-kōki“ (信長公記), the Edo-period chronicle on the life of Oda Nobunaga, describes in the history of the Kai-Gō that it was worn by (武田勝頼, 1546-1582), Shingen´s son, to the bitter end when he was defeated by Nobunaga and Ieyasu at the Battle of Tenmokuzan (Tenmokuzai no tatakai, 天目山の戦い) in 1582 and forced to commit seppuku. In this context the sword came into the possession of Nobunaga who called it „Kai-Gō“ and who later presented it to Ieyasu. Ieyasu in turn presented it to Toyotomi Hideyoshi as a peace offer when both encountered each other in 1584 at the battles of and Nagakute (Komaku-Nagakute no tatakai, 小牧・長久手の戦い).

– 61 – Hideyoshi gave it to Mōri Terumoto (毛利輝元, 1553-1625) who sided against Ieyasu but did not participate in the Battle of Sekigahara. As a kind of compensation for „being on the wrong side“, he presented the sword to Ieyasu. But other sources are contradictory. The „Randai- hikki“ (蘭台筆記), for example, says that Hideyoshi got the sword in 1583 from a certain „Takigawa Kazumasu“ (滝川一益, 1525-1586). Kazumasa was in the vanguard of Nobunaga when Katsuyori was defeated and the „Shinchō-kōki“ says that it was his task to prepare the body for the inspection by Nobunaga. But it is unlikely that he just stole the sword from the dead Katsuyori. Later it also appears in a list which deals with the estate of Hideyoshi. The exact wording is: „Yoshihiro, katana, Etchū no Saishō Toshinaga“ (吉広、刀、越中宰相利長). The document uses the wrong characters for the name of Gō Yoshihiro (郷義弘) but this was not uncommon back then. „Etchū no Saishō Toshinaga“ refers to Maeda Toshinaga (前田利長, 1562-1614). However, genealogic records of the Maeda family say that this entry does not refer to the Kai-Gō but to another meibutsu, the so-called „Tomita-Gō“ (富田郷, see picture 25). This is insofar sound because the Tomita-Gō had continuously been in the possession of the Maeda until the end of the Edo period. Another transmission says that Takigawa Kazumasa received the sword from Nobunaga for his military achievements at the Battle of Tenmokuzan and that Kazumasa presented it later to Ieyasu. It is then said that Ieyasu ordered the shortening from 2 shaku 7 sun (~ 81,8 cm) to 2 shaku 1 sun 3 bu (~ 64,5 cm) because the blade had been damaged during the battle. Later Hideyoshi suggested that Ieyasu gives him the Kai-Gō in exchange for his half-sister Asahi-hime (朝日姫, 1543- 1590)*30 and the meibutsu „Fudō-Kuniyuki“ (不動国行) to strengthen their alliance. The rest of this version corresponds to the other one, namely that the sword went from Hideyoshi to Mōri Terumoto who returned it to Ieyasu after Sekigahara.

*30 Asahi-hime was Ieyasu´s second wife he married after Tsukiyama-dono (see chapter 4).

– 62 – That the Kai-Gō was still in the possession of the Toyotomi after Hideyoshi´s death is proven by Hon´ami Kōtoku´s „Hon´ami Matasaburō“ (本阿弥又三郎), a catalogue of the treasure swords of the Toyotomi, compiled in the fifth year of Keichō (慶長, 1600). Therein we find the following entry: „Kai no Kuni Gō, katana“ (甲斐国 かう、刀).*31 Maybe it passed via Hideyoshi´s successor Hideyori (秀頼, 1593-1615) into the Tokugawa family because Hideyori was married to Hidetada´s daughter Sen´hime (千姫).

Picture 25: kokuhō, katana, mumei, meibutsu „Tomita-Gō“, nagasa 64,8 cm, sori 1,4 cm

The Kai-Gō is listed in the „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“, in the section on blades damaged by fire, the so-called „yakemi“ (焼身). It fell victim to the great fire (Meireki no , 明暦の大火) which destroyed almost 70% of Edo in 1657. Later, i.e. after the Kyōhō era, it was successfully re-tempered. After World War II the sword was thought to have been lost but was supposedly rediscovered in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. The second treasure sword that Takeda Shingen asked for at his coming-of-age ceremony was a wakizashi by Samonji. Samonji, also called „Sa“ (左) or „Ō-Sa“ (大左), was a smith from and, according to older transmissions, a student of Masamune.

*31 The name „Gō“ is mentioned in this catalogue in the archaic notation „Kau“ (かう).

– 63 – A legend says that Samonji´s blades soon became sharper than those of his master which resulted in Masamune heading for an official post at the bakufu in order to expel Samonji from Kamakura. Well, Samonji returned to and secretly forged from the outskirts of Kamakura, but as it was dangerous for him to be there without permission he left his blades unsigned. In the „Kōyō-gunkan“ we read that Shingen presented a tachi by Yoshihiro and a wakizashi by Samonji to Nobunaga´s son (織田信忠, 1557-1582) when the latter became engaged with his daughter Matsuhime (松姫, 1561-1616) in Eiroku eleven (永禄, 1568). But the marriage never took place because things between the Takeda and the Oda developed in an „unfavourable direction“. The tachi by Yoshihiro was not the Kai-Gō because the latter went later to Shingen´s son Katsuyori. The wakizashi by Samonji was surely also not the treasure sword because Shingen would never have given this heirloom as an engagement present. There were also several Masamune in the possession of the Takeda family. A wakizashi measuring 1 shaku 3 sun (~ 39,4 cm) of that great master was worn by Shingen shortly before his coming-of-age ceremony, i.e. at about the age of twelve or thirteen when he still bore his youth name „Katsuchiyo“ (勝千代). One day the young Katsuchiyo re-enacted on his wooden horse the great battles of his ancestors when the toy suddenly started to speak: „Do you already know ?“ Shingen was not a shy kid and answered: „Of course I know them!“ „So what art of war do you know?“, asked the wooden horse but Katsuchiyo jumped out of the saddle, drew his wakizashi, yelled „This one!“, and cut off the head of the horse. When he examined both parts they turned into an old tanuki (狸), a Japanese raccoon dog which is known as shape shifter. Thereupon Katsuchiyo gave the blade the nickname „Tanukimaru-Masamune“ (狸丸正宗).

– 64 –

Picture 26: jūyō-bunkazai, Takeda Shingen by Hasegawa Tōhaku (長谷川等伯, 1539-1610)

In the „Hon´ami Kōetsu-oshigata“ (本阿弥光悦押形) we find a drawing of a shortened and unsigned Masamune with the nickname „Kusakiri-Masamune“ (鎖切り正宗, lit. „chain-cutter Masamune“, see picture 27). Kōetsu added the following comment to the drawing which is a transcription of a letter: „According to Saburō (三郎) it is no exaggeration to say that you behaved in an exemplary fashion. Therefore I reward you with the sword Kusakari-Masamune which has been in the possession of our family for several generations. Sixth month of the first year of Eiroku (永禄, 1558), Takeda Harunobu (武田晴信)*32 + seal, to Sanada Ichihei (真田市平).“

Picture 27: Drawing of the Kusakiri-Masamune from the „Hon´ami Kōetsu-oshigata“.

*32 „Harunobu“ was Shingen´s name after his coming-of-age ceremony. „Shingen“ was the Buddhist name he used from 1559 onwards. This means that the letter from 1558 at least corresponds to the historical facts. If it had been signed „Shingen“ then it would be an obvious forgery from later years.

– 65 – „Ichihei“, probably a person from the vicinity of Sanada, refers to Ittokusai Yukitaka (真田一徳斎幸隆, 1512-1574), who was one of Shingen’s major generals.*33 But it is unclear who was rewarded and who was „Saburō“. Yukitaka distinguished himself some time before in 1550 at the siege of Toishi Castle (戸石城) and also participated in 1553 at the First Battle of Kawanakajima (Kawanakajima no tatakai, 川中島の戦い). A theory says that „Saburō“ refers to Hōjō Saburō (北条三郎, 1554- 1579), the seventh son of Hōjō Ujiyasu (北条氏康, 1515-1571), who was adopted by Shingen for a while. But the adoption was dissolved later and, via an „intermediate adoption“ by Hōjō Gen´an (北条幻庵, 1493- 1589), Hōjō Saburō ended up the adopted son of (上杉謙信, 1530-1578) and received the name „Uesugi Kagetora“ (上杉景虎). But he was only four years old in Eiroku one. It is said that Shingen wore at one of the Kawanakajima battles another blades by Masamune, namely the meibutsu „Hoshizukiyo- Masamune“ (星月夜正宗). „Hoshizukiyo“ means „a starry night“, or to be more precise, a „night where the stars shine as bright as the moon“. However, the circumstances of the naming are unknown. Either he wore the sword during a starry night or some of the blade’s characteristics looked like shining stars. According to the records of the Tsuchiya family (土屋), who owned the Hishizukiyo-Masamune after World War II, the Ashikaga-shōgun Yoshiteru (足利義輝, 1536-1565), trying to make peace between several daimyō like the Takeda and the Uesugi, gave it to Shingen during the early years of the Eiroku era (永禄, 1558-1570).

*33 Yukitaka´s fourth son Nobutada (信尹, 1547-1632) also bore the first name „Ichi´emon no Jō“ (市右衛門尉). So it could be that the letter was addressed to Nobutada. But the latter was just eleven years old in the first year of Eiroku (1558) which speak against a reward for military achievements.

– 66 – After the destruction of the Takeda, the sword was handed over to Tokugawa Ieyasu who presented it to his sixth son Matsudaira Tadateru (松平忠輝, 1592-1683) in Keichō 15 (慶長, 1610) when he appointed him daimyō of Echigo´s Takada fief (高田藩). But Tadateru showed improper behaviour during the summer campaign against Ōsaka Castle and was reprimanded by the Tokugawa family. One year later his older brother Hidetada decided to confiscate all of Tadateru´s lands and to ban him to Asamayama (朝熊山) in Ise province. The Hoshizukiyo- Masamune was confiscated too and given to the Mito branch of the Tokugawa. There it remained until the death of Tokugawa Yoshiatsu (徳川慶篤, 1832-1868), the next to last daimyō of the Mito fief. When Yoshiatsu´s estate was divided-up the sword came into the possession of his younger brother Tsuchiya Shigenao (土屋挙直, 1852- 1892) who was lord of the Tsuchiya fief neighbouring Mito.*34 After World War II the Tsuchiya had to sell it but the present-day owner is unknown. The blade was sometime shortened to an ō-wakizashi measuring 58,7 cm with a bōhi on both sides and a sori of 0,9 cm. There existed an old accompanying letter which attributed the blade with a value of 5.000 kan. Yoshikawa Kentarō (吉川賢太郎), from the NHTK, who was entrusted with the care of the sword in the Tsuchiya family after the war, once said that the blade was probably not a Masamune and the selection as present for Shingen shows us the scarce financial situation of the Ashikaga at that time. Incidentally, the blade was attributed to the Hasebe school (長谷部) by the Hon´ami family during the Edo period and, later during the Meiji period, to the Osafune smith Kanenaga (兼長).*35 This speaks for Yoshikawa´s doubt about the attribution to Masamune.

*34 The Tsuchiya were retainers of the Takeda during the Sengoku period. *35 Kanenaga was active around Jōji (貞治, 1362-1368) and was a student of Chōgi (長義).

– 67 – 8. The Yoshimoto-Samonji

In the previous chapter we learnt that two of the most important treasure swords of the Takeda were works of Gō Yoshihiro and Samonji. It seems that this combination was also popular among other warlords because Imagawa Yoshimoto (今川義元, 1519-1560) – who is introduced in the following – wore a daishō composed of a katana by Samonji and a wakizashi by Yoshihiro at the (Okehazama no tatakai, 桶狭間の戦い). The Samonji blade was once owned by the Sengoku-daimyō Miyoshi Masanaga (三好政長, 1508-1549) who had presented it to Takeda Nobutora, Shingen´s father. In this context it received its nickname „Sōzan-Samonji“ (宗三左文字) because „Sōzan“ (宗三) was the priest name of Masanaga. To make peace with the Imagawa family and to become allies against the Hōjō (北条), Nobutora married his oldest daughter Jōkei´in (定恵院, 1519-1550) to Yoshimoto in Tenbun six (天文, 1537). So the Samonji blade went as a dowry into the possession of the latter and received the nickname „Yoshimoto-Samonji“ (義元左文字). It is said that Yoshimoto was undyingly in love with Jōkei´in and made the Samonji sword his main sword which would accompany him to his death. And this was actually the case. In his final battle at Okehazama in the fifth month of Eiroku three (永禄, 1560) where he fought against the army of Oda Nobunaga, he was killed after a fierce fight by Mōri Yoshikatsu (毛利良勝, ?-1582). Yoshikatsu was wounded in this action (he lost a finger) and was supported in the killing of Yoshimoto by the Oda cavalryman Hattori Kazutada (服部一忠, ?- 1595). By the way, Yoshimoto was also able to cut Kazutada´s knee. As a reward, Yoshikatsu was honoured to become a member of Nobunaga´s mounted bodyguards, the „Black “ (kuro-horo-shū, 黒母衣衆).*36

*36 Their name comes from the black horo. This was a special cloak which blew up to a ball when riding at speed.

– 68 – The Yoshimoto-Samonji of course was taken by Nobunaga. The latter had the blade shortened from the original 78,8 cm to the present-day 65,1 cm but did not forget to have the provenance of the piece inscribed with a kinzōgan-mei on the tang. This inscription reads: „Eiroku sannen gogatsu jūkunichi – Yoshimoto o uchitori kano shoji-suru katana ni kizamu – Oda Owari no Kami Nobunaga“ (永禄三年五月十九日・ 義元討補刻彼所持刀・織田尾張守信長, „ on the 19th day of the fifth month of Eiroku three [1560] through the killing of Yoshimoto this sword came into the possession of Oda Owari no Kami Nobunaga“).

Picture 28: jūyō-bunkazai, katana, meibutsu „Yoshimoto-Samonji“, nagasa 65,1 cm, sori 1,8 cm Below: the depiction of the tang and signature from „Hon´ami Kōtoku-oshigata“

Only several months after the destruction of the Takeda Nobunaga´s end was also near. In the fifth month of Tenshō ten (天正, 1582), when he stayed in Kyōto´s Honnō-ji (本能寺), his general (明智光秀, 1526-1582) launched a surprise attack on him.

– 69 – Nobunaga had a mistress in Kyōto, namely the daughter of the Matsuo-jinja´s (松尾神社) chief priest, with which he shared the bed during the night in question. When they were separated by the attack she was able to escape with the Yoshimoto-Samonji which she gave to her father. An unknown source informed Hideyoshi about the whereabouts of the sword. As Nobunaga had committed suicide in the course of Akechi´s attack, Hideyoshi forced the priest to hand over the sword because he was going to avenge his master death. Later – the sword was in the meanwhile in the possession of – it was presented to Tokugawa Ieyasu to put in a good word for the Toyotomi clan and Hideyoshi´s heir after Sekigahara. So the Yoshimoto-Samonji became a heirloom of the Tokugawa. When Ieyasu´s successor Hidetada became seriously ill in Kan´ei nine (寛永, 1632) he bequeathed it, together with the Fudō-Kuniyuki and the Kōsetsu-Masamune (江雪正宗),*37 to his son Iemitsu. During the Edo period, the blade suffered fire damage. Some sources say it was the great Meireki Fire from 1657, others quote the fire (Tenmei no taika, 天明の大火) of 1788. Anyway, the gold-inlay of the signature was damaged during the fire (see picture 28). The re-tempering was successful but contemporary accounts say that the magnificence of the hamon was by far no match to the original one. But the Tokugawa were happy that the precious sword had survived at all. Emperor Meiji decided in the second year of his reign to honour the achievements of the unifier Nobunaga. One measure was the erection of the Takeisao-jinja (建勲神社) in Kyōto which was completed in Meiji three (明治, 1870). The great warlord is now worshipped there as a deity and the Tokugawa family offered the Yoshimoto-Samonji to the shrine where it is still preserved today.

*37 Not to be confused with the meibutsu „Kōsetsu-Samonji“ (江雪左文字).

– 70 –

Picture 29: kokuhō, tachi, mei: „Chikushū-jū Sa“ (筑州住左), nagasa 78,2 cm, sori 2,6 cm

Picture 29 shows the meibutsu „Kōsetsu-Samonji“ (江雪左文字) mentioned in footnote 37. It is named after Itabeoka Kōsetsusai Tōnari (板部岡江雪斎融成, 1537-1609). Kōsetsusai was the son of Tanaka Yasuyuki (田中泰行) but was nominated by his lord Hōjō Ujimasa (北条氏政, 1538-1590) – the Tanaka were retainers of the Hōjō – as successor of the Itabeoka family. When the conflict between the Hōjō and the Toyotomi worsened in the 18th year of Tenshō (天正, 1589), Kōsetsusai was one of the mediators between the two sides. It is said that Hideyoshi saw the genius of Kōsetsusai during these negotiations and even served him tea in a private tea ceremony. One year later Hideyoshi destroyed the Hōjō at the Siege of (Odawara-seibatsu, 小田原征伐) and Kōsetsusai became a member of the otogi-shū (御伽衆), a group of close confidants who kept company with the shōgun (or a daimyō) on various occasions. In return Kōsetsusai presented Hideyoshi with the Samonji. Hideyoshi in turn gave it to Ieyasu from which it went to the Kii branch of the Tokugawa and became a highly treasured heirloom.

– 71 – But there also exists another transmission. After Hideyoshi´s death, Kōsetsusai joined Ieyasu’s side and was appointed as a messenger at the Battle of Sekigahara to convince the undecided Kobayakawa Hideaki (小早川秀秋, 1577-1602) to fight for the Eastern Army. Hideaki did so in the end and it is said that Kōsetsusai received the Samonji-tachi as a reward. After Sekigahara, Kōsetsusai´s second son Fusatsugu (岡野房次), who was adopted into the Okano family, became a retainer of Tokugawa Yorinobu (徳川頼宣, 1602-1671). The latter was the founder of the Kii branch of the Tokugawa and so it is assumed that the Kōsetsu-Samonji came to the Kii-Tokugawa via this connection. However, the blade is nowadays designated kokuhō and is the one and only extant long sword by Samonji with a signature. Before we turn to other swordsmiths I would like to introduce another meibutsu by Samonji, namely the jūyō-bunkazai „Sayo-Samonji“ (小夜左文字, see picture 31). A legend says that the blade, a tantō, was once in the possession of a rōnin from Nissaka (日坂, present-day Kakegawa City, Prefecture). When his wife died of illness and left him with their son, he decided to part with his beloved tantō. Nissaka was a station on the Tōkaidō (東海道), the main road which connected Kyōto with the eastern Kantō provinces. So his first goal was the next Tōkaidō station, Kanaya (金谷宿). For this he had to cross the notorious pass Sayo no Nakayama (小夜の中山 or 佐夜の中山). This pass had always been regarded as one of the most dangerous passages on the Tōkaidō because many robbers and highwayman were lurking there at night (see picture 30). And promptly, the man was killed at the top of the pass and his Samonji-tantō was stolen.

– 72 –

Picture 30: The climb to the Sayo no Nakayama pass from Nissaka. After a woodlblock print by Utagawa (歌川広重, 1797-1858).

The local inspectors later informed the orphan about the circumstances of that night when he came of age. He swore revenge but his only thing to go by was the Samonji tantō. So he decided to enter apprenticeship as a sword polisher in the nearby Kakegawa (掛川)*38 because this might be the best and only chance to stumble on the blade. And he was dead right! About 15 or 16 years later a prowler entered the workshop to have his tantō polished. When the young man removed the hilt to prepare the blade he saw the signature: „Chikushū-jū – Sa“ (築州住・左), distributed to the front and the back of the tang, as it is typical for Samonji and as was the signature on his father sword.

*38 Kakegawa was the Tōkaidō station to the west of Nissaka.

– 73 – When it was time for the customer to pick up the finished blade he asked him how come he was wearing such a fine masterwork. But the man involved himself in contradictions and so the polisher rushed ahead: „You got the blade by murdering and robbing someone, didn’t you!“ According to the customers reaction and the change of face he hit the nail on the head and so, without hesitating, he thrust the blade into the murder’s stomach. This story was forwarded to Yamanouchi Kazutoyo (山内一豊, 1545- 1605), the then lord of (掛川城). Kazutoyo was delighted by the revenge which took more than twenty years and so he invited the young man to become his retainer. In return, he presented his new lord with the tantō in question. The renowned poet Hosokawa Yūsai Fujitaka (細川幽斎藤孝, 1534-1610) was also informed about this story. He asked for the sword and got it later as a gift, but more details on this are unknown. The whole incident reminded Yūsai of a poem by the monk Saigyō (西行, 1118-1190). The latter was once grateful for his long life giving him the chance to see some special places twice. The poem reads:

„Toshi-takete, mata koyubeshi to omohiki , inochi-narikeri Sayo no Nakayama“ (年たけてまた越ゆべしと思ひきや命なりけり小夜の中山) Weary of years, yet I find myself climbing once again the pass of Sayo no Nakayama. How wonderful is life!“

Thereupon he gave the tantō the nickname „Sayo-Samonji“ and it became one of his favourite pieces. After Yūsai´s death it was bequeathed to his son Tadaoki (細川忠興, 1563-1646). It is said that Tadaoki sold it, together with the famous tea caddy „Ariake“ (有明, lit. „dawn when the moon is still in the sky“), using the proceeds to fight a serious raging in Kan´ei four (寛永, 1627) in his Kokura fief (小倉藩).

– 74 –

Picture 31: jūyō-bunkazai, tantō, mei: „Chikushū-jū – Sa“ (築州住・左), nagasa 24,5 cm

But this transmission has to be taken with a grain of salt because Tadaoki surely did not have to sell a tantō and a tea caddy because the Kokura fief had the high income of 400.000 koku.*39 The transmission says further that the Sayo-Samonji then went to the Kuroda (黒田), the Asano (浅野), the Inoue family (土井) and to a sword dealer in Kyōto. There it was found in the course of the nationwide search for famous blades initiated by the eighth Tokugawa-shōgun Yoshimune (see footnote 29, page 60). Until the Meiji era the piece was probably in the possession of the Tokugawa family, but more details are unknown. In the end, the tantō was bought by the swordsmith Shibata Ka (柴田果, 1774- 1953) who had a preference for Samonji and who also made several copies of his works. Today the meibutsu is owned by the Ōsaka pharmaceutical company Brast Sheave Co., Ltd. By the way, Shibata named his tea room after the dagger, namely „Sayosa´an“ (小夜左庵).

*39 This was only 140.000 koku less than the later Kumamoto fief which was ruled by his son Tadatoshi (細川忠利, 1586-1641).

– 75 – 9. The Takemata-Kanemitsu

Someone more taken by swords than Shingen was his arch rival Uesugi Kenshin (上杉謙信, 1530-1578). He and his adopted nephew Kagekatsu (景勝, 1556-1623) had a famous collection which I have already introduced in volume one of the Legends around the Japanese Swords. The 35 most precious swords are found in the so-called Kagekatsu-kō o-te-erabi sanjūgo-koshi“ (景勝公御手選三十五腰) and it is said that the entire collection consisted of 700 excellent blades! One of them was the meibutsu „Takemata-Kanemitsu“ (竹俣兼光) which, among others, I am dealing with in this chapter. According to transmission, it was – for whatever reason – in the possession of a farmer from Oitsu (老津) of who carried it – for whatever reason – with him when he was working in the fields. One day he was surprised by a terrible thunderstorm. He was so scared that he closed his eyes, unsheathed the sword and held it above his head saying the words „May the gods help me!“. And, really, the thunderstorm passed, but when he opened his eyes he saw that the first 30 cm of his sword were bloodstained. He was terrified by the thought that he might have killed the God of Thunder but it turned out that his bag, in which he was carrying the harvested red Azuki beans (小豆), had a hole. From this hole some beans fell out and hit the blade – which poked out of the split scabbard – and coloured it red. Fascinated by the sharpness of the blade he told the whole incident to the villagers of Oitsu. One of them forwarded the incident to the samurai Mikawa no Kami Tomotsuna (竹俣三河守朝綱)*40 who eventually bought the sword from the farmer.

*41 Another transmissions refer to „Takemata Mikawa no Kami Yoshitsuna“ (竹俣三河守慶綱, 1524-1582).

– 76 – Apart from this transmission we find more information on the sword in the „Meibutsu-hikae“ (名物扣) by Hon´ami Kōchū (本阿弥光忠).*41 Therein we read that Takemata Tomotsuna was able to kill with it several enemies at the battles for Anamizu Castle (穴水城) in Noto province. When Uesugi Kenshin heard about its supreme sharpness he put it at the very top of his wish list. Takemata complied with his wish and presented it to Kenshin who gave it the nickname „Takemata-Kanemitsu“. In the third month of Kōji two (弘治, 1557) Shingen proudly wore the sword at the Third Battle of Kawanakajima. In this battle he was in the line of fire of an harquebusier called Mochizuki Heidayū (輪形 月平太夫). He approached him on horseback in a death-defying manner, drew the Takemata-Kanemitsu, and killed him. After the battle the Takeda were clearing the battlefield and they discovered first that Heidayū had two deep cuts under his armour but, secondly, what was more impressing, was that his matchlock (teppō, 鉄砲) was cleanly cut into two halves. Now the Takeda were also in fear of the supreme sharpness of the Takemata-Kanemitsu. Kagekatsu, who inherited the sword from Kenshin, had it newly polished in Kyōto and a new mounting made. When the sword was returned to him he said to one of his retainers: „This must be the water of Kyōto. The blade looks as if it has just been newly forged, doesn’t it?“ „You are right Mylord, its hardly recognizable.“ Also present that day was Takemata Tomotsuna. When it was his turn to examine the freshly polished sword he said: „The blade is outstanding but this is not my former Kanemitsu!“ Shocked, Kagekatsu requested Takemata to be more precise. „Mylord, my blade had small holes along the shinogi about 5 cm above the habaki. It would have been impossible to polish them out.“

*41 When Kōchū was ordered by Tokugawa Yoshimune to compile the „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“ he made first a raw version which contained 235 swords. This provisional list was called „Meibutsu- hikae“.

– 77 – Immediately Kagekatsu sent Takemata to Kyōto to clarify the circumstances and mainly to look for the original sword. Together, with the sword official of the Uesugi, they entered the polisher’s workshop in the heart of the capital. „Is it possible that you have sold recently an oversized blade by Bizen Kanemitsu measuring about 90 cm? If that is correct then it has to be retrieved immediately because this sale was a mistake!“ After a short discussion in the back of the workshop a messenger was sent and who returned later with an ōdachi. Takemata was able to confirm that this was the real Kanemitsu. As a fraud could not be ruled out the whole incident was forwarded to Ishida Mitsunari, the city magistrate of Kyōto since the first year of Keichō (慶長, 1596). It turned out that an entire gang of thirteen men was behind the fraud. All of them were executed and crucified by Mitsunari at the Hinooka hill (日ノ岡) on the east of Kyōto. The transmissions disagree on the smith who did the forgery. One says it was Tanba no Kami Yoshimichi (丹波守吉道) and the others assume it was his brother Etchū no Kami Masatoshi (越中守正俊). The latter approach reports that Masatoshi didn’t know that he was involved in a fraud and that he just made a copy of an ōdachi given to him. Maeda Gen´i (前田玄以, 1539-1602), the then governor of Kyōto, had pity on the smith and managed for his escape along the San´indō main road. When Mitsunari lost at Sekigahara, many of his former judgments were also „invalid“ and so Masatoshi was invited back to Kyōto by Gen´i. But there is also another theory which says that the copy was made by the smith Horikawa Kunihiro (堀川国広). As everybody knows, Mitsunari was on the side of the Toyotomi and, before Sekigahara, he tried to win as many daimyō as possible for his cause.

– 78 – He ordered Kunihiro to go to his castle in Sawayama (佐和山城), Ōmi province, so that he could make several copies of famous master blades to distribute them as sword presents.*42 It is said that many of the copies were of works by Masamune. Quite like „you make this copy for lord XYZ and this ´Masamune´ goes to the daimyō of Mimasaka“ and the like. However, the next owner of the Takemata-Kanemitsu after Kagekatsu was Hideyoshi because it was quite high on his wish list and so the Uesugi were unable to refrain from presenting it to him one day. After the fall of Ōsaka the trace of the sword is lost. Rumours said that a rōnin took it to Izumi, Kawachi or even . Later, the Tokugawa family even offered a reward of 300 gold coins to whoever found it, without success. Well, there is also the theory that the whole forgery incident goes back to Kagekatsu himself who had ordered a copy for Hideyoshi in order to keep the original blade in his collection. As mentioned, the whereabouts of the sword are unknown, and today we only have two different oshigata by the Hon´ami family to base our examinations on. One of them (see picture 32) was published in „Hon´ami Kōtoku-oshigata“. Therein it is listed as owned by Hideyoshi and with the nagasa 2 shaku 8 sun (~ 84,8 cm). We see a bōhi on both sides, bonji, and the carving of a sankozuka-ken in relief at the bottom of the groove. The tang has three mekugi-ana and the signature reads: : „Bishū Osafune Kanemitsu – gonen rokugatsu-hi“ (備州長船 兼光・ 延文五年六月日, „a day in the fifth month of Enbun five [1360]“).

*42 If this transmission is correct then this must have happened between the years 1591 and 1599 because before then Kunihiro was still in his home province of Hyūga, and in 1591 he also worked in Shinano. In 1599 he had settled in Kyōto.

– 79 –

Picture 32: Drawing of the Takemata-Kanemitsu from the „Hon´ami Kōtoku-oshigata“.

In Hon´ami Kōetsu´s oshigata collection (see picture 33), a completely different drawing is found. The corresponding entry reads: „Takemata, nagasa 2 shaku 5 sun 4 bu (~ 76,9 cm), from the possessions of lord Usami (うさ美)“. And the signature reads: „Bishū Osafune Kanemitsu – sannen jūichigatsu-hi“ (備州長船兼光・ 元徳三年十一月日, „a day in the eleventh month of Genroku three [1331]“). The blade has no continuous hi but a kuichigaiba in relief at the base and a bonji, and on the other side a sankozuka-ken. The tang has three mekugi-ana too but the third one is at a noticeably lower position. The entry „lord Usami“ refers to Usami Suruga no Kami Sadamitsu (宇佐美駿河守定満, 1489-1564) who was a retainer of Uesugi Kenshin. The later published „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“ lists the Takemata-Kanemitsu with „whereabouts/owner unknown, nagasa 2 shaku 8 sun (~ 84,8 cm)“, that means it corresponds at least in terms of length with the information provided by Hon´ami Kōtoku.

– 80 –

Picture 33: Drawing of the Takemata-Kanemitsu from the „Hon´ami Kōetsu-oshigata“.

But another theory is going round, namely that after the fall of Ōsaka Castle the Takemata-Kanemitsu went to or even to the remote island of Ryūkyū (琉球), present-day Okinawa. This theory is principally based on the notes of the famous Ōsaka sword dealer Okano Shinjirō (岡野新次郎, around Kansei [寛政, 1789-1801]) who is known for having sold several meibutsu and who is even noted in the „Shūko- jūshu“ (see page 29). In this brief note he writes about the sword: „It is said that it is on Ryūkyū today, or maybe also in Satsuma“. During the Taishō era (大正, 1912-1926) the Shimazu family (島津), the former daimyō of Satsuma, actually sold a ō-suriage mumei blade by Bizen Kanemitsu measuring 2 shaku 6 sun 5 bu (~ 80,3 cm) which was called „Ryūkyū-Kanemitsu“ (琉球兼光) among the Shimazu. Some say that this blade was the shortened Takemata-Kanemitsu, but it has no grooves or carvings at all and is simply listed in the sword catalogue of the Shimazu as „provenance unknown“. This means that if the family was in the possession of such a famous sword it would have somehow have mentioned it.

– 81 – Maybe this rumour has to be seen in context with another one which says that Toyotomi Hideyori did not commit seppuku when Ōsaka fell but escaped secretly to Ryūkyū via Satsuma. Anyway, in the early 1990´s, the Ryūkyū-Kanemitsu was owned by a certain Fujita Seiichi (藤田整一) from Los Angeles. To present the reader a general idea of the Takemata-Kanemitsu I introduce another ōdachi from the collection of the Uesugi which was made by the same smith and at about the same time (see picture 34). It is designated jūyō-bunkazai, has a nagasa of 3 shaku 7 sun (~ 93,2 cm), and is signed „Bizen no Kuni Osafune Kanemitsu – Enbun yonnen jūnigatsu-hi“ (備前国長船兼光・延文亖年十二月日, „a day in the twelfth month of Enbun four [1359]“).

Picture 34: jūyō-bunkazai, ōdachi, mei „Bizen no Kuni Osafune Kanemitsu – Enbun yonnen jūnigatsu-hi“, nagasa 93,2 cm, sori 3,2 cm

– 82 – The incident with the severed teppō lead, and still leads, to confusion with another blade by Kanemitsu which was also owned by the Uesugi family. This other blade is an ō-wakizashi measuring 1 shaku 9 sun 4 bu (~ 58,8 cm) with the nickname „Teppōkiri-Kanemitsu“ (鉄砲切り兼光, „teppō cutter Kanemitsu“). The piece was designated jūyō-bijutsuhin in 1937 but attributed by experts back then to the Kamakura-Ichimonji smith Sukezane (助真). A sword with a nagasa of about 60 cm is unsuitable for a mounted samurai and because Kenshin is known for his preference for oversized ōdachi we can assume that this sword is not the Takemata-Kanemitsu with which he killed Mochizuki Heidayū at the Battle of Kawanakajima. As the Hon´ami family made their drawing of the Takemata- Kanemitsu much later than this battle, it can be ruled out that the blade was the one damaged cutting the teppō and had be shortened to 58,8 cm and was then nicknamed „Teppōkiri-Kanemitsu“. In short, there existed two blades and both were treasure swords of the Uesugi. Well, there exists the following legend concerning the Teppōkiri- Kanemitsu. It goes back to the work „Tōken-hatsubi“ (刀剣発微), which is a transcription of conversations of the swordsmith Kōda Masatoshi (甲田正利) with master Suishinshi Masahide (水心子正秀). According to that work Kenshin was one night on patrol with a retainer during a severe typhoon. Suddenly they saw a shadow and Kenshin commanded him to show himself. When no one answered he rushed ahead with his sword drawn and cut in the direction he assumed that the person might hide. When the nightguards arrived the scene was examined under the light of wind-protected paper lanterns. On the ground they found a man who was cut in half from the shoulder to the hip and to his side was laying a severed matchlock. Thereupon Kenshin gave the blade the nickname „Teppōkiri-Kanemitsu“.

– 83 – 10. The bean matter

From works like Nishimura Hakuu´s (西村白烏) „Enka-kidan“ (煙霞綺談) or Yuasa Jōzan´s (湯浅常山, 1708-1781) „Jōzan-kidan“ (常山紀談) we know, that the Takemata-Kanemitsu was also temporarily called „Azuki-Kanemitsu“ (小豆兼光) because of the incident with the red Azuki beans. And apart from that, these publications tell us that there were two more swords in the possession of the Uesugi whose name goes back to beans, namely the „Azuki-Nagamitsu“ (小豆長光) and the „Aka- azukikayu-Yukimitsu“ (赤小豆粥行光, „Azuki-bean gruel Yukimitsu“). The former work mentions that Kenshin fought a duel with the Azukikayu-Yukimitsu measuring 3 shaku 1 sun (~ 93,9 cm) at one of the Kawanakajima Battles with Takeda Shingen, but this clash can´t be confirmed by other historical documents. Hon´ami Kōetsu adds the following comment on the Azuki- Nagamitsu in his „Hon´ami Kōetsu-oshigata“: „Azukikake (あつき かけ), nagasa 3 shaku 5 sun 8 bu (~ 108,5 cm), comes from lord Usami (うさみ)“. The latter refers again to the aforementioned Kenshin-retainer Usami Sadamitsu. „Kake“ refers probably to the word (欠け) which means „fragment, piece, splinter“. So in the context and with the prefix „Azuki“ it becomes „[Azuki] bean splitter“.

Picture 35: Azuki beans

– 84 – There is the following interesting anecdote about the name „Azuki“ in connection with swords. It is said that the legend about a bean-cutting sword bothered the bakufu official Kubota Sugane (窪田清音, 1791- 1866) for a long time. So he visited his protégé and favourite swordsmith Kiyomaro (清麿, 1813-1854) to get to the bottom of the matter. After several tests they found out that even the sharpest and most freshly polished blade was not able to cut through an Azuki bean dropped on it soley by its force of gravity. The bean was too hard and bounced back instead of being cut into two. So both paid master Taikei Naotane (大慶直胤, 1778-1857) a visit and he enlightened them: „The bean matter is an old fairy tale. The name ´azuki´ goes back namely to the similar sounding word ´nazuki´ which means ´head´. This means that swords with such a name had sometime split a skull!“ From an etymological point of view Naotane was right because „nazuki“ (脳髄) actually means „skull“, „head“ or „brain“, but others assume a more harmless background, namely that the name „azuki“ goes back to certain characteristics of the blade´s hamon which probably reminded people of little beans. But let us return to the so-called „Azuki-Kanemitsu“. Fukuda Kenryū (福田顕龍) writes in his 1862 publication „Tōken-shōzan“ (刀剣正纂) that the name „Azuki“ goes back to the incident with Mochizuki Heidayū. Fukuda explains that the characters of the family name „Mochizuki“ (輪形月) can also be read „Wazuki“ which became in the course of time – or by wrong and/or repeated transcriptions – „Azuki“. Before we continue with the Azuki-Kanemitsu it has to be pointed out that there existed several swords with the name „Azuki-Nagamitsu“. After the dissolution of the feudal system one of them was in the possession of the Ōzeki family (大関), the former daimyō of Shimotsuke´s Kurobane fief (黒羽藩). Another blade, which is shown in picture 36, comes from the former possession of the Uemura family (植村). In the genealogical records of the bakufu called „Shintei Kansei- chōshū-shokafu“ (新訂寛政重修諸家譜) we find the following entry:

– 85 – „In fall of the third year of (元亀, 1572), Uesugi Kenshin expresses his gratitude for the receipt of the Osafune Nagamitsu sword and an armour in style which was granted to him by Tōshōgu (東照宮, the author uses the posthumous name of Ieyasu) to strengthen the friendly relations of their families.“ So the Uemura piece came from the Uesugi family but does not correspond to the length of 3 shaku 5 sun 8 bu (~ 108,5 cm) quoted by Kōetsu. As the blade shown in picture 36 is unshortened and has its original ubu-nakago with the signature of Nagamitsu we can safely assume that there were at least three swords going round which had the nickname „Azuki-Nagamitsu“. According to a transmission, the Azuki- Kanemitsu had another nickname, namely „Namioyogi-Kanemitsu“ (浪およぎ兼光, „wave- swimmer Kanemitsu“). The accompanying legend says that there was a sword duel at Ise´s Kuwana (桑名) after which the loser tried to escape via the nearby river. He was able to swim five or six metres before his body fell into two halves! The chronicle „Kawasumi-taikō-ki“ (川角太閤記) says that the sword went later to Tokugawa Ieyasu who presented it to his son Matsudaira Tadateru. When the latter was exiled (see chapter 7) it was handed-over to Doi Toshikatsu (土井利勝, 1573-1644) who was then one of the top-ranking bakufu officials.

Picture 36: jūyō-bunkazai, tachi, mei „Nagamitsu“ (長光) nagasa 77,3 cm, sori 1,8 cm

– 86 – An unverifiable transmission says that Sasabe Shigemasa (雀部重政, 1559-1595) took with this blade the head of Toyotomi Hidetsugu (豊臣秀次, 1568-1595) when he was his kaishaku at the seppuku ceremony. In the end it was eventually owned by Tachibana Muneshige (立花宗茂, 1567-1643) and became a heirloom of the Tachibana family. Picture 37 shows the Namioyogi-Kanemitsu from their records. It bears a kinzōgan-mei which refers to the context with Hidetsugu and reads: „Hashiba Isshinzan Chūnagon Hidetsugu Kanpaku no shi – Namioyogi matsudai no ken Kanemitsu ya“ (羽柴一 心山中納言秀次関白死・ 波およぎ末代剣兼光や, „the Namioyogi-Kanemitsu for the future generations [of our family] came into our possession after the death of the Kanpaku Hashiba Isshinzan Chūnagon Hidetsugu“). By the way, it is also speculated that the nickname „wave-swimmer“ goes back to the carving of the dragon which really looks like a dragon swimming atop of waves.

Picture 37: Namioyogi-Kanemitsu from the possessions of the Tachibana family

– 87 – Let us summarize: A bean-splitting ōdachi by Kanemitsu was in the possession of the samurai Takemata, then Uesugi Kenshin who killed Mochizuki Heidayū with it and split his teppō. Also in the possession of Kenshin was the Teppōkiri-Kanemitsu with which he cut through an unknown man and his matchlock during a rainy typhoon night. And then there was the Azuki-Kanemitsu which was maybe a temporary nickname of the Takemata-Kanemitsu based on the story of the split beans. Or the latter was a mix-up with the Azuki-Nagamitsu because there exists several blades with that name and the nickname Azuki-Kanemitsu never existed. Anyway, the „Hon´ami Kōetsu-oshigata“ depicts three different blades: The Azuki-Nagamitsu, the Takemata-Kanemitsu and the Namioyogi-Kanemitsu. So in short, it is rather likely that the nickname „Azuki-Kanemitsu“ was never in use.

11. The Gokotai-Yoshimitsu

With this sword from the former possessions of the Uesugi I would like to end the chapters dealing with this family. The transmission says that this tantō was once owned by an envoy of an unknown name who was sent to Ming- at the beginning of the Muromachi period. His mission was connected with the erection of Kyōto´s Tenryūji (天龍寺).*43 On the way to his destination he and his men were suddenly surrounded by five tigers. In panic he drew his dagger and started to wave it around like a maniac. But it helped and the big-cats went away.

*43 The construction of the temple was initiated in 1339 by Ashikaga Takauji and it was completed in 1345. In the year 1342 trading ships were sent to China to find more money to fund the continuation of the temple’s construction.

– 88 – Back home in Kyōto he proudly told this story to the then shōgun (足利義満, 1358-1408) by saying: „With this dagger I alone drove away (jap. „shirizokeru/tai“, 退) five tigers (jap. „goko, 五虎)!“ Thereupon the tantō by Awataguchi Yoshimitsu (粟田口 吉光) received the nickname „Gokotai-Yoshimitsu“ (五虎退吉光). Somewhat later it is said that it came into the possession of Nōami (能阿弥, 1397-1471) who was the artistic advisor of the Ashikaga family. At the end of the Muromachi period it was owned by emperor Ōgimachi (正親町天皇, 1517-1593), and when Uesugi Kenshin visited Kyōto in Eiroku two (永禄, 1559) to attend an important audience with shōgun (足利義輝, 1536-1565) and Ōgimachi, he was presented with the dagger Gokotai-Yoshimitsu. Thereupon it became a heirloom of the Uesugi family. About 400 years later, or to be more precise in October 1881, emperor Meiji visited the northern Yonezawa which was ruled by the Uesugi during the feudal years. Everybody knew that the emperor was a sword lover and so he was shown several pieces of the former Uesugi collection. Even late at night he still asked for more blades and so it was decided to extend the stay for another day and night. Miyajima Seiichirō (宮島誠一郎, 1838-1911), the then secretary of the Imperial Household Agency who attended Meiji, noted the entire trip in detail. At one poiny the Gokotai-Yoshimitsu was brought and handed over to the emperor. He was carrying a dagger by Awataguchi Yoshimitsu that he received from his predecessor emperor Kōmei (孝明天皇, 1846-1866) and compared it with the piece from the Uesugi collection: „The length is the same, also the deki, what is the opinion of the Hon´ami expert?“ When the latter joined the group and had examined the two blades carefully he turned to Meiji and said: „I think that the sword of Your Highness has to be rated somewhat higher.“ And the emperor laughed and replied: „Well, then I should be able to ward off ten tigers with it!“

– 89 –

Picture 38: tantō, mei „Yoshimitsu“ (吉光), nagasa 24,8 cm, takenokozori

12. The case of Kiyomaro

In the previous chapter I briefly mentioned the smith Minamoto Kiyomaro (源清麿). He was born under the civilian name „Yamaura Kuranosuke“ (山浦内蔵助) on the sixth day of the third month of Bunka ten (文化, 1813) as the son of Masatomo (昌友) in the village of Akaiwa (赤岩) in Shinano´s Komoro fief (小諸藩). Besides „Kuranosuke“ he also bore the first name „Tamaki“ (環) in his younger years. With his older brother Masao (真雄) he entered apprenticeship with the local smith Kawamura Toshitaka (河村寿隆) in twelve (文政, 1829) and signed from then on with the names „Ikkansai Masayuki“ (一貫斎正行), „Hidetoshi“ (秀寿), and again with „Masayuki“. His father Yamaura Ji´emon (山浦治右衛門, ?-1845) besides „Masatomo“ also used the name „Nobukaze“ (信風) and was, according to transmission, the eighth generation village head of Akaiwa. His posthumous Buddhist name „Kai´un-Tessen“ (海雲鉄船) gives rise to the speculation of his main profession. Such names usually try to allude with one or two characters to the person´s life, and as the character „tetsu“ (鉄) for „iron“ was used it is assumed that Masatomo was a swordsmith too.

– 90 – Kiyomaro´s wife was from the village of Ōishi (大石) which lied about 1,5 km to the east of Komoro. She was the daughter of a certain Nagaoka Kume´emon Masanobu (長岡久米右衛門政信, ?- 1816) and was born in the seventh year of Bunka (1810), i.e. she was three years older than Kiyomaro. It is said that it was a love marriage, then why did he leave his wife and kid shortly later?*45 Some assume it was „just“ an arranged marriage from which he tried to escape. Others say that the young Tamaki was a pretty boy and that he wasn´t able to settle down. And others speculate that he left the house because of a dispute with his mother-in-law who was against the marriage because she feared he couldn´t feed the family as a swordsmith in those years. What is certain is that there are no official documents extant where he is listed with the family name „Nagaoka“ nor which mention that the young couple were actually divorced. But the Yamaura family was also not satisfied with the lifestyle of the young Kiyomaro and disinherited him so it was impossible for him return to Akaiwa anyway. For reasons unknown today he first visited Shinano´s castle town of Matsushiro (松代). This can be proved by extant blades.*46 It is assumed that he might have visited his friend Tsuge Kahei (拓植嘉兵衛) who was a master *57 fencer of the Matsushiro fief. Anyway, two extant blades from the fifth year of Tenpō (1834) are signed with the name „Hidetoshi“ (秀寿). As mentioned above, it is transmitted that he had studied with his older brother for about five years under Kawamura Toshitaka.

*45 His gravestone bears an inscription that says that he left the Nagaoka family in the second year of Tenpō (天保, 1831) at the young age of 19. *46 There exists a tantō with the following signature: „Yamaura Masayuki – -jō ni oite – Tenpō sannen hachigatsu-hi“ (山浦正行・於海津城造之・天保三年八月日, „made by Yamaura Masayuki on a day of the eighth month of Tenpō three [1832] in Kaizu Castle“). „Kaizu“ was the old name of Matsushiro Castle. *47 A nagamaki (長巻) is a Japanese sword in the form of a similar to a naginata but with a shorter hilt. I.e. hilt and blade have about the same length.

– 91 – But this apprenticeship is doubted by some experts because of the name „Hidetoshi“. If he was the student of Toshitaka, his master would surely have not granted him the smith name „Hidetoshi“ because it is composed of the characters „Hide“ (秀) and „toshi“ (寿) which means in this combination „the one who surpasses the Toshi“. The same experts assume that he was „just“ a student of his older brother who signed back then with „Toshimasa“ (寿昌). And when the latter recognized the great talent of Kiyomaro, it was him who gave him the name „Hidetoshi“ (i.e. „better than Toshi[taka]“). Another theory says that Kiyomaro was taught by the great master Taikei Naotane because the latter visited the daimyō of the Matsushiro fief, the castle town of the same same, on invitation of the Sanada family (真田) in Tenpō four (1833). So, at least from a chronological point of view, this master-student relationship can´t be ruled out. However, in winter of Tenpō five (1834) Kiyomaro arrived at Edo. A transmission suggests that he first made a small detour to Ōishi to visit his wife and his son Umesaku (梅作) but he was turned away by his wife´s family which made his new start in Edo easier. There, on recommendation of Tsuge Kahei, he visited Kubota Sugane (窪田清音, 1791-1866) who gave him some advice in sword forging and instructed him in martial arts. Besides the Nakajima-ryū (中島流) of shooting, the Yamaga-ryū (山鹿流) of strategy and tactics, and the Tamiya-ryū (田宮流) of iaidō, Sugane was well versed in ten more styles. Later he became one of the instructors at the kōbusho (講武所), a military training facility of the bakufu founded in 1854 where the sons of hatamoto and other high-ranking officials were trained. Kubota Sugane was not a swordsmith and so his „advices“ lie somewhat in the dark, but from documents of Kiyomaro´s student Saitō Kiyondo (斎藤清人) we learn that his advice consisted mainly on supplying famous blades which served Kiyomaro as models and study objects. It is said that Sugane motivated Kiyomaro with the words: „Take as much time and raw material as you need and forge as long as you like until you are satisfied with the result.“

– 92 – Another anecdote – which has surely nothing to do with the art of forging or metallurgy – is about how Kiyomaro was able to reproduce utsuri (映り). Utsuri (lit. „reflection“) is a more or less visible temper effect on a blade which appears above the hamon and which can reach the shinogi ridge (or even go beyond it). Not every blade shows utsuri and first and foremost it was a characteristic feature of Bizen blades from the Kamakura to the early Muromachi period. Successive smiths of the shintō era (新刀), i.e. from the Edo period onwards, had serious problems reproducing utsuri and the „secret technique“ had almost fallen into oblivion by the time of Kiyomaro. He went to great lengths, day and night, but without success. So he asked Sugane: „Master, I need your advice again. How am I able to reproduce utsuri?“ He told him of all the attempts he had tried so far until Sugane interrupted him: „That is actually the problem. You want it too much. Forge your blades without forging in mind, like the old Bizen masters did. Then you will be able to reproduce utsuri.“ And the anecdote says that his mentor was right and soon he was able to apply a controlled utsuri. With the support of Sugane and his older brother – who, from the eighth to the tenth year of Tenpō (1837-1839), was in Edo too – Kiyomaro was eventually able around 1839 to go into business by himself. His forge, which was at close quarters from Iga-machi (伊賀町) in Edo´s Yotsuya district (四谷), was called according to transmission „Yamashiro´ya“ (山城屋). It is said that a certain dealer called „Bizen´ya Kihei“ (備前屋喜兵衛) made him the offer to pay his start-up capital if he arranged for Sugane to teach him martial arts. But the latter refused and instead paid the start-up sum. To advertise the up and coming Kiyomaro, and to earn some money, Sugane initiated in the same year a kind of „lottery“ called „Buki-kō“ (武器講). From total of 100 participants 3 ryō (両) were collected frome each one and once a month the finished blades were divided up among the drawn winners.

– 93 – The very first Buki-kō blade is still extant. It is a katana measuring 71,2 cm, designated jūyō-bijutsuhin, bearing the following signature: „Yamaura Tamaki Masayuki – Tenpō jūnen hachigatsu-hi – Buki-kō ichihyaku no ichi“ (山浦環正行・天保十年八月日・武器講一百 之一, „a day in the eighth month of Tenpō ten [1839], one blade of one hundred of the Buki-kō“). Whilst Kiyomaro was working to capacity – he forged three to four blades a month – Sugane praised him in his „Tanki-yoron“ (鍛記余論), published in Tenpō twelve (1841), with the following words: „at the moment there is none who ranks above him.“ But something went wrong and Kiyomaro fled to Nagato province. This escape took place somewhere in the first half of the 13th year of Tenpō (1842) because a dated blade of the eighth month of that years is extant which bears the supplement „Hagi-jō ni oite“ (於萩城, „at “) in the mei. This means that in the summer of that year he was already working at the western end of Honshū (see picture 39). Sugane was of course facing a huge problem now because was becoming more and more behind with his Buki-kō.

Picture 39: katana, mei „Hagi-jō ni oite Yamaura Masayuki kore o tsukuru – Tenpō jūsannen hachigatsu-hi“ (於萩城山浦正行造之・天保十三年八月日, „made by Yamaura Masayuki in Hagi Castle on a day in the eighth month of Tenpō 13 [1843]“), nagasa 81,8 cm, sori 2,1 cm

– 94 – There are several theories on Kiyomaro´s escape to Nagato. One says that he was just overstrained with the project and others assume that he was offended as an artist to mass produce blades. But there are also some voices which think that this was just a marketing trick of Sugane who tried to increase Kiyomaro´s market value by constructing a kind of „enfant terrible“ repute for his artist. Three ryō for a blade was then quite favourable. Suishinshi Masahide for example took 7 ½ ryō, Taikei Naotane 5 ryō, and Kiyomaro in his later years even took 10 ryō from a hatamoto for a katana. There are also different theories on this pricing. One was, as mentioned, that Sugane simply tried to boost the business. Another speculates that he tried to keep Kiyomaro tight so that he wasn´t able to waste all the money on drinking. Another possibility is that the whole thing was in the end just unprofitable for both of them and so the plan was born to sweep it under the carpet by the „escape“ of the smith. A historical context is also assumed. At about the same time, the so- called „Tenpō Reform“ (Tenpō no kaikaku, 天保の改革) took place which goes largely back to the bakufu elder Mizuno Tadakuni (水野忠邦, 1794-1851). This radical reform tried to tackle all the defects in the economy, the army, agriculture and even religious institutions. The bakufu appealed to the warrior class to remind them of the old samurai virtue of bunbu-ryōdō (文武両道), i.e. the literary and military arts. This resulted in a higher demand for swords and higher prices. But when the bakufu was also confronted with the newly introduced celebrations and the acquisition of swords for presents and for parades and the like a decree was issued on the 27th day of the third month of Tenpō 13 (1842) which set a fixed lower price for weapons and military equipment. As a countermeasure draconian penalties were threatened and so it is possible that Sugane feared that the works of his smith might remain unprofitable, even in the future, and so both made the plan of the escape before the financial situation became more than they could handle.

– 95 – Because Kiyomaro also made in Nagato some blades for important local royalists, a royalist background for his escape is also assumed. For example, there are blades extant made on order of the painter, writer and emperor-sympathizer Hazama Seigai (礀西涯, 1811-1878) or of the agitator Tamura Seifū (田村清風) which nourish this assumption. But Nagato´s royalist boom took place when Kiyomaro was already long back in Edo or dead respectively. Anyway, the last blade he made in Nagato is a nagamaki from the 14th year of Tenpō (1843). He didn´t return to the capital straightaway but visited his home village before. A blade from the eighth month of Tenpō 15 (1844) namely bears the following signature „Shin Komoro-jō sei Minamoto Masayuki“ (信小諸城製・ 源正行, „made by Minamoto Masayuki in Shin[ano´s] Komoro Castle“). The genealogy of the Yamaura family says that he stayed there until the twelfth month of that year. His older brother Masao was also in Komoro at that time and so we can assume that he stayed in his house and that both forged together.*48 Shortly later, on the 29th day of the third month of Kōka two (弘化, 1845), their father died and some months later Masao went to Edo where he worked from the residence of the Komoro fief. Kiyomaro accompanied him and did not return to his old forge. Some say that he went to Edo too to apologize to Sugane and that he had chosen to stay with Masao at the Komoro residence because he feared reprisals from the disappointed Buki-kō participants. From that time there exists a very carefully made sword that he made especially for Kubota Sugane (see picture 40). Maybe this was a kind of „compensation work“. It is, by the way, the earliest extant blade which bears his smith name „Kiyomaro“. Experts assume that this name goes back to a reverence for his friend the scholar Saitō Masamaro (斎藤昌麿, 1802- 1866) – for whom he forged several blades – and Sugane (清音).*49

*48 After the 15th year of Tenpō, Masao worked more and more in the style of Kiyomaro. We can speculate that he was so impressed by his younger brother´s improvement at this meeting that he adopted his forging techniques. *49 This character can be read, among others, as „Kiyo“ and „Suga“ in names.

– 96 –

Picture 40: jūyō-bijutsuhin, tachi, mei „Kubota Sugane-kun no tame – Yamaura Tamaki Minamoto Kiyomaro sei – Kōka hinoe-umadoshi hachigatsu-hi“ (為窪田清音君・山浦環源清麿製・ 弘化丙午年八月日, „made by Yamaura Tamaki Minamoto Kiyomaro for Kubota Sugane on a day in the eighth month of the year of the horse of the Kōka era [1846]“).

Kiyomaro committed suicide on the 14th day of the eleventh month of seven (嘉永, 1854). Here, too, several theories and transmissions exist of which I would like to eleminate those which can be ruled out for historical reasons. One of them says that he sympathized with scattered survivors of the revolt of Ōshio Heihachirō (大塩平八郎, 1793-1837). So he fell under suspicion of the bakufu and killed himself out of fear of punishment. Ōshio was a low-ranking samurai, Neo-Confucianist and bitter opponent of the Tokugawa. He and his men were able to burn down almost one fifth of Ōsaka in 1837. But this was seven years before Kiyomaro´s suicide, which means he would have been interrogated and – if ever – punished by the bakufu much earlier. So we can dismiss this transmission that he killed himself out of fear of the bakufu troops.

– 97 – Others assume that he was involved in Takasugi Shinsaku’s (高杉晋作, 1839-1867) arson of the British embassy in Edo´s Shinagawa district (品川). Shinsaku was indeed a militant royalist from Nagato but he set the building on fire in the second year of Bunkyū (文久, 1863), i.e. nine years after the death of Kiyomaro. A connection with Shinsaku can also be ruled out because the latter was only four years old when the swordsmith left Nagato. Saitō Kiyondo´s son Eishirō (永四郎) forwarded a transmission which is connected with Dewa´s Shōnai fief (庄内藩). Shortly before the end of the Edo period the samurai of this fief were so worried that they constantly sharpened their blades in fear of an imminent seppuku. This lead to a kind of contest of who had the sharpest blade. The poorer samurai were jealous because they were not able to keep up with fancy swords but Kiyomaro had compassion for them and forged them durable and sharp blades for a cheap price. Of course they were no art swords and because this was a secret he had to leave them unsigned. One of the „customers“ was Kiyokawa Hachirō (清河八郎, 1830-1863, see picture 41), a very patriotic samurai, student of the old classics, and master of the Hakushin-Ittō-ryū (北辰一刀流) of . Kiyokawa was a sword lover too and was not very fond of having a „cutter“ so he asked Kiyomaro to forge him a slightly superior blade than for the others. In addition, he asked him to sign the tang at least with red lacquer so that his sword stood out from the others. Well, the efforts of Kiyomaro were not approved by the fief and so the bakufu ordered the then Shōnai- daimyō Tadayoshi (酒井忠良, 1831-1884) to take legal action. But Kiyomaro had luck because Kiyokawa was in Edo at that time and informed the smith of what was going on. Eishirō reported further that, from that day onwards, Kiyomaro always had a drawn blade by his side when he was working in his forge. According to this transmission, he was caught by a group of Shōnai retainers on the 14th day of the eleventh month of Kaei seven (1854) whereupon he committed seppuku right on the spot.

– 98 –

Picture 40: Kiyokawa Hachirō

And the speculations continue. Some say that Kiyomaro´s seppuku was an apology to Sugane who had lost face when he ran away from the Buki-kō program. Rather puzzling is the fact that Kubota Sugane´s name does not appear in any of the documents of Kiyomaro´s student Saitō Kiyondo. This namely indicates that both did not have any more personal contact from the time Kiyomaro returned to Edo. That means the former „partners“ parted ways. Let us now turn to the more likely explanations of his suicide. Yamaura Torao (山浦虎男), the grandson of Kanetora (兼虎, 1825- 1895) – who was in turn the son of Masao – once wrote: „My grand- father didn´t like to talk about the death of Kiyomaro.“ But if Kiyomaro died as a faithful royalist or because of his royalist convictions, this would not have been kept quiet during the Meiji era and the stronger Imperial power. But as we have read, the sonnō-jōi movement was still in its infancy when Kiyomaro died*50 so he would be one of the first who sacrificed himself for the matter. The adoptive daughter of Kurihara Nobuhide (栗原信秀, 1815-1867), one of the best students of Kiyomaro,*51 said later that the master was suffering from chronic pain in his chest.

*50 As we learned in chapter 6, Commodore Perry had landed the previous year. *51 He started his apprenticeship with Kiyomaro in Kaei three (嘉永, 1850).

– 99 – If you take the symptoms and think about the time Kiyomaro lived, then tuberculosis would be a possibility. But it is unknown if any tuberculosis patient had so much pain that he committed seppuku. And Nobuhide wrote that his master damaged his health by his excessive consumption of alcohol. Often he was unable to wield the hammer and when he received advance payments for blades, he spent it on sake. Two years before his death it was particularly bad when he suffered symptoms of paralysis like after a stroke. He was working on orders from Shinano´s Ueda fief (上田藩) back then and said: „I have a mountain of work and debt. Maybe it is better if I die…“ So it was said by Masao´s great- grandson Yamaura Kōji (山浦貢治). Nobuhide wrote that in the end his master cut open his belly on the lavatory in seppuku style on the 14th day of the eleventh month of Kaei seven because he reached a point in life where he didn´t have a clue what to do. Kiyondo said later that he had to forge 30 blades just to pay off Kiyomaro’s debts which were 300 ryō in the form of advance payments for ordered swords.

Picture 41: naginata, mei „Okada Zenpaku-kun no tame ni tsukuru – Minamoto Kiyomaro – Kaei sannen hachigatsu-hi“ (為岡田善伯君造之・源清麿・嘉永三年八月日, „made by Minamoto Kiyomaro for Okada Zenpaku on a day of the eighth month of Kaei three [1850]“), nagasa 49,1 cm, sori 1,0 cm

– 100 – 13. The tragic love story of Hosokawa Tadamasa

Before we move on to a completely different topic I like to remain briefly in the times of Kiyomaro and talk of the tragic love story of the swordsmith Hosokawa Tadamasa (細川忠正). Tadamasa was born in the eighth year of Tenpō (天保, 1837), the eldest son of Hosokawa Tadayoshi (忠義) who worked for Shimōsa´s Sakura fief (佐倉藩) which was ruled by the Hotta family (堀田). Tadayoshi in turn was the second son of the famous master Hosokawa Chikaranosuke Masayoshi (細川主税佐正義). Already in his early years Tadamasa was introduced to the craft of sword forging by his father and there exists a joint work of father and son from the third year of Kaei (嘉永, 1850), when Tadamasa was only 14 years old (according to the Japanese way of counting years). But ten years later he ended up in distant Kyūshū, to be more precise, in the castle town of Nobeoka (延岡) in Hyūga province. There is a blade extant which he made in the eighth month of the first year of Man´en (万延, 1860) for Kondō Daiyū (近藤大夫), one of the elders of the Nobeoka fief of the same name. Thereupon he was hired by the fief which was ruled by the Naitō family (内藤). It is said that Tadamasa was a giant and was very arrogant, who boasted everywhere of his great skills. This, and the fact that he was insufferable when he was drunk, did not exactly make him one of the most popular contemporaries. He even fell out with Kondō who was one of his few customers who adored his work. So he wandered through Hyūga with no particular destination. One of his stations was the small Sadoawara fief (佐土原藩) which was a branch fief of the powerful Satsuma fief (薩摩藩). The samurai serving there had not much money and were therefore not able to pay the 10 ryō Tadamasa asked for a long sword. They finally agreed upon free board and lodging as „payment“ and they tried hard so that the smith didn’t lack of anything.

– 101 – When Shimazu Tadahira (島津忠寛, 1828-1896), the last daimyō of the Sadowara fief, supported the Satsuma Rebellion in Keiō four (慶応, 1868) with 500 men, it is said that many of the blades worn by these warriors were works of Tadamasa. After that he visited the southern village of Takaoka (高岡), but the arrogant stranger caused problems from the beginning. The young samurai of the village decided one night to kill the swordsmith but he somehow heard about the conspiracy and was able to escape in a cloak-and-dagger operation via a stopover in (都城) to the further south fief (飫肥藩). There the daimyō of the fief, the Itō (伊東), hired him as a swordsmith in the second year of Keiō (1866). In Obi he met Toku (登久), the daughter of a certain Matsuda Kaku´emon (松田覚右衛門), who came from the neighbouring village of Maezuru (前鶴). It was love at first sight. Toku too did not have a good reputation. She was considered as being arrogant, egoistic, nymphomaniac and faithless, that means she was a „perfect match“ for Tadamasa. But her father Kaku´emon was against their relationship and strictly against a marriage. So they lived in separate houses during the day and met secretly at night. One balmy May night the secretiveness was too much for Tadamasa and he broke, completely drunk, into the house of Kaku´emon to demand the surrender of his daughter. A fight broke out and Tadamasa started to riot. The incident became public and, in the end, Toku was regarded the most impious and disrespectful towards her father. The fief official ordered that her hair be shaved and arranged a committal to a special prison for sick and juvenile offenders in Edo. When she became aware of her desperate situation she cut her throat with a razor thirteen days after the incident at her father´s house and bled to death. Devastated, Tadamasa submitted a written application at the fief for a leave of abscence. The same night this was granted he disappeared to an unknown destination.

– 102 – Two months later he wrote two letters to retainers of the Obi fief but then his trace disappears. His name pops up again, on surface only, in the fifth year of Meiji (1872) when everybody had to register in the course of the new personal statute law. At that time he was staying at the Takanabe fief (高鍋藩) which had actually been dissolved the previous year. He had already visited the fief in earlier years when it was ruled by the Akizuki family (秋月). Tadamasa´s year of death is unknown but the latest extant signature with a date is from the second month of the 29th year of Meiji (1896).

Picture 42: katana, mei „Hosokawa Tadamasa saku“ (細川忠正作), nagasa 72,1 cm, sori 1,0 cm

– 103 – 14. The Kuronbogiri-Kagehide and other Date swords

The blade called „Kuronbogiri“ (黒ん坊斬り・くろんぼ切, see picture 43) is the most famous work of the Bizen-smith Kagehide (景秀). Kagehide was, according to transmission, the younger brother of Osafune Mitsutada (光忠) and was active around Shōgen (正元, 1259-1260). The blade itself is a tachi measuring 73,0 cm which was shortened up to the signature. Originally it was a heirloom of the Ishikawa family (石川) who were a local political authority of the northern Ōshū region since the Heian period. During the Sengoku period they allied themselves with the Date (伊達) and were later amonst the major vassals of the powerful warlord (伊達政宗, 1567-1636). So maybe it was in this context that the sword came into the possession of the latter.

Picture 43: jūyō-bunkazai, tachi, mei „Kagehide“ (景秀), nagasa 73,0 cm, sori 1,8 cm

With the Kuronbogiri at his side Masamune, on orders of Hideyoshi, set off to Korea in the second year of (文禄, 1593). In the „Meigo-shū“ (命期集), a collection of chronicles on the life of Masamune, we find the following story: In Korea, some warriors of the Date had captured several Koreans.

– 104 – Masamune said to Katō Kiyomasa (加藤清正, 1562-1611) who was present: „Look at that one. He is strongly built like an ox. Do you think that my sword might break on his bones?“ With this question he alluded to the then unfortunately very common „habit“ of higher-ranking samurai testing their blades on criminals or even on innocent persons. Kiyomasa replied: „I hope it is sharp because a blunt sword would be very discourteous to the man.“ So Kiyomasa took the sword as he was to carry out the test. Everything was prepared and the poor man was tied up and laid on a makeshift mound. Kiyomasa raised the sword to the overhead position and delievered a powerful blow. He cut through the chest of the man and penetrated about 20 cm of the mount with the tip of the sword. Obviously they were in the mood for joking on that day because Kiyomasa said: „Someone should give me a spade so that I can dig out the sword.“ Because the executed man had very dark skin Masamune gave the blade the nickname „Kuronbogiri“. To allude to disrespect and in a purely historical context, the name could be translated as „nigger cutter“. In the sword chronicle „Go-tōken-ki“ (御刀剣記) of the Date family the executed man with his dark skin is also referred to as „sarumi“ (さる身). As „saru“ means „monkey“ in Japanese, the rumour was born that Masamune killed an agile monkey with this sword. But this is a wrong interpretation of the word noted with hiragana syllables. From contemporary Japanese sources we learn namely that the Koreans also called their people „salmi“ (사람이, jap. „sarumi“, サルムィ). So the nickname „sarumi“ could also be translated as „blade which killed a Korean“. The smith Tamateru (玉英, ?-1862) who worked around Bunsei (文政, 1818-1830) for the Date-controlled Sendai fief (仙台藩) lists the Kuronbogiri-Kagehide in his publication „Wakan-tōken-dan“ (和漢刀 剣談) under the name „Kuragiri-Kagehide“ (鞍切り景秀, lit. „saddle- cutter Kagehide“). He writes that Masamune killed with such a powerful blow a Korean general with this sword that he split him from the top down to the saddle.

– 105 – It is possible that this transmission was more known amongst the samurai of the late Edo-period Sendai fief than the story of the executed Korean man with the dark skin. Anyway, as befits a man of his position, Date Masamune also had a respectable sword collection of which I would like to introduce some pieces in the following. One of them was the so-called „Ashina- Kanemitsu“ (芦名兼光), a tachi with a nagasa of 72,7 cm which was forged by the same smith as the Takemata-Kanemitsu. This sword was once owned by the Ashina family (蘆名),*52 the arch rivals of the Date. In the 17th year of Tenshō (天正, 1589) Masamune took advantage of succession disputes within the Ashina family and captured their castle Kurokawa (黒川城). Contemporary reports say that more than 2.000 men were killed at that time and many swords were destroyed. But the most important treasure sword of the Ashina, the mentioned tachi by Kanemitsu, was rescued and handed over to Masamune as spoils of war. The latter presented it shortly after to Endō Munenobu (遠藤宗信, 1572- 1593) for his great achievements on the side of the Date. A transmission says that the Ashina-Kanemitsu went to Munenobu´s father Endō Motonobu (遠藤基信, 1532-1585), but four years earlier Motonobu had followed his lord Date Terumune (伊達輝宗, 1544-1585) – Masamune´s father – in death at the fall of Kurokawa Castle.

Picture 44: Portrait of Date Masamune.

*52 The family name „Ashina“ can be written with the characters (蘆名) and (芦名). However, for the family the former and for the sword the latter became naturalized.

– 106 – Chronicles of the Date family note that Masamune wore later „at home“ in Sendai Castle (仙台城) either the Kuronbogiri-Kagehide, the „Habaki-Kuniyuki“ (鎺国行), or the „Watari Rai Kunimitsu“ (亘理来 国光). It is said that the Habaki-Kuniyuki has its name from the fact that the swordsmith Rai Kuniyuki forged the blade in one piece with its collar (habaki, 鎺). Later, when the blade was shortened to 72,1 cm, the steel habaki was lost but a two-layer „substitution“ or „tribute piece“ was made of gold which showed sukashi openings in the form of the characters „Kuni“ and „yuki“. At the time of Date Tsunamura (伊達綱村, 1659-1719) the Hon´ami issued an origami for this sword with the incredible high value of 100 gold pieces. The transmission says that it came into the possession of the family as a present from Hideyoshi. The Watari Rai Kunimitsu was once owned by the Watari family (亘理) of the same name who competed with the Date in the Kamakura period for supremacy in the northern Ōshū region. But the latter were victorious and the Watari were assimilated into the Date family towards the end of the Muromachi and beginning of the Edo period by marriages and adoptions. The Watari Rai Kunimitsu has a nagasa of 73,2 cm and was particularly worshipped by the sixth Sendai- daimyō Date Munemura (伊達宗村, 1718-1756). The Date family also owned a sword from the former possessions of the Usami family (宇佐美) who were introduced in chapter 9. The piece in question is the meibutsu „Usami-Nagamitsu“ (宇佐美長光, see picture 45). It was once worn by Usami Takatada (宇佐美孝忠), lord of Biwajima Castle (琵琶島城) in . It is said that he cut through the hilt of a yari and right through the skull and mouth of an enemy with this sword. When the Uesugi became military governors (shugo, 守護) of Echigo province the sword came into the collection of Uesugi Sadazane (上杉定実, 1478?-1550), a nephew of Kenshin. Some years later, more precisely in the eleventh year of Tenbun (天文, 1542), Date Tokimunemaru (伊達時宗丸, 1527-1587) was nominated by Sadazane as his successor and everything was arranged for the political marriage and adoption.

– 107 – He received the Uesugi-name „Sanemoto“ (実元) and the sword Usami-Nagamitsu but his older brother Date Harumune (伊達晴宗, 1519-1579) thwarted the plans and the adoption was never carried out. But the sword remained with the Date family and later became the favourite piece of Masamune´s second son Date Tadamune (伊達忠宗, 1600-1658). From a note of an unknown author we know that the Usami- Nagamitsu was shortened to the present-day katana size of 74,2 cm when Tadamune had it mounted into an -koshirae.

Picture 45: jūyō-bijutsuhin, tachi, meibutsu „Usami-Nagamitsu“, nagasa 74,2 cm

In the fall of Keichō one (慶長, 1596) Date Masamune made Hideyoshi a splendid and practical present, namely a new 64 m long and entirely red lacquered royal deluxe boat (gozabune, 御座船) which made it easier for the unifier to travel from and to Ōsaka Castle. One day after he received the present Hideyoshi invited Masamune to Ōsaka. On this occasion he wore a katana mounted with silver fittings and a red hilt wrapping, a rather loud combination but which reflected the pomp of the Momoyama era. As Masamune was constantly looking at the sword, Hideyoshi rose to speak: „It bears a blade by Mitsutada (光忠).*53 One of the 25 Mitsutada from the Uesugi family. Do you want to see it?“

*53 Mitsutada is regarded as the founder of the Bizen-Osafune school (備前長船). He was active from around Ryakunin (暦仁, 1238-1239) to the early Bun´ei era (文永, 1264-1275). He was the father of Nagamitsu.

– 108 – „It would be an honour for me“, replied Masamune and the sword was handed-over. After re-sheathing the blade he gave it back to Hideyoshi with a deep bow: „Truly a masterwork!“ „If you like it, I will offer it to you“, said Hideyoshi unexpectedly and of course Masamune agreed. The very next day they arranged a meeting to the south of Kyōto as Hideyoshi had to inspect the rebuilding of his castle Fushimi (伏見) after it had beed destroyed in a major earthquake in the seventh month of that year. One of Hideyoshi’s escorts saw how Masamune proudly wore the eye-catching sword in his belt and shouted: „He has stolen the sword of our lord! Get it back!“ The nearby samurai started to run towards Masamune but the latter was able to leave them behind. After a short moment of shock the confusion was cleared up and the attentive man was of course not punished. Some time later Date Masamune argued with a servant whose name is not known. The servant hid behind a huge bronze candle holder (shokudai, 燭台) but his lord was so upset that he cut in half the candle holder and the poor devil crouching it with his sword. Thereupon he nicknamed the blade „Shokudaikiri-Mitsutada“ (燭台斬り光忠, lit. „candle holder-cutter Mitsutada“). When Tokugawa Yorifusa (徳川頼房, 1603-1661), the first generation of the Mito-Tokugawa branch, stayed at the Date residence some years later, Masamune told him about the story of the Mitsutada and the candle holder and showed him the sword in question. The sword chronicle „Buko-tōsan“ (武庫刀纂) of the Mito- Tokugawa family says that Yorifusa „fell undyingly in love“ with the blade and mentioned frequently and emphatically that he wanted to have it. When this wish was not granted it is said that he acquired it by force and fled to his Edo residence, i.e. far away from Sendai. Incidentally, Yorifusa held a grudge against Masamune. When he was promoted to the third court rank lower grade (jū-sanmi, 従三位) on the 19th day of the eighth month of Kan´ei three (寛永, 1626), the same rank was given to Masamune too.

– 109 – According to transmission Yorifusa was very upset because he was related to the shōgun family and should have received a higher court rank than a daimyō. So he complaied to the competent court official and one year later he received an „urgent promotion“ to the third court rank first grade (shō-sanmi, 正三位).

15. The Furiwakegami-Masamune

This sword was also in the possession of the Date family, but because there existed two different provenances I devote a separate chapter to it. I want to start with the version of the Date family which begins with an evening gathering in the castle of Edo. A popular pastime amongst daimyō on such an occasion was to tell scary stories, anecdotes or glorious deeds of the swords they wore at the moment. The oldest of them, Katō Yoshiaki (加藤嘉明, 1563-1631) – he was one of Hideyoshi’s closest generals*54 – spoke first: „Lord Date, as ruler of large parts of northern Ōshū, you surely wear a Masamune, don´t you?“ „Of course!“, immediately replied Date Masamune. But his answer was over- hastily because the wakizashi lying next to him on the mat was namely no Masamune. He skillfully manouevred himself out of the situation and asked for a continuation of the topic for the next day because he had to return urgently to his Edo residence. There he immediately called for the sword official: „I need a wakizashi by Masamune! Look for such a blade in our treasury. For my part I am fine if you have to shorten a Masamune katana for this but for heaven´s sake, I need a Masamune-wakizashi by tomorrow!“

*54 He was one of the so-called „Seven Spears“ (shichi-hon yari, 七本槍) during the Battle of Shizugatake (賤ヶ岳) in 1583. The Seven Spears were Hideyoshi’s personal mounted guards.

– 110 – There was no Masamune wakizashi in the collection of the Date at that time but there was a katana measuring 2 shaku 3 sun (~ 69,7 cm). In a rush, the smith Kunikane (国包) who worked for the Sendai fief was called to carried out the shortening to 1 shaku 6 sun 7 bu (~ 50,6 cm). Date Masamune gave the blade thereupon the nickname „Furiwake- gami-Masamune“ (振分け髪正宗). „Furiwakegami“ refers to an ancient centre-parting and shoulder-length child´s hairstyle. But for the meaning of the nickname we have to go back a bit. The shortening of a masterwork because of a dumb slip reminded Masamune of a line in the Heian-era epic „Ise-monogatari“ (伊勢物語), which reads:

„Kurabekoshi furiwakegami mo kata-suginu, narazushite dareka agubeki.“ (くらべ来し振り分け髪も肩過ぎぬ君ならずして誰かあぐべき) „This parted hair I once compared with yours now falls past my shoulders. Who should tie it up if not you?“

The story is about a childhood love. The young boy and girl had fun comparing their sizes at the village well. When they grew up, they lost sight of each other but their strong love was still present. When the parents of the girl started to look for a husband she refused because there was only one person worth considering. Just before the boy wrote namely a poem for her:

„Tsutsu-izutsu, izutsu ni kakeshi marogatake oishikerashina imōto mizaru-aida ni.“ (筒井筒、井筒にかけしまろがたけ生いしけらしな妹見ざる間に) „Since last I saw you my height has surpassed that of the well-curb where we measured it.“

The former poem by the girl was the answer to this one. In old Japan it was the custom that young girls tied their hair up when they reached a marriagable age, or rather it was also the husband who symbolically tied it up during the wedding ceremony. That means the girl’s answer poem was indeed a proposal.

– 111 – With the Meiji Restoration, the Furiwakegami-Masamune was still owned by the Date family but had to be pawned. The original tang, which was cut-off at the shortening, was also still preserved. The new owner had both the blade and the tang with its signature appraised, but it turned out that the former was shintō and the latter gimei. That means the blade was made when Date Masamune was still alive. Others say that the blade is a Bizen work of the Muromachi period. The origami, by the way, which gives it a value of 300 gold coins is from the second year of An´ei (安永, 1773). The late Edo-period sword protocols of the Date family, the „On-koshimono-kata honchō“ (御腰物方本帳), lists the Furiwakegami-Masamune at the very end which means that it was one of the later acquisitions. Therein we find the note: „Ryūgasaki agaru“ (竜ケ崎上, „present from Ryūgasaki“). Ryūgasaki was a Date enclave in . Maybe it was a present from its governor. So the sword is not a genuine Masamune but a good example for how essential it was then for the upper warrior class to own at least one blade of this legendary master smith, even if they had to play tricks.

Picture 46: The Furiwakegami-Masamune from the former possessions of the Date.

– 112 – The aforementioned second approach sees Oda Nobunaga as the former owner of the blade. It is said that he captured it when he crushed Echizen´s Asakura family (朝倉) in Tenshō one (天正, 1573), during the Battle of Tonezaka (Tonezaka no tatakai, 刀根坂の戦い). The Masamune blade measuring 2 shaku 6 sun 6 bu (~ 80,6 cm) was too long for him but he hesitated to have it shortened. So he asked Hosokawa Yūsai Fujitaka (細川幽斎藤孝, 1534-1610) for advice. As we have learned in chapter 8 and in the first volume of the Legends and Stories around the Japanese Sword, Fujitaka was a renowned poet and answered Nobunaga in the form of the young girl´s line from the „Ise-monogatari“. Nobunaga interpretation of the poem was that a shortening was like tying up the hair of a young girl, marking a new stage in the sword´s life. So he had it shortened to 2 shaku 1 sun 5 bu (~ 65,1 cm) and called it „Furiwakegami-Masamune“. But it is unclear how these two transmissions are connected to each other, or if there was a connection at all.

16. The Tsurumaru-Kuninaga

Once the poet Chōmu (蝶夢)*55 compiled in the first year of Jōkyō (貞享, 1684) a provenance for the Tsurumaru-Kuninaga (鶴丸国永) which says that it was once worn by Taira no Koremochi´s (平維茂) grandson Jō Tarō Sadashige (城太郎貞茂). In Eishō six (永承, 1051) Koremochi´s son Shigemochi (繁茂) assumed the office of „Dewa Jōnosuke“ (出羽城介), i.e. he became the governor of Dewa and province.

*55 Because of this date it can´t be the famous Chōmu (1732-1796) of the same name.

– 113 – From the Kamakura period onwards, this office was renamed „Akita Jōnosuke“ (秋田城介) and because of the name „Jōnosuke“, Shigemochi´s successors, like Tarō Sadashige, took the family name „Jō“ (城). On the other hand, the sword chronicle „Go-tōken-ki“ (御刀剣記) of the Date family writes that around Hōgen (保元, 1156-1159) the sword was originally owned by a certain Murakami Tarō Nagamori (村上太郎永守) from which it came into the possession of Seino Saburō Nyūdō (清野三郎入道). The Seino were a Shinano-based branch of the Murakami family. With the next owner Jō Mutsu no Tarō Chikanboku (城陸奥ノ 太郎近延) – a successor of the Heian-period Jō family – the sword was, according to transmission, lost in the turmoils of the Mongol invasion of 1281. The chronicle says that he killed many Mongols with it before he died in one of the countless skirmishes. Later, the regent Hōjō Sadatoki (北条貞時, 1271-1311) ordered a search for the sword. It was actually found and given to the treasury of the Hōjō but the provenance of the Date family has to be taken with a grain of salt because the „Ki´ami-hon mei-zukushi“ (喜阿弥本銘尽) from the Nanbokuchō period says that there were actually two swords by Kuninaga. One which was in the possession of Seino Saburō Nyūdō and another one, quote „a tachi by the same smith was worn by Jō no Tarō (城ノ太郎)“. So the logic explanation would be that the Tsurumaru-Kuninaga was in the Jō family until the Mongol Invasion and that the Murakami or Seino family owned a different blade by the same smith. However, after the fall of the Hōjō in the last years of the Kamakura period, the trace of the sword is lost again. It pops up again on surface more than 200 years later in the possession of Oda Nobunaga who presented it to one of his retainers called „Mimaki Kanbei“ (三牧勘兵衛). Kanbei had no son so he gave the sword to his daughter as a dowry when she married into the Matsuda family (松田). This daughter bequeathed it to her lastborn, one and only son, Sokai (素懐) who was a priest. Sokai was well educated and took on the task to find out more about the treasure sword of his family.

– 114 – So he took it to the Hon´ami family who, to his surprise, asked him: „Your blade reminds us very much of the meibutsu ´Tsurumaru´ of the Hōjō family. Do you have any accompanying documents about the provenance of your piece?“ Immediately Sokai visited his family and searched the entire residence for any useful records. And indeed, he discovered a letter by Akechi Mitsuhide in an old chest which mentioned that the sword in question was in the possession of Nobunaga and that it had been handed down through the generations within the Hōjō family. This was the proof that the blade was the Tsurumaru-Kuninaga and so Sokai visited the aforementioned Chōmu and ordered a fine and clean calligraphic copy of the provenance of the sword. The „rediscovery“ of the famous sword made the rounds and so it came that the Date family bought it through the agency of the Hon´ami. The price was probably around 200 gold pieces because this was the value which was issued on the contemporary origami from the 16th year of Genroku (元禄, 1703). The sword became one of the most precious treasure swords of the Date and was later presented to emperor Meiji when he visited Sendai in 1876. Let us now turn to the nickname of the piece. The „Kyōhō-meibutsu- chō“ mentions briefly: „Details on the name ´Tsurumaru´ are unknown.“ In the Date sword chronicle „Go-tōken-ki“ we read: „Habaki ni rindō o sukasu. Yotte, ´Rindō´ to nazuke. Mata ´Tsurumaru´ to gō-su.“ (鎺ニ輪当を隠す。依而、利不動と名付。又鶴丸と 号す), which translates as „The habaki*56 shows sukashi openings in the form of a rindō (竜胆, Japanese gentian, Gentiana scabra). Therefore [the blade] is called ´Rindō´ (利不動). But there is also the nickname ´Tsurumaru´ (鶴丸).“ It is safe to assume that the Japanese gentian was interpreted in its form as a family crest (see picture 47). Interesting is that two different writings (輪当・利不動) were used in this entry for „rindō“ (竜胆).

*56 This was the original habaki, i.e. the former piece before the Date family had ordered a new tachi-koshirae.

– 115 –

Picture 47: rindō-mon Picture 48: tsurumaru-mon

The „Ki´ami-hon mei-zukushi“ introduces another version of the name „rindō“, as well as another nickname for the sword. The entry in question reads: „Rindō to nazuku, saya ni sukasu yuhe nari. Mata wa ´misasagi´ to mo ifu, hori-itasu yuhe nari.“ (臨刀トナヅケ、 サヤニスカスユヘナリ。又ハミササギトモ云、ホリイタスユヘナ リ), which translates as „Called ´rindō´ (臨刀) because of the sukashi openings on [the fittings of] the saya. [The blade] was also called ´Misasagi´ because it was excavated from one.“ „Misasagi“ (陵) is an imperial mausoleum or an emperor´s grave. The common interpretation of the term „hori-itasu“ is „horidasu“ (堀り出す) which means „to excavate“. The above mentioned translation is based on this context. So it is assumed that the sword was a burial gift for Hōjō Sadatoki or Jō Mutsu no Tarō Chikanboku. But if this was the case, it must not have been excavated too long after the funeral otherwise the Tsurumaru-Kuninaga could not be one of the best condition blades extant from the Heian period.*57 Some interpret the katakana term „hori- itasu“with the characters (彫り致す) which could be translated as „carved“. But this interpretation does not come up with any sound context with the term „mausoleum“ because the last sentence would then translate as: „[The blade] was also called ´Misasagi´ because it has such carvings.“

*57 Of course, the Mikazuki-Munechika (三日月宗近) is older, but from the point of view of perfection of forging technique and condition, the Tsurumaru-Kuninaga is clearly superior to the Mikazuki-Munechika.

– 116 – The Muromachi-era sword script Takeya Kizō Nyūdō mekiki-sho“ (武谷喜三入道目利書) speculates on the name „Tsurumaru“ that during the Hōgen Rebellion (Hōgen no ran, 保元の乱), i.e. around 1156, the aforementioned Murakami Tarō had the sword mounted in a koshirae with family crests in the shape of a crane in the round (Jap. tsurumaru, see picture 48). This crest was a popular and auspicious decorative element for fittings and, first and foremost, for tachi saya of the early and mid Kamakura period. This can be backed-up by extant pieces. For example, on a sword which was offered by Fujiwara no Yoritsune (藤原頼経, 1218-1256) in the first year of (仁治, 1240) to the Itsukushima-jinja (厳島神社), or on a tachi that belonged to Minamoto no Yoshitsune (源義経, 1159-1189) and which is preserved in the Kurama-dera (鞍馬寺). Most experts today follow the approach of the „Takeya Kizō Nyūdō mekiki-sho“, this means that the name of the sword goes back to its original scabbard ornamentation and that somewhat later another mounting was made whose fittings featured the rindō crest. The swordsmith Kuninaga by the way dates to around the (天喜, 1053- 1058) era. He was according to transmission the younger brother or son of Gojō Kanenaga (五条兼永) and he lived in the Bōmon district (坊門) in the vicinity of Kyōto’s Gojō axis (五条).

– 117 –

Picture 49: gyobutsu, tachi, mei „Kuninaga“ (国永), nagasa 78,8 cm, sori 2,7 cm

– 118 – 17. The spears of Katō Kiyomasa

I have introduced Katō Yoshiaki – one of the so-called „Seven Spears of Shizugatake“ – in chapter 15. Another of those shichi-hon yari was Katō Kiyomasa (加藤清正, 1562-1611), who in turn was introduced in chapter 14.*58 Transmission says that Kiyomasa wielded in the Battle of Shizugatake a Shimosaka-school (下坂). „jūmonji-yari“ (十文字槍), a cross-shaped yari which looks very similar to a . Kihara Tateomi (木原楯臣, 1805-1868), a samurai of Higo´s Kumamoto fief (熊本藩) and an expert on court etiquette, depicts in his work „Tōken-zusetsu“ (刀剣図説) a drawing of this jūmonji-yari (see picture 50). According to Kihara, the piece was later in the possession of the Nakagawa family (中川), the lords of (岡城) in Bungo province. The signature of the piece in question reads: „Shimosaka-jū ?? – Katō Toranosuke“ (下坂住◯◯・ 加藤虎介).

Picture 50: jūmonji-yari of Katō Kiyomasas from the former possessions of the Nakagawa family, nagasa of the central blade 26,0 cm

*58 Yoshiaki and Kiyomasa belonged to two different branches of the Katō and were not blood related.

– 119 – „Toranosuke“ (虎之助) – Kihara quotes the signature without the particle „no“ (之) – was the first name Kiyomasa used until he received the honorary title Kazue no Kami (主計頭) in Tenshō 13 (天正, 1585). This means that the jūmonji-yari must have been forged before that year. Unfortunately, the signature is illegible after „Shimosaka-jū“, but there is another ōmi-yari (大身槍) preserved in Kumamoto´s Honmyō-ji (本妙寺) whose provenance says that it was also worn by Kiyomasa during the Battle of Shizugataka. This yari has a blade length of 53,0 cm and bears the signature „Shimosaka-jū Kanemitsu“ (下坂住兼光). So it is possible that the jūmonji-yari too goes back to the hand of this smith. But there remains a certain problem, namely that the eldest Shimosaka smith with the name „Kanemitsu“ who is found in the records worked around Kan´ei (寛永, 1624-1644), i.e. considerably later than Shizugatake. In short, the signature on both yari have to be treated with caution.

Picture 51: Left, portrait of Katō Kiyomasa. To the right the statue in front of the Honmyō-ji with his katakama-yari.

– 120 – Let us now turn to Kiyomasa’s career as a warrior. In the Edo-period chronicle on his life „Kiyomasa-ki“ (清正記) it is mentioned that he fought his first battle at the age of 20 (according to the Japanese way of counting years). This was an attack on Castle (鳥取城) in the ninth year of Tenshō (天正, 1581). The chronicle says that he did a good job with his hankyū (半弓, a smaller bow) and his katana. Interestingly, the „Kiyomasa-ki“ mentions that Kiyomasa wore a jūmonji-yari in his very next battle, which was against Bitchū´s Kanmuriyama Castle (冠山城), in the spring of Tenshō ten (1582). During the attacks on Ise´s Kameyama Castle (亀山城) the following year (1583), Hideyoshi promoted him to his vanguard as a kind of baptism of fire. Kiyomasa was confronted with a line of teppō which he approached sideways, mounted and wielding a 3 m yari to push down the barrels from a distance. Doing so, he quickly brought the tip of his spear back to a striking position and pierced the enemy commander Ōmi Shinshichi (近江新七) through his shoulder. Some years after the Battle of Shizugatake, to be more precise in the 17th year of Tenshō (1589), Katō Kiyomasa was ordered to Kyūshū where some uprisings had started after Hideyoshi had stabilized the situation somewhat earlier. In a skirmish he faced the Higo general Kimura Danjō Masachika (木山弾正正親, ?-1589). The „Kiyomasa-ki“ says that Kiyomasa bore a jūmonji-yari, Danjō a bow. Because the weapons were obviously unequal, Kiyomasa suggested to duel with swords and slowly lowered his spear. But when Danjō laid aside his bow, Kiyomasa quickly grasped his yari again with both hands and killed him. The chronicle says that a tip of his spear broke during this incident, which actually transformed the piece into a so-called „katakama-yari“ (片鎌槍). According to the „Buhenbanashi-kikigaki“ (武辺咄聞書), Kiyomasa later offered the damaged spear to the shrine which was erected on the Bukkizaka (仏木坂), the hill on which the „duel“ took place. It is said that the jūmonji-yari was a work of Shizu Saburō Kaneuji (志津三郎兼氏) and that the scabbard was covered with bear fur over the area of the main blade and with black wool (rasha, 羅紗) at the tips.

– 121 – But there exists another version of this transmission where Danjō wrestled Kiyomasa down onto his shoulders and started to cut off his head. When his men reached the peak of the Bukizaka they could not grasp the situation because of the dust the two fighters had whirled up. One of them shouted „Mylord, are you the one on top or the one on the ground?“ Kiyomasa made use of Danjō´stutter and answered first: „I am the one on the ground!“ And so it came – according to that version of the transmission – that Danjō on the top was killed by his own men. Well, the later version of the Kiyomasa chronicle called „Zokusen Kiyomasa-ki“ (続撰清正記) says that Danjō challenged Kiyomasa with an ōmi-yari but that it was easy for the latter to keep Danjō in check with the lateral blade of his katakama-yari. The document mentions that the blade bent during the fight but Kiyomasa was later able to bring it back to its original position on an azalea trunk before he killed the oncoming enemies. Another publication, the „Kawasumi Taikō-ki“ (川角太閤記) – which is an early Edo-period collection of anecdotes about Hideyoshi – writes that Kiyomasa’s yari was old and that it became loose at the kuchigane (口金), the metal collar at the upper end of the shaft. And, with the force of the enemy blows, the entire blade section eventually broke off from the tang. Legendary of course is also Katō Kiyomasa’s tiger hunt with a katakama-yari during the Korean campaigns. Before I introduce the latter piece I present on the following pages some interpretations by various artists of this famous subject.

– 122 –

Picture 52: The tiger hunt, after Tsukioka Toyotoshi (月岡芳年, 1839-1892)

– 123 –

Picture 53: The tiger hunt, after the 2nd gen. Utagawa Kunitsuna (歌川国綱, 1829-1874)

– 124 –

Picture 54: The tiger hunt, after Utagawa Yoshiiku (歌川芳幾, 1833-1904)

– 125 – A theory says that the katakama-yari Kiyomasa used in Korea was originally a jūmonji-yari of which a tiger bit off one of the lateral blades. But the piece preserved today in the Tōkyō National Museum (see picture 55) clearly proves, because of its forging structure and hardening, that it had always been a katakama-yari. With the marriage of Kiyomasa´s fifth daughter Yasohime (八十姫, 1601-1666)*59 to Tokugawa Yorinobu (徳川頼宣, 1602-1671) the blade went as a dowry into the Kii branch of the Tokugawa. Together with the yari the larger of the two tiger skulls brought back by Kiyomasa from Korea (see picture 56) also went into the possession of the Kii-Tokugawa. The smaller one was presented to the Abe family (阿部).

Picture 55: Kiyomasa´s katakama-yari (Tōkyō Natioal Museum).

Picture 56: The two extant tiger skulls.

*59 Her later name was „Yōrin´in“ (瑤林院).

– 126 – Another part of this dowry was a blade by master smith Horikawa Kunihiro (堀川国広, see picture 57) which was worn by Kiyomasa himself. It bears therefore the nickname „Katō-Kunihiro“ (加藤国広) and was sold at the beginning of the Shōwa era, i.e. the late 1920´s, by the Kii-Tokugawa. The buyer back then was baron Mitsui Takakimi (三井高公, 1895-1992). Today the blade is designated jūyō-bunkazai and is owned by Tōkyō´s Mitsui Memorial Museum (三井記念美術館).

Picture 57: jūyō-bunkazai, katana, mei „Kunihiro“ (国広), nagasa 69,4 cm, sori 1,8 cm

In the third month of the 16th year of Keichō (慶長, 1611), Tokugawa Ieyasu and Toyotomi Hideyori met in Nijō Castle (二条城), in Kyōto, to negotiate an agreement between both families. Katō Kiyomasa was invited to this gathering as one of the major advisers. When the negotiations again failed to conclude, Kiyomasa, tired and seeing his end near, approached Hideyori: „I have known you since you were in your mother´s womb. Now it is time to say goodbye, it is sad that this is the first time I show you my appreciation with this present!“ He opened his bag and gave Hideyori a tantō in tears. Kiyomasa had probably realized that the conflict between Ieyasu and Hideyori would end in bloodshed, which was actually true when Ōsaka Castle was besieged three years later. On his journey home to Higo Kiyomasa became ill and died in Kumamoto on the 24th day of the sixth month of the same year.

– 127 – The tantō he presented to Hideyori is still extant today (see picture 58). It is a work of Osafune Sukesada and bears the signature: „Bishū Osafune Sukesada saku – Eishō jūsannen nigatsu-hi“ (備州長船 祐定作・永正十三年二月日, „a day in the second month of Eishō 13 [1516]“). The blade is mounted with an unobtrusive and very tasteful koshirae. The lower half of the saya is interpreted as bamboo wickerwork (ajiro, 網代). The hilt is unwrapped, has a rough lacquer finish and shows menuki in the form of horsetail. Today this style of mounting is called „Katō-kō-goshirae“ (加藤公拵) or „Kiyomasa- goshirae“ (清正拵). The piece is owned by Higo´s Honmyō-ji in which Kiyomasa is buried and is preserved in the Kumamoto Prefectural Museum of Art (熊本県立美術館).

Picture 58: tantō, mei „Bishū Osafune Sukesada saku – Eishō jūsannen nigatsu-hi“, nagasa 21,6 cm

– 128 – 18. The tantō Uraku Rai Kunimitsu

In the first volume of the Legends around the Japanese Sword we learnt that swords were considered as essential presents for higher ranking bushi. As Hideyori received a tantō from Katō Kiyomasa, quasi as the first and last personal sword gift of the Toyotomi warrior, he in turn was of course obliged to present swords to allies and major retainers. One of them was a tantō by Rai Kunimitsu (来国光, see picture 59). It was handed over to Oda Urakusai Nagamasu (織田有楽斎長益, 1547- 1622), the younger brother of Oda Nobunaga, and this is why it received the nickname „Uraku Rai Kunimitsu“ (有楽来国光).*60 The „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“ mentions the provenance of the sword as follows: „Present from lord Hideyori to lord Nobunaga´s younger brother Gengorō Taira Nagamasu Nyūdō Uraku (源五郎平長益入道有楽). On the request of [Maeda] Toshitsune and by agency of [Hon´ami] Kōho (光甫), it went later to lord Awaji no Kami (淡路守). But the mentioned sword is now back in the possession of the Kaga lords.“ „Awaji no Kami“ refers to Toshitsune´s second son Maeda Toshitsugu (前田利次, 1617- 1674). When Toshitsune retired in Kan´ei 16 (寛永, 1639) part of the Kaga fief were assigned to his second and third sons. That means Toshitsugu received the newly founded Toyama fief (富山藩) in Etchū province and the third son Toshiharu (前田利治, 1618-1660) received Kaga´s Daishōji fief (大聖寺藩). And in the last sentence of this entry the „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“ of course refers to the Maeda family, the lords of Kaga.

*60 Some sources also list this name as „Yūraku Rai Kunimitsu“ but this is not correct.

– 129 –

Picture 59: kokuhō, tantō, mei „Rai Kunimitsu“ (来国光), nagasa 27,7 cm, uchizori

We can only speculate about the backgrounds of this sword presented to Oda Urakusai. Contrary to his older brother Nobunaga, the battlefield was never the home of Urakusai and he was also not greatly involved in the wheelings and dealings of the three great unifiers. Urakusai focused mainly on the tea ceremony and so became a student of Sen no Rikyū (千利休, 1522-1591). He also founded his own school of tea called „Uraku-ryū“ (有楽流). In the 18th year of Tenshō (天正, 1590) he retired to lands in worth 2.000 koku, given to him by Hideyoshi. In turn he was ordered by the latter to guard and supervice his concubine and second wife Yodo-dono (淀殿, 1596-1615), who was Urakusai´s niece. Despite his connection with the Toyotomi, Urakusai, with his eldest son Nagataka (織田長孝, ?-1606), was in the command of force of 450 men belonging to the eastern army of Ieyasu at Sekigahara. It is recorded that Urakusai took two heads during the squirmish. After the battle he again sided with the Toyotomi, but at Ōsaka he joined the side of the more moderate Hideyori supporters.

– 130 – It is not known that Hideyori was an enthusiastic follower of the tea ceremony and so it can rather be ruled out that the presentation of the Rai Kunimitsu had something to do with tea. It was probably a gesture towards Urakusai, to ensure and strengthen the Oda alliance. Anyway, after the fall of Ōsaka, Urakusai devoted himself even more to the tea ceremony in Kyōto.

Picture 60: Portrait of Oda Urakusai.

I would like to introduce here another kokuhō blade by Rai Kunimitsu (see picture 62). Kunimitsu was, according to transmission, the second son of Rai Kunitoshi (来国俊) and active in Kyōto around (嘉暦, 1326-1329). There are dated signatures extant from the first year of Karyaku and the second year of Kan´ō (観応, 1351). The blade in question is a tachi which was worn by Matsudaira Tadaaki (松平忠明, 1583-1644) – one of the numerous grandsons of Ieyasu – during the Ōsaka campaigns in 1614 and 1615. With the end of the Edo period it eventually went into the possession of the wealthy Iwasaki family (岩崎), whose member Yatarō (岩崎弥太郎, 1835-1885, see picture 61) founded the Mitsubishi-zaibatsu (三菱財閥) financial clique in 1893.

– 131 –

Picture 61: Iwasaki Yatarō (left), Yamagata Aritomo (right)

Later the tachi was owned by the polititian Yamagata Aritomo (山縣有朋, 1838-1922, see picture 61), a general of the Satsuma Rebellion and the first prime minister of the Meiji Restoration. Aritomo presented the piece to emperor Meiji, who in turn donated it to the Tōkyō National Museum which was founded in 1872. And in 2005, the kokuhō was finally transferred to the newly opened Kyūshū National Museum (九州国立博物).

Picture 62: kokuhō, tachi, mei „Rai Kunimitsu“ (来国光), nagasa 80,7 cm

– 132 – 19. The Tsuriganekiri-Kuniyuki

The origins of this sword lie in the Kyōto of the early Nanbokuchō period. The „Nōami-hon mei-zukushi“ (see footnote 8, page 22) states that rebellious monks entrenched themselves in the Konponchū-dō (根本中堂) of the -ji (延暦寺) on Mt. Hiei (比叡山). They had raised a revolt but did not have enough swords to defend themselves so they hired the smith Rai Kunimitsu to come to Mt. Hiei to forge, quasi as an emergency measure, tachi and naginata. The monks were prepared for the worst and so their ringleader tested the magnificent blade forged for him. He cut dosn on a metal tsurigane (釣り金・ 吊り金, see picture 63) to which the open shutters (shitomi, 蔀) are hooked. It is said that he easily severed the metal hook and thereupon nicknamed the blade „Tsuriganekiri“ (釣り金切り).

← tsurigane

← shitomi shutter

Picture 63: tsurigane and shitomi

– 133 – Not much is known about the outcome of the revolt but the blade eventually ended in the possession of Kyōto´s Nichiren temple, Honkoku-ji (本圀寺), which presented it to Toyotomi Hideyoshi. In his letter of thanks he wrote: „ōmono-kire no katana tazune-sōrō ni suke, tsuriganekiri no katana kenji, mansoku ni sōrō, kyōko-kingen, shōgatsu nijūichi-nichi, Hideyoshi + [kaō]“ (大物きれ之刀たつね候ニ付、 つりかんきり之刀験し、まんそくニ候、恐惶謹言・正月廿一日・ 秀吉), which translates as: „I am very pleased with your present of the katana Tsuriganekiri on my request for excellent and sharp swords. Kind regards, 21st day of the first month, Hideyoshi.“ The extant blade (see picture 64) is a shortened katana which measures 63,6 cm. It is unclear if it was handed over to Hideyoshi in this shortened condition or if the shortening was ordered by the latter. But from the wording „katana“ (刀) in the letter we can assume that the tachi had already been shortened to a katana. But „katana“ or „tō“ respectively is a general term for „sword“ and so the wording does not necessarily refer to a blade of katana size or mounting. However, after the last battle for Ōsaka Castle – the so-called Battle of Tennōji and (Tennōji-Okayama no tatakai, 天王寺・岡山の戦い) – the sword was captured from the killed Hideyoshi-general Ōtani Yoshiharu (大谷吉治, 1581?-1615). Yoshiharu was killed by samurai under the command of Matsudaira Tadanao (松平忠直, 1595-1650), a grandson of Ieyasu. In this context it came into the possession of the Tokugawa family and was later presented to the Matsudaira branch, which ruled the Saijō fief (西条藩) on the Shikoku island. This family sold it in 1924 with other famous swords and was then bought by Mitsui Kōshin (三井高進), another member of the wealthy industrialist family Mitsui mentioned in the previous chapter.

– 134 –

Picture 64: katana, mumei, meibutsu „Tsuriganekiri-Kuniyuki“, nagasa 63,6 cm

Kōshin had the blade appraised but received an attribution to Rai Kuniyuki (来国行), the grandfather of Kunimitsu. Kōshin belonged to the Koishikawa branch (小石川) of the Mitsui. He graduated in 1943 from Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, and had remained in the USA even after the attacks on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. In the States he taught Japanese at Yale, Harvard and in Chicago. It was in Chicago where he heared of Japan´s defeat, but he returned some years later to his home country where he became editor-in-chief of the comic magazine „Disneyland“ (Dizunī no kuni, ディズニーの国), published by the Japanese Reader´s Digest from 1946 to 1986.

– 135 – 20. The Nagashino and other Ichimonji

We are back again in the turmoils of the Sengoku era or, to be more precise, in Mikawa province in the spring of the third year of Tenshō (天正, 1575). Takeda Shingen´s son Katsuyori (武田勝頼, 1546-1582) had marched into the Shitaragahara plain (設楽原) with about 15.000 men and besieged Nagashino Castle (長篠城) because he saw that their supply lines were threatened. Two years earlier, and because of Shingen´s death, Ieyasu had been able to conquer the castle from the Takeda and installed Okudaira Nobumasa (奥平信昌, 1555-1615) as castellan who had before served the Takeda in their conquest of Mikawa province. Instantly Katsuyori ordered the execution of three Okudaira hostages (see page 39) for this breach of loyalty. As Nobumasa was now besieged by Katsuyori, Nobunaga and Ieyasu sent a big force of 38.000 men as support, but it was first and foremost the matchlock guns of the Oda-Tokugawa-Okudaira alliance that had a decisive influence on the defeat of the Takeda troops.

Picture 65: Portrait of Okudaira Nobumasa.

– 136 – Nobumasa fought bravely and defended the castle without any major losses. Impressed, Nobunaga granted him the character „Nobu“ (信) from his name, whereupon the castellan changed his name from the former „Sadamasa“ (貞昌) to „Nobumasa“. But more important for the latter was the accompanying sword present, namely a masterly - Ichimonji blade (福岡一文字, see picture 66) which bore the signature for „one“ (Jap. „ichi“, 一) as it was common for certain smiths of that school. This character – or single more or less horizontal stroke – gave the school it´s name because „Ichimonji“ means „character (for) one“. And according to the context of the battle, the blade was nicknamed „Nagashino-Ichimonji“ (長篠一文字).

Picture 66: kokuhō, tachi, mei „Ichi“ (一), nagasa 70,9 cm, sori 3,0 cm

A greatly shortened Ichimonji blade which eventually lost its signature is the meibutsu „Nansen-Ichimonji“ (南泉一文字). It is nowadays designated jūyō-bunkazai and is preserved in the Tokugawa Museum of Art in . The nickname of this fine piece goes back to the following transmission.

– 137 – Muneyoshi (徳川宗睦, 1733-1800),*61 the 9th generation of the Owari-Tokugawa family, ordered his sword official to find out more about the provenance of the blade in question. He compiled a report where he stated that it was once owned by the Muromachi-shōgun but does not mention when or how it came into the possession of the Ashikaga family. The latter however had it polished, but when the blade was stored on the sword rack in the polisher´s workshop, an unlucky cat bumped into the rack and was cut in half by the falling piece. This incident reminded the then sword official of an anecdote by the Chinese Zen priest Nansen (南泉, chin. Nánqúan, 748-835). One day the monks around Nansen were arguing about a Zen problem. Nansen grasped a cat, held it up in the air and asked: „If any of you is able to say anything appropriate I will spare this cat. Otherwise I will kill it with my sword.“ All the monks were shocked and tried hard to come up with „Zen-appropriate“ wisdoms. It turned out that nobody was able to impress Nansen and so he killed the poor animal. When the best student returned home that evening, Nansen told him what had happened earlier. Thereupon the student took his sandals and layed them on top of his head. „If you had just been there today I would have been able to spare the cat!“ Nansen knew that his student was deeply enlightened because he had given up all delusive thoughts and forced „Zen- appropriate“ thinking about enlightenment.

Picture 67: jūyō-bunkazai, katana, meibutsu „Nansen-Ichimonji“, nagasa 61,5 cm, sori 1,8 cm

*61 His name is also read „Munechika“.

– 138 – So the blade was called „Nansen-Ichimonji“ and went later by unknown paths into the collection of Hideyoshi who bequeathed it to Toyotomi Hideyori. The latter in turn presented it to Tokugawa Ieyasu in the third month of Keichō 16 (慶長, 1611) when they met in Kyōto´s Nijō Castle. This is how it is mentioned in the sword register of the Toyotomi family called „Toyotomi-ke katana-chō“ (豊臣家刀帳). After Ieyasu´s death the blade went to Yoshinao (徳川義直, 1601-1650), the founder of the Owari-Tokugawa family, who made it an important treasure sword of this branch of the Tokugawa. The „Kyōhō-meibutsu- chō“ mentions the provenance of the sword as follows: „Ieyasu → Yoshinao → the 2nd Tokugawa-shōgun Hidetada → Yoshinao“. But the records of the Owari-Tokugawa does not mention this „detour“ via Hidetada. Interesting is that the second generation Owari-Tokugawa, Mitsutomo (徳川光友, 1625-1700), had the blade mounted as a wakizashi, that means it was at the latest shortened to its present length during his time.

Picture 68: kokuhō, tachi, mumei, meibutsu „Nikkō-Ichimonji“, nagasa 68,3 cm, sori 2,3 cm

Picture 68 shows the so-called „Nikkō-Ichimonji“ (日光一文字). The name goes back to the fact that the sword was once obtained by Hōjō Sō´un (北条早雲, 1432-1519) from Nikkō´s Futarasan-jinja (二荒山 神社). Later it came into the possession of the Kuroda Josui (黒田如水, 1546-1604) who played an important role in the negotiations between Hideyoshi and the Hōjō after the defeat of the latter during the Siege of Odawara in 1590.

– 139 – Also listed in the „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“ is the so-called „Dōyo- Ichimonji“ (道誉一文字) which received its name from its former owner Sasaki Dōyo (佐々木道誉, 1296-1373)*62 who had helped Ashikaga Takauji to suppress the revolt of emperor Godaigo (後醍醐天皇, 1288- 1315). But the tracks vanish after Dōyo until it turns up later in the collection of the Owari-Tokugawa family. Some records say that the family received it as a gift from the Ikeda family (池田) but returned it somewhat later. From the Ikeda it went to the Nanbu family (南部) whose 43rd generation Toshiatsu (南部利淳, 1884-1930) presented it to emperor Shōwa when he visited the former lands of the in 1928. Today it is still a gyobutsu (see picture 69).

Picture 69: gyobutsu, tachi, mei „Ichi“, meibutsu „Dōyo-Ichimonji“, nagasa 80,0 cm, sori 3,8 cm

An Ichimonji blade which bears the signature of an individual smith – namely of „Yoshifusa“ (吉房) – is the so-called „Okadagiri“ (岡田切, see picture 70). Yoshifusa was one of the most outstanding representatives of the Fukuoka-Ichimonji school and, according to tradition, was active around Hōji (宝治, 1247-1249).

*62 His actual name was „Takauji“ (高氏). „Dōyo“ was his priest name.

– 140 – After the Battle of Shizugatake (see also chapter 15 and 17), Nobunaga´s son Oda Nobukatsu (織田信雄, 1558-1630) ended their alliance with Toyotomi Hideyoshi by first choosing an indirect way. When the construction of Ōsaka Castle was finished in 1573, Hideyoshi invited all of his allies to the new stronghold. The primary aim was to find out who was still loyal to him and who was not. When Nobukatsu did not show up this was equal to a breach of loyalty but Hideyoshi did not want to lose this important general and so he requested the Nobukatsu-retainers Okada Shigetaka (岡田重孝, ?- 1584), Tsugawa Yoshifuyu (津川義冬, 1545-1584) and Asai Nagatoki (浅井長時, 1569?-1584) to persuade their lord to attend the gathering. But Nobukatsu saw himself confronted with a supposed conspiracy. On the sixth day of the third month of Tenshō twelve (1584) he in turn invited these three retainers to his castle at (長島城), in Ise province, and killed them. According to transmission, Nobukatsu killed Okada Shigetaka himself and thereupon called the blade „Okadagiri“. Later the piece was owned by the Masuda family (益田) who were one of the elders of the Chōshū fief (長州藩). The Masuda eventually presented the Okadagiri to emperor Meiji. Incidentally, the action of executing the negotiators resulted in the Battle of Komaki and Nagakute (Komaki- Nagakute no tatakai, 小牧・長久手の戦い) and with the return of Nobukatsu into Hideyoshi’s ranks.

Picture 70: gyobutsu, tachi, mei „Yoshifusa“, meibutsu „Okadagiri“, nagasa 69,1 cm, sori 2,1 cm

– 141 – 21. Kotetsu´s career

In the second to last chapter of volume one of the Legends and Stories around the Japanese Sword I mentioned the legendary sharpness of Kotetsu´s (虎徹) blades and also referred briefly to the fact that he changed his profession from armourer (katchū-shi, 甲冑師) to that of a swordsmith. I would now like to deal in greater detail with the circumstances of how this master was able to become one of the most famous swordsmiths of Japan. Let us begin with the facts or the historic records respectively. The works Ōmi-ochiboshi-shū“ (淡海落穂集), „Ōmi-kojin-dan“ (淡海 故事談)*63 and „Kobayashi Zui´ō hikki“ (小林随翁筆記)*64 write that Kotetsu was born in Nagasone (長曽祢) in the vicinity of the castle town Sawayama (佐和山), in Ōmi province. This transmission is also followed by the „Hikohan narabi Kingō-ōko kikigaki“ (彦藩並近郷往古聞書) but which goes somewhat more into detail. Therein we read: „According to a transmission, Kotetsu lived until recent years in Nagasone but came originally from the Northern provinces. The time is around the era (寛文, 1661-1673).“ Interesting is the wording „until recent years“ which implies that this work was written not too long after Kotetsu´s death in Enpō six (延宝, 1678). Unfortunately, all those mentioned records are undated. One dated source from the fourth year of Kansei (寛政, 1792) – thus 114 years after Kotetsu´s death – is the „Ōmi Konoma-zarai“ (淡海木間攫). It says: „Once [in Nagasone] there lived a smith called ´Kotetsu Okisato´ (虎徹興里)“. So we have here a difference in wording, namely „once“ in contrast to „until recent years“. This suggests that the „Hikohan narabi Kingō-ōko kikigaki“ was published before the „Ōmi Konoma-zarai“.

*63 „Ōmi“ (淡海) is an old way of writing Ōmi province (近江). *64 Kobayashi Zuiō was the chief chamberlain (soba-yōjin, 側用人) of Hitachi´s Nukada fief (額田藩) which also employed Kotetsu for a while. Kobayashi was active around Tenmei (天明, 1781-1789), that means about hundred years after the death of the swordsmith.

– 142 – Some sword-related documents were published shortly after Kotetsu’s death. The „Arami-mei-zukushi“ (新身銘尽),*65 for example, was published in the sixth year of Kyōhō (享保, 1721), i.e. 43 years after his death. Therein we find the information: „According to transmission he once lived in Echizen but originally came from the village of Nagasone in Ōmi province. Later he moved to Edo.“ The author of the „Arami-mei- zukushi“, which deals exclusively with shintō blades, was Kanda Hakuryūshi Katsuhisa (神田白龍子勝久, 1680-1760). Katsuhisa was a renowned and busy scholar and chronicler who compiled several 20, 30 and 40 volume publications. He was a friend of the 8th Tokugawa-shōgun Yoshimune, he visited several fiefs for his studies, and talked to many swordsmiths. So it can be safely assumed that his entry in the „Arami- mei-zukushi“ represented the then knowledge on Kotetsu. Kamada Natae (鎌田魚妙) also follows up in his standard work „Shintō-bengi“ (新刀弁疑) from the sixth year of An´ei (安永, 1777) the approach that Kotetsu came originally from Nagasone. The other, often quoted, approach that Kotetsu came originally from Echizen goes back to extant signatures with the prefix „Hongoku Echizen-jūnin“ (本国越前住人). Sword books, like the „Honchō-shintō- ichiran“ (本朝新刀一覧) from the fourth year of Bunsei (文政, 1821) and the „Tōken-jitsuyō-ron“ (刀剣実用論) from Bunsei seven (1824), interpret this prefix wrongly. They confuse namely the term „hongoku“ (本国, „home country/province“) with „shōkoku“ (生国, „country/ province of birth“). In short, „hongoku“ does not necessarily mean that a person was also born in this country but simply that he or she lived or had lived there for a longer period of time. The question is now why Kotetsu signed explicitely with the supplement „Hongoku Echizen“, i.e. „home country/province Echizen“? The most obvious reason would be that Kotetsu considered Echizen as his home country because he had left Nagasone at a very young age (more later).

*65 „Arami“ (新身) is an old term for a newly forged blade before Kamada Natae introduced the term „shintō“ (新刀).

– 143 – But there might also be another reason. After the Battle of Sekigahara, Ieyasu had entrusted to his second son, Yūki Hideyasu (結城秀康, 1574-1607), who made the local Kitanoshō Castle (北ノ庄城) his stronghold and who reverted to the former family name „Matsudaira“. Kitanoshō became Castle, which also served as a name giver for the surrounding fief. So Fukui was, because of its direct connection with the family of the shōgun, a high ranking fief and smiths like Yasutsugu (康継) were proud to mention in their signatures their relationship with it or their patronage by this Tokugawa branch. And „Echizen“ became, for example „Echizen Yasutsugu“ (越前康継), an inseparable pseudonym of this master. The „Ōmi-kojin-dan“ writes about the family name „Nagasone“: „The Kotetsu family lived in Nagasone since the time of his great-grandfather and up to Kotetsu all of them used the name of this village ´Nagasone´ as their family name“. From a historical point of view, „Nagasone“ was used as a family name since the Muromachi period, so the „Ōmi-kojin- dan“ is de facto correct. It is assumed by some scholars that Kotetsu´s father was already a swordsmith in the service of the district governor and that he was a so-called „gōshi“ (郷士), a samurai who worked as a farmer in times of peace. Topographies of Ōmi province show us that in the Shiga district (滋賀郡) – that means the district where Nagasone village was located – there were 13 smith superintendents (kaji-gashira, 鍛冶頭) registered before the Battle of Sekigahara. The next question which arises is when and why the move to Echizen province took place. A theory says that Kotetsu´s father had supported the troops of Ishida Mitsunari who also came from Ōmi. And when he saw that Ishida was going to be defeated at Sekigahara, he fled Nagasone and moved to Echizen to escape eventual punishment by the Tokugawa. Many contemporary swordsmiths shared the same fate. For example, Horikawa Kunihiro mentioned in chapter 9, had to leave his home province because of the defeat of his lord and wandered throughout the country for some years until he settled in Kyōto in the end.

– 144 – However, the obituary records of Tōkyō´s Myōkanji (妙観寺) where Kotetsu is buried says that he was born in the first year of Keichō (慶長, 1596). That means when his father had already left Nagasone around the time of Sekigahara, Kotetsu had of course no influence on the destination of their journey. Others assume that Kotetsu´s father had chosen Echizen or rather Kitanoshō Castle because it was, back then, controlled by the Mitsunari-ally Aoki Kazunori (青木一矩, 1541-1600). This means that as he was previously employed by Mitsunari then it would have been easier for him to find a new job with a „sympathiser“ of his former lord than trying his luck somewhere else in a hurry. At the same time we can also observe how other Nagasone craftsmen who had made armours, armour parts, swords, tsuba, (, 鐙) and (kutsuwa, 轡) scattered into the four directions. A metal worker, who signed „Nagasone Masanori Nyūdō Shōsa“ (長曽祢当則 入道承佐),*66 for example, made in Kaga´s Daishōji fief (大聖寺藩) tsuba and the swordsmith Nagasone Kawachi no Kami Nagahiro (長曽祢河内守長広) worked in Ōsaka. It is assumed by some experts that the armourer Nagasone San´emon Toshimitsu (長曽祢三右衛門利光) was the father of Kotetsu, which brings us to the next „problem“, his first name. The common theory says it was „Saiichi“ (才市). This goes back to a protocol of his later employer Matsudaira Yorimoto (松平頼元, 1629-1693), the daimyō of the Nukada fief. Therein he is listed as „Nagasone Saiichi Okisato“ (長曽祢才市興里). There is even a tsuba with the signature „Nagasone Saiichi“ with the date of Manji four (万治, 1661) extant but it can hardly be attributed to Kotetsu because the latter had already signed with the name „Okisato“67 at that time. Incidentally, there exists two tsuba by Kotetsu which are both signed „Nagasone Okisato saku“ (see picture 71).

*66 Masanori signed his name with the old version (當) of the character for „Masa“. There are also works extant by him which were made in Echizen province. *67 He signed with „Okisato“ at the latest from Meireki three (明暦, 1657) onwards.

– 145 –

Picture 71: two tsuba by Kotetsu with the mei „Nagasone Okisato saku“ (長曽祢奥里作).

Interestingly, the sword book Yakiba no niohi“ (焼刃の匂ひ) mentions Kotetsu with the first name „Sannojō“ (三之丞). This work of an unknown author can be dated, on the basis of the used terms, to a time after the publication of the „Shintō-bengi“. This, and the fact that it contains several errors*68 and that the first name „Sannojō“ does not appear in any other document, raises doubts abouts its credibility. But interesting is that this name has something in common with the first name „San´emon“ of his supposed father Toshimitsu. Let us return to Kotetsu´s career as a swordsmith. As mentioned in the first volume of the Legends and Stories around the Japanese Sword, the commonly accepted theory says that around the age of 50 he went to Edo to change his profession from that of an armourer to a swordsmith. When we examine all extant blades by Kotetsu we learn that the earliest specimen, i.e. those which are signed with „Okisato“ (奥里), have a great deal in common with the tang finish of works by the Kaga smiths like Kiyomitsu (清光) and Yukimitsu (行光). Picture 72 demonstrates this and the peculiar so-called „Kashū-nakago“ (加州茎).

*68 For example Kotetsu is dated to the Kan´ei (寛永, 1624-1644) era instead of the Kanbun era (寛文, 1661-1673) and Sagami no Kami Masatsune (相模守政常) to the Eiroku (永禄, 1558-1570) era instead of the Bunroku (文禄, 1592-1596) era.

– 146 –

Picture 72: wakizashi with the mei „Nagasone Okisato saku“ (top) and „Kiyomitsu“ (bottom)

This gives the impression that he had gained experience as a swordsmith before he moved to Edo and that he maybe was trained by his Kaga relative Masanori. As mentioned at the beginning of chapter 18, the Daishōji fief for which Masanori worked was founded in the 16th year of Kan´ei (寛永, 1639) after the Kaga fief was split up between Maeda Toshitsune´s sons when the latter retired. Well, the exact reasons for Kotetsu´s change of profession are unknown but there exists roughly three approaches. One says that when he faced his 50th birthday, the demand for newly made armour had drastically dropped. Sekigahara happened 40 years earlier, Ōsaka had fallen more than 30 years ago, and the last great armed conflict – the from 1637 to 1638 – was at its tenth anniversary. That means there was a generation of active armourers who produced items more or less for parades and celebrations for high-ranking samurai, daimyō and the family of the shōgun or repaired extant pieces. The second approach is that Kotetsu was just looking for a new challenge. And there exists a story which gives another reason for his change of profession.

– 147 – This story says that he had killed a man from Echizen and was on the run. It is said that the man was a samurai from the Fukui fief who had ordered a sword from Kotetsu. When smith and customer met in the forge to talk about the finishing touches, the samurai examined the amost finished blade and complained: „Do you think I can kill anybody with a piece like this? I don´t like it and it isn´t what I expected!“ Kotetsu took back the blade and grumbled: „We will see if my blade can kill anybody …“ whilst cutting deeply into the left shoulder of the man. It is said that Kotetsu threw away the bloody blade and hastily abandoned the forge whilst the man died on the ground. He fled to Edo and found a safe shelter with the befriended Inaba family (稲葉). The Inaba eventually arranged for Kotetsu to be able to live and work in the vicinity of the Kan´ei-ji (寛永寺) in Edo´s Ueno district (上野). Whether from remorse or as a disguise, the smith shaved his hair and entered priesthood under the name „Kotetsu“. It is unknown if, or to what extent, this story is true but there exist some blades which do show a local connection. Picture 73 shows a katana which is signed „Jū Tōeizan Shinobigaoka no hotori Nagasone Okisato saku“ (住東叡山忍岡辺長曽祢興里作, „made by Nagasone Okisato in the vicinity of Shinobigaoka at the Tōeizan“). „Tōeizan“ is another name for the Kan´ei-ji. But the catch is that these blades are dated Kanbun eleven (寛文, 1671) and Enpō two and five (延宝, 1675 and 1677), that means they go back to his late artistic period. The „Arami-mei-zukushi“ mentions „at the Honjo-Warigesui canals“ as his place of residence. The „Shintō-mondō“ (新刀問答), published by Wakabayashi Tōsui (若林東水) in Kansei eleven (1799), goes further into detail and writes: „[…] lived at the Honjo-Warigesui canals, later in the vicinity of the Ueno pond Shinobazu no Ike (不忍池) and also in Yushima (湯島).“*69 This means that the story is nice but is probably just an urban legend.

*69 The northern Warigesui canals of the Honji district were just 2~3 km to the east of the Shinobazu no Ike and the Kan´ei-ji is directly by the pond. Yoshima is the district which bordered the pond to the west and south.

– 148 –

Picture 73: katana, mei „Jū Tōeizan Shinobigaoka no hotori Nagasone Okisato saku – Enpō ninen rokugatsu kichijōnichi“ (住東叡山忍岡辺長曽祢興里作・延宝二年六月吉祥日, „made by Nagasone Okisato on a lucky day in the sixth month of Enpō two in the vicinity of the Shinobigaoka at the Tōeizan“)

The third approach is about a helmet test which is better known in the sword world. One day Kotetsu, the armourer, competed against the Kaga swordsmith Chōbei Kiyomitsu (長兵衛清光), whose blades were famous for cutting through helmets. The whole competition ended in an official showdown with the presence of lord Maeda Toshitsune. After everything was arranged, Kotetsu stepped forward and put his newly made helmet onto a wooden pedestal. Now it was Kiyomitsu´s turn. Specially for the test he had forged a robust katana measuring 2 shaku 5 sun (~ 75,7 cm) which he brought into the overhead position. As he was at exhaling and cutting down, Kotetsu yelled: „Stop! The helmet is not in its perfect position!“ Quickly he approached the pedestal and changed the position of the helmet only marginally.

– 149 – But the intended interruption made an impact. Kiyomitsu´s concentration on the cut was disturbed and so he was „only“ able to cut 1 sun (~ 3 cm) into the upper area of the helmet bowl. The swordsmith was perplexed, markedly paler, and feared that his face was lost, even his lord rewarded both of them. Back home in his forge Kotetsu said to his adopted son Okimasa and to his two students Okihisa (興久) and Okinao (興直): „Without this interruption, Kiyomitsu would surely have cut through my helmet. This was a shabby and cowardly action on my behalf! From this day on I will retire as an armourer and devote my future life to the craft of sword forging…“ It is said that he left , heading to Edo that very same night. As confirmed later, Kiyomitsu also left Kaga that the same night. This was found out when Okimasa fell in love with a prostitute from Edo´s redlight district Yoshiwara (吉原). This prostitute was namely Kiyomitsu´s daughter who had been sold by her father because the latter was no longer able to work because of fear of failure. Now it was Kotetsu´s turn. He tried everything to make up for his failure and so he went to his then customer, the Ikeda family (池田) from , and asked for the unusual high advance payment of 300 ryō. When he informed Mitsumasa (池田光政, 1609-1682), the head of the Ikeda, about the reason of his demand, it is said that the lord was so moved that he granted him the advance. With this money Kotetsu was able to ransom Kiyomitsu´s daughter and marry her to his adopted son Okimasa. As so often, there are several versions of this story going round. In one of them, the competing smith was a certain „Shima Hyōe Masatsugu“ (志摩兵衛正次) but such a name is not found in the records of swordsmiths. Others say it was not Kaga Kiyomitsu but either the 1st generation Darani Katsukuni (陀羅尼勝国) or the 3rd generation Kaga Kanemaki (兼巻).

– 150 – The assumption that Kotetsu changed profession at the age of 50 in Edo goes back to a signature on one of his blades. This mei reads: Hongoku Echizen-jūnin, hanbyaku ni shitatte Bushū Edo ni kyojū-su, kaji no kōsei o tsukusu nomi“ (本国越前住人至半百居住武州之江戸 鍛冶之工精尽爾) which translates as: „After 50 years in my home country Echizen I devote now myself to the craft of sword forging in Edo, Musashi.“ Unfortunately, the blade – it is a wakizashi with a nagasa of 45,7 cm and a horimono of the Deva guardians (Niō, 仁王) on both sides – is not dated. But on the basis of comparative studies of other (dated) signatures – especially the interpretations of „Kotetsu“ and „Okisato“ – we are able to pin down the production date around the second and third year of Kanbun (寛文, 1662~63). If we take the aforementioned first year of Keichō (1596) as his year of birth, we come up with Shōhō three (正保, 1646) for his 50th birthday. The earliest extant blade by Kotetsu with a date – another wakizashi – is from the second year of Meireki (明暦, 1656). That means now that it took him either eight or nine years until he had finally become a swordsmith in Edo, or that the year Keichō one is not correct for his year of birth. Many experts assume that, as an armourer, he only needed one or two years to start up a new career as a swordsmith. This assumption is also backed by a drawing of a helmet by Kotetsu found in Matsumiya Kanzan´s (松宮観山, 1686-1780) „Meikō-zukan zokushū“ (名甲図鑑続編, see picture 74). According to Kanzan, the helmet bears the following signature: „Genryaku-gannen kinoto-mi hachigatsu-hi – Nagasone Okisato – Bushū Edo ni oite kore o saku“ (明暦元年乙未八月日・ 長曽祢奥里 ・於武州江戸作之, „made by Nagasone Kotetsu in Edo in on a day of the eighth month of Meireki one [1655], year of the sheep.“). To summarise we can now say that Kotetsu still made helmets in Edo, in Meireki one, but two years later at the latest he also made swords. Thus, when he left Echizen in 1655 at the age of 50 – i.e. around the time he made the above mentioned helmet – then his year of birth can be calculated as Keichō ten (1605).

– 151 –

Picture 74: Drawing from the „Meikō-zukan zokushū“.

Anyway, all the extant sources and reference pieces do not allow us more precise statements. But it is highly unlikely that it took him, as fully trained armourer, nine or ten years to forge decent sword blades. On the other hand, the obituary record of the Myōkanji, which lists Keichō one (1596) as his year of birth, is a circumstancial evidence we can´t brush aside that easily. Maybe the answer lies somewhere in the middle. It is namely possible that he arrived in Edo in the mid 1640´s but continued to work there as an armourer. This is namely backed up by an exact copy of an armour by Kotetsu of which the signature was also copied 1:1. This copy was made by the Edo katchū-shi Asai Katsushige (浅井勝重) and the choice of characters for his name allows us to date the original piece to the first year of Kanbun (1661). That means for at least five years Kotetsu still occasionally made armours while he was already working as a swordsmith.

– 152 – The next big question is who was his master to become a swordsmith? Let me say straight off: This question too is not entirely solved. Suishinshi Masahide (水心子正秀) assumed that it was the 5th generation Ise no Daijō Tsunahiro (伊勢大掾綱広, 1616-1683) who also worked in Edo´s Shitaya district (下谷) for a certain time. But, from the point of view of workmanship, we can´t see any connections between the two smiths. The commonly accepted theory is that Kotetsu´s master was the 1st generation Izumi no Kami Kaneshige (和泉守兼重) who worked in Edo for the Tōdō family (藤堂). Some also say it was Kaneshige´s son, the 2nd gen. Kazusa no Suke Kaneshige (上総介兼重), but this does not match for chronological reasons because the latter smith was active somewhat later than Kotetsu. The 1st gen. Kaneshige came originally from Echizen too and his workmanship is quite similar to Kotetsu´s. However, after Kotetsu gained some fame because of the sharpness of his blades, he was employed by the Nukada fief of Hitachi province. Extant records say he worked for this fief from the third year of Manji (万治, 1660) to the second year of Kanbun (1662). After that he was hired by Inaba Masayasu (稲葉正休, 1640-1684), a hatamoto and the daimyō of Mino´s Aono fief (青野藩). He worked for him until Kanbun ten (1670). Masayasu´s uncle Inaba Masafusa (稲葉正房) was, by the way, a retainer of the Fukui fief, so it is possible that this employment was arranged via this connection. But it has to be mentioned that Kotetsu always worked from the Edo residences of his employers. According to transmission, Kotetsu died on the 24th day of the sixth month of Enpō six (延宝, 1678), and if Keichō one is correct as his year of birth then he enjoyed a very long life of 82 years. The cause of his death is unclear but some speculate that his exaggregated ambition to forge whenever possible was the result of a psychosis and that he eventually commited suicide by drowning himself in a well in Hirokōji (広小路), in Edo´s Ueno district. But it is possible that the story with the well is a confusion with the swordsmith Inoue Shinkai (井上真改) because, according to transmission, the latter fell completely drunk into a well and died at the young age of 53 in Tenna two (天和, 1682).

– 153 – 22. Yasutsugu and the short phenomenon of nanban-tetsu

I dedicate the last chapter to Echizen Yasutsugu (越前康継) who was briefly mentioned in the last chapter. According to transmission Yasutsugu´s origins lie in the Shimosaka school (下坂) of Ōmi province and was born in the 23rd year of Tenbun (天文, 1554). The exact family relationships and also his early masters are somewhat unclear but there exists the theory that he was the son of the Mino smith Akasaka-Senjū´in Hironaga (赤坂千手院広長). Like Kotetsu´s father Yasutsugu– back then under the name „Shimosaka Ichinojō“ (下坂市之丞) – also saw himself confronted with the turbulences of the ending Sengoku period. Even if these instable times provided a continuous demand for swords, the often changing employers, the attacks by other daimyō in areas one had just settled, and the uncertainty of supply of raw materials were surely not a nice basis of life and work for a swordsmith. After short stopovers in Mino and Kyōto it is said that he pleaded Kannon (観音) for divine help at the Rokkakudō (六角堂) in Ōmi´s Kōga (甲賀). The deity told him to go to the Northern provinces and he did so. First, that means during the early Genki era (元亀, 1570-1573), he settled in Echizen´s Ichijōdani (一乗谷). A theory says that he studied there under Kanenori (兼法) who had his roots in . There exists a blade by the latter with a date of Tenbun ten (1541) which is signed „Echizen Ichijō-jū“ (越前一乗住). So from the point of view of facts, nothing speaks against a possible master-student relationship. At that time this area was ruled by the Asakura family (朝倉), who were destroyed in the first year of Tenshō (天正, 1573) in the course of Oda Nobunaga´s conquest of the northeastern provinces.

– 154 – Two years later Nobunaga conferred large parts of the former Asakura lands to his general and brother-in-law (柴田勝家, 1522-1583) who made Kitanoshō Castle (北ノ庄城) his stronghold (introduced in the previous chapter). This castle, and the surrounding castle town, was now quasi the only or rather the most promising opportunity for work for the former Asakura smiths and so Yasutsugu also moved to Kitanoshō. There are records extant which say that he lived first in the residence of the Kuroda family (黒田) who were arrowsmiths. This means that there at least existed a forge where he moved. It is said that he mounted a plate over the entrance of the small forge with the inscription „1 katana for only 50 monme silver“, to boost his business. 50 monme (匁) silver were 187,5 g, which was quite a low price for a sword blade. It seems that verbal propaganda was fast, and as he continuously produced excellent quality, he received during the Bunroku era (文禄, 1592-1596) the honorary title „Higo no Daijō“ (肥後大掾). This in turn earned him an employment by Honda Hida no Kami Narishige (本多飛騨守成重, 1572-1647), the daimyō of Echizen´s Maruoka fief (丸岡藩) and later tsuke-garō (附家老)*70 of the Fukui fief. Narishige ensured that he got orders from high-ranking customers and so Yasutsugu was able to perfect his craft. His skills had not escaped the notice of Yūki Hideyasu, who had taken over Kitanoshō after the Battle of Sekigahara and now ruled the newly founded Fukui fief. The sword book „Shintō-bengi“ (新刀弁疑) says that Hideyasu was shown one of Yasutsugu´s blades during one of his inspection trips. He was so pleased by his work that he showed it to his father Ieyasu in Edo. His reaction was: „What a great master smith! He should come to Edo to work for me.“ But first he was hired by Hideyasu for a salary of 40 koku.

*70 A tsuke-garō was a castellan installed by the bakufu for fiefs which were ruled by members of the Tokugawa family, according to the motto „trust is good, control is better“.

– 155 – Transmission says that it was the tenth year of Keichō (1605) when Yasutsugu came to Edo to forge a blade on invitation of Ieyasu, whereupon he received the character for „yasu“ (康) from the shōgun. This was accompanied by the permission to carve the aoi crest, the family crest of the Tokugawa clan, onto his tangs. Before that time Yasutsugu had simply signed „Echizen no Kuni Shimosaka“ (越前国下坂). But the work „Echizen-meiseki-kō“ (越前名蹟考) mentions that after receiving his aforementioned honorary title he first changed his name to „Higo no Daijō Sadakuni“ (肥後大掾貞国) and later to „Higo no Daijō Sadatsugu“ (肥後大掾貞継) and that he switched from „Sadatsugu“ to „Yasutsugu“ after receiving the character for „Yasu“ from Ieyasu. However, from the twelfth year of Keichō (1607) onwards Yasutsugu also forged for Ieyasu in Sunpu (駿府), in Suruga province, which was the retirement place of the latter. Incidentally, it is meanwhile possible that Ieyasu was a follower of kensō divination, based on his „respect“ for Muramasa blades. According to kensō, the name „Shimosaka“ had an unlucky connotation because the characters (下坂) can also be read „kudari-saka“, which means literally „descending hill“. This means that for the superstitious Ieyasu the signature „Echizen no Kuni Shimosaka“ could also read „Echizen no Kuni kudari-saka“ which is – to put it into the English idiom – „the Echizen province is heading south“. But it is pure speculation to think that Ieyasu „conviced“ him to change name by granting him the character for „Yasu“. But fact is that not only Ieyasu was superstitious when it came to signatures on swords. We know numerous altered Shimosaka signatures, for example where the part „Shimosaka“ was altered with some additional chisel strokes to „Honzaka“ (本坂) or „Masasaka“ (正坂) (see also picture 75).

– 156 –

Picture 75: Example of an altered Shimosaka signature. A blade with the mei „Echizen no Kuni Shimosaka Sadatsugu“ (越前国下坂貞次, an original signature as comparative example is shown above) was altered to „Echizen no Kuni-jū Minamoto Sadatsugu“ (越前国住源貞次) (bottom).

Because of his relation with Ieyasu and his extraordinaly skill, Yasutsugu was soon one of the most popular and sought-after swordsmiths of the country. His line was so successful that it continued to exist – divided-up into an Echizen and an Edo branch – for over twelve generations until the Meiji era. That he was especially appreciated by Ieyasu can also be learned from the fact that Yasutsugu was the first person to be contacted when it came to restoring treasure swords and meibutsu damaged by fire. In the following I will deal with another speciality of this smith, namely the processing of nanban-tetsu (南蛮鉄). In the eleventh year of Ōei (応永, 1404) Japan started the official trade with Ming-China (kangō-bōeki, 勘合貿易), in the course of which steel – though not in large amounts at that time – was also imported.

– 157 – Later, with the beginning of the Momoyama period, some merchants like Kamiya Sōtan (神谷宗湛, 1551-1635), Shimai Sōshitsu (島井宗室, 1539-1615) and Ōga Sōku (大賀宗九, ?-1630) from Kyūshū´s Hakata (博多) began to expand the trade with the mainland on their own. As a result Thailand was also included in the trade routes. Records of a certain Englishman called White mention a mass production of steel in the northern part of Thailand at about that time, which was imported by Japan together with raw silk and furs. The trade ships were called „nanban-sen“ (南蛮船). „Nanban“, lit. „southern barbarians“ (chin. „nánmán“) is a term which has its origin in China of the 3rd century BC. Back then it was applied by the Chinese empire to the southwestern tribes. Later, in Japan, it became a kind of general term for everything which came from Southeast Asia, i.e. which explicitely did not come from China and Korea because they had their own terms for these countries or their dynasties respectively. With the first arrival of the Portuguese in 1543 the term „nanban“ was also applied to the Europeans. It is assumed that Japan „had no alternative“ to also call the stranded sailors „southern barbarians“ because of their ethnocentric world view and, in their eyes, the unrefined manners of the first Europeans. Towards the end of the 1550´s, was in charge of the trade between Japan and Europe. Their huge carracks were sealed with pitch which earned them their Japanese name „kurofune“ (黒船, lit. „“). On April 19th 1600, the Dutch ship „De Liefde“ was stranded on the eastern shore of Kyūshū. Well, the English navigator (1564-1620) needs no introduction because James Clavell memoralized him in his novel „Shogun“ under the name „John Blackthorne“. When the Battle of Sekigahara was over, the Tokugawa-bakufu founded in Hizen´s Hirado (平戸) a trading post for the Dutch and Portuguese because this harbor had already served as a post for the mentioned trading with Ming-China. The Dutch ships commuting between Thailand´s Pattani and Hirado carried first and foremost black wool (rasha, 羅紗), silk and ivory.

– 158 – But the (Vereenigte Oostindische Compagnie, VOC), founded in 1602 with its headquarters of merchant shipping in Batavia (present-day Jakarta) in Indonesia, also had an impact on the then export and import business of Japan. Unfortunately, there are no Japanese records extant which mention the actual place of origin of nanban-tetsu. We can speculate that it came from China or Thailand or that it was even Wootz*71 from India traded via the VOC. Anyway, the Japanese merchants and distributors also called nanban- tetsu „hyōtan-tetsu“ (瓢箪鉄, lit. „gourd iron“, see picture 76) or „oranda-tetsu“ (和蘭陀鉄・阿蘭陀鉄, lit. „Dutch iron“)*72 because of its shape.

Picture 76: nanban-tetsu in hyōtan shape = hyōtan-tetsu

One thing is certain: contact with the Europeans during the Muromachi and subsequent Momoyama period brought many new influences – not only because of the introduction of matchlocks. For example, the cuirass of Japanese armours, which had bow to be bullet proof, were called „nanban-dō“ (南蛮胴) and paintings with European sujets were called „nanban-ga“ (南蛮画). This means that the term „nanban“ stood for the new, the exotic flair and for fascinating items which had never been seen before, even if some things like steel did not come from that far.

*71 Wootz was widely exported and traded throughout ancient Europe and the Arab world. It became particularly famous in the Middle East where it was known as Damascus steel. The technique of producing Wootz steel died out around 1700 but later metallurgists created some steels with similar characteristics to Wootz. *72 This does not mean that the steel came from the Netherlands. For further information and for a very interesting view on this subject I recommend the reader the studies of the „Nanban Tetsu Project“ by Token Sugita Europe (http://www.tokensugita.com/NT.htm).

– 159 – Regarding the forging of swords, we do not know when the first experiments with nanban-tetsu took place. There is an entry in old records which refers to a tachi which is no longer extant. The signature was supposedly:

„Nagato ?? Fujiwara Masayoshi – nanban-tetsu o motte kore o kitae – Eishō jūnana-nen sangatsu-kichijitsu“ (長門◯◯藤原正義・以南蛮鉄鍛之・永正十七年三月吉日, „forged by Fujiwara Masyoshi from ? from Nagato province on a lucky day of the third month Eishō 17 [1520] by using nanban-tetsu“).

First, there is no smith with the name „Masayoshi“ listed in the records who worked at that time in Nagato, and second the year 1520 is way too early. In short, this dubious entry could not be used as a reference or evidence. Present-day experts assume that nanban-tetsu arrived at the forges of Japanese swordsmith shortly after the Battle of Sekigahara. Some even say that only Yasutsugu was able to successfully finish the experiments with nanban-tetsu because he had the time and financial background – raw material was expensive – due to his patronage by the Tokugawa family. The 1st generation Hizen Tadayoshi (肥前忠吉), who was active about the same time as Yasutsugu, also processed nanban-tetsu. This probably goes back to his geographical proximity to the source of this kind of iron, i.e. the nanban-sen or kurofune respectively. As seen in picture 76, most smiths mention the process of nanban- tetsu as a kind of defined syntax in the signature,*73 namely as „nanban- tetsu o motte zukuri“ (以南蛮鉄造) or „nanban-tetsu o motte kore o kitae“ (以南蛮鉄鍛之), „made by using nanban-tetsu“ or „forged with the use of nanban-tetsu“. In most cases, the old characters (蠻) for „ban“ and (鐵) for „tetsu“ were used. The steel itself had to be refined by the smith until it was suitable for a sword blade.

*73 As the principle country of origin, like „Made in China“.

– 160 –

Picture 76: jūyō-bunkazai, katana, mei „Nanban-tetsu o motte Bushū Edo ni oite Echizen Yasutsugu – Keichō jūku-nen hachigatsu-kichijutsu“ (以南蛮鉄於武州江戸越前康継・ 慶長十九年 八月吉日, „forged by Echizen Yasutsugu on a lucky day of the eighth month of Keichō 19 [1614] in Edo, Musashi province, using nanban-tetsu“), nagasa 69,3 cm

The metallurgist Dr. Tawara Kuniichi (俵国一) had analysed a blade by Hōki no Kami Hirotaka (伯耆守汎隆) from the Meireki era (明暦, 1655-1658) which is signed in the aforementioned way. He found out that the inhomogeneous nanban-tetsu part concerned only the area around the cutting edge. But the phenomenon nanban-tetsu vanished as quickly as it had arrived. From the middle to the end of the 17th century hardly any blades are found which were forged by using this kind of steel. There are several theories about the reasons for the disappearing of nanban-tetsu. One says that with the seclusion of the country (, 鎖国) after the year 1639 it was no longer „interesting“ for wealthy persons to boast of things from Europe because they feared reprisals by the bakufu.

– 161 – Matsudaira Sadanobu (松平定信, 1759-1829), who was also mentioned in chapter 2, issued as a bakufu minister at the beginning of the Kansei era (寛政, 1789-1801) a decree which restricted the possession and processing of nanban-tetsu. This decree even went so far that the use of this steel by smiths had to be approved by the bakufu. This is probably the reason why from that time onwards only smiths close to the Tokugawa family, like the Yasutsugu line, worked with nanban- tetsu. Another attempt to explain the vanishing of nanban-tetsu is the following: At the time of its introduction on the market it was considerably cheaper than the steel produced in Japan. To counter this, the increasingly nationalistic government with its sakoku policy supported and encouraged their own steel production. With the fast urbanization of the early Edo period the country was, from Kanbun (寛文, 1661-1673) onwards, even able to export Japanese steel (wakō, 和鋼) to the former Indochinese empire Annam (安南), to Luzon (呂宋, the main island of the Phillipines), and to China´s Kanton (広東). That means with the policy of seclusion, the bakufu preserved indirectly the traditional craft of sword forging and „protected“ it from further foreign influences.

– 162 – Map of the old provinces

– 163 –

– 164 – Glossary

(足軽), lit. „lightfeet“; lightly armed footsoldiers bu (分 or 歩), unit, 3,03 mm chū (中), prefix for „middle“ funbari (踏張り), describes a broadening of a blade towards its base gimei (偽銘), fake signature gō (号), „name, nickname, pseudonym“ gyobutsu (御物), Imperial treasure haba (幅 or 巾), width of the blade whereas we differentiate between the width at the base (motohaba, 元幅) and the width at the tip (sakihaba, 先幅) habaki (鎺), blade collar which keeps the sword from falling out of the saya habaki-moto (鎺元), base of the blade, area in front of the habaki hamon (刃文), lit. „blade pattern“, visual effect created on the blade by the hardening process hataraki (働き), activities along or within the hamon determined by the composition of the steel and by how the hardening is carried out ikubi-kissaki (猪首鋒), stocky tip whose length is shorter than the width of the yokote iori-mune (庵棟), pointed back ridge itomaki-tachi (糸巻太刀), tachi whose hilt and upper area of the saya are wrapped jū (住), suffix with the meaning „resident of…“ jūnin (住人), suffix with the meaning „resident of…“ jūyō-bijutsuhin (重要美術品), Important Work of Fine Arts jūyō-bunkazai (重要文化財), Important Cultural Property kaō (花押), seal in the form of a short or stylized signature kasane (重ね), thickness of the blade kawa-zutsumi (皮包み), leather cover or leather wrapping kiji-momo (雉股), lit. „pheasant´s thigh“, tang shape where the blade side dips halfway and remains narrow to the tip of the tang kiri, voiced giri (切 or 斬), lit. „to cut“, in the wider sense also „to kill“ kiriba-zukuri (切刃造), blade shape where the central ridge line is very close to the cutting edge

– 165 – kissaki (鋒 or 切先), tip of a blade ko (小), prefix for „small“ kojiri (鐺 or 小尻), butt end of the saya kokuhō (国宝), National Treasure koma-sabi (胡麻錆), pointed rust koshirae (拵), generic term for “mounting“ koshizori (腰反), curve with the deepest point towards the base of the blade machi (区), notch which divides the blade from the tang, the noth on the blade side is called ha-machi (刃区) and that on the back side mune-machi (棟区) mamori-gatana (守刀), lit. „protective sword“ (in the sense of a lucky charm) mei (銘), signature meikan (銘鑑), list of swords smiths (and their signatures), compiled according to the focus of the publication mihaba (身幅), see haba mitsu-mune (三ツ棟), three-surfaced mune (棟), back or a blade nagasa (長さ), length of a blade nakago (茎 or 中心), tang niji-mei (二字銘), lit. „two character signature“, signature which consists only of the name of the smith, e.g. „Masamune“ (正宗) nodachi (野太刀), overlong, lit. „field sword“ which was used as distance weapon or for stopping horses ō (大), prefix for „large“ ō-dachi (大太刀), over 3 shaku (~ 90,9 cm) measuring blade oshigata (押形), drawing of a blade where – as good as possible – all of the hataraki, the hamon, the tang, and the signature are captured; such oshigata are used to study the workmanship of swordsmiths and to catalogue blades ō-suriage (大磨上げ), shortening of a blade where all the original tang is lost rin (厘), unit, 0,303 mm sai-ha (再刃), newly applied hardening sakizori (先反), curve with the deepest point towards the tip of the blade saya (鞘), scabbard sayagaki (鞘書), inscription on a shirasaya shaku (尺), unit, 30,3 cm

– 166 – shinogi-zukuri (鎬造り), the most common shape of a blade showing a central ridge line (shinogi, 鎬) and a shinogi-ji plane (鎬地) towards the back shirasaya (白鞘), undecorated storage scabbard made from unlacquered but slightly sealed magnolia wood sori (反り), curve of a blade sun (寸), unit 3,03 cm suriage (磨上げ), shortening of a blade where some parts of the original tang are preserved teire (手入れ), generic term for the maintenance of a blade, that means to remove old oil and dirt and apply new oil; at teire, also the removing of some superficial flash rust by using the uchiko (very fine powder from a polishing stone) can be meant toriizori (鳥居反), even curve of a blade with the deepest point towards the center of the blade ubu-nakago (生ぶ茎), unshortened tang in its original condition uchizori (内反), negative curve utsushi-mono (写し物), copy of an existing blade, not to be meant as forgery yake-mi (焼け身), blade which has lost its original hardening due to a fire damage yakiba (焼刃), hardened part of the edge yaki-naoshi (焼直し), newly applied hardening yokote (横手), the line lying at a right angle to the cutting edge and dividing the kissaki from the rest of the blade

– 167 – References

• Cambridge University Press (Hrsg.) Kozo Yamamura (ed.); „The Cambridge – Volume 3 Medieval Japan“, Cambridge University Press 2003 • Honma Junji (本間順治): „Nihon-kotō-shi“ (日本古刀史), Kōgei-Shuppan 1959 • Fukunaga Suiken (福永酔剣); „Nihontō-meikōden“ (日本刀名工伝), Yūzankaku 1996 • Fukunaga Suiken (福永酔剣); „Nihontō-omoshirobanashi“ (日本刀おもしろ話), Yūzankaku 1988 • Fukunaga Suiken (福永酔剣); „Nihontō-yomoyamabanashi“ (日本刀よもやま話), Yūzankaku 1989 • Fukunaga Suiken (福永酔剣); „Tōkō-iseki-meguri 330-sen“ (刀工遺跡めぐり 三三○選), Yūzankaku 1994 • City Museum of History (岐阜市歴史博物館); „Kanesada to Kanemoto – Sengoku-jidai no Mino-tō“ (兼定と兼元・戦国時代の美濃刀), 2008 • Hall, John Whitney; „Fischer Weltgeschichte 20 – Das Japanische Kaiserreich“, Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag 1997 • Hiroi, Yūichi (広井雄一); “Nihon no Bijutsu 4 – Nihontō” (日本の美術４-日本刀), Shibundō 2002 • Honma, Kunzan + Satō, Kanzan (本間薫山、佐藤寒山); “Nihontō Kōza” (日本刀講座), Yūzankaku 1997 • Kondō, Yoshikazu (近藤好和); "Yumiya to tōken – chūsei-kassen no jitsuzō" (弓矢と刀剣・中世合戦の実像), Yoshikawa Kōbunkan 2004 • Masaki, Tokuzō (正木篤三): “Hon´ami-gyōjō-ki to Kōetsu” (本阿弥行状記 と光悦), Chūō Kōrin Bijutsu Shuppan 1981 • Nagayama Kokan; „The Connoisseur´s Book of Japanese Swords“, Kodansha 1997 • Nakajima, Shigeo (中嶋繁雄); “Daimyō no nihon-chizu” (大名の日本地図), Bunshun Shinsho 2003 • Ogasawara, Nobuo (小笠原信夫); “Nihon no Bijutsu 1 – Nihontō no koshirae” (日本の美術１- 日本刀の拵), Shibundō 1994 • Ogasawara, Nobuo (小笠原信夫); "Nihontō no kanshō giso-chishiki" (日本刀の 観賞基礎知識), Shibundō 2000 • Okada, Takao (岡田孝夫); "Kōshū-tōkō no kenkyū" (江州刀工の研究), Sunrise 2006

– 168 – • Rekishi-gunzō series (歴史群像シリーズ); "Zusetsu: Nihontō-taizen II – Meitō, koshirae, tōsōgu sōran" (図説 日本刀大全二 名刀・拵・刀装具総覧), Gakken 2007 • Sano Bijutsukan (佐野美術館); „Bizen-Ichimonji – Hanayaka na nihontō“ (備前一文字 華やかな日本刀), Sano Bijutsukan 2008 • Sano Bijutsukan (佐野美術館); „Masamune – Nihontō no tensai to sono keifu“ (正宗 日本刀の天才とその系譜), Sano Bijutsukan 2002 • Satō, Kanzan (佐藤寒山); „Nihontō-kikō“ (日本刀紀行), Sei´un Shoin 1976 • Satō, Kanzan (佐藤寒山); „Shin-Nihon-meitō 100-sen“ (新・日本名刀１００選), Akita Shoten 1990 • Satō Kanzan (佐藤寒山); „The Japanese Sword – A Comprehensive Guide“, Kodansha 1983 • City of Seki; „Seki-kaji no kigen o saguru“ (関鍛冶の起源 をさぐる), City of Seki 1995 • Tokugawa Bijutsukan (徳川美術館); "Tōken – Tōsōgu" (刀剣 刀装具), Tokugawa Bijutsukan 1998 • Tokunō, Kazuo (得能一男); “Nihontō-zukan” (日本刀図鑑), Kōgei-Shuppan 2004 • Tokunō, Kazuo (得能一男); “Tōkō-taikan” (刀工大鑑), Kōgei-Shuppan 2003 • Tōkyō National Museum; „Uchigatana-goshirae“ (打刀拵), Tōkyō Nationalmuseum 1987 • Toyama-ken Suiboku-Bijutsukan; “Daimyō-ke hizō no meitō” (大名家秘蔵の名刀), Toyama-ken Suiboku-Bijutsukan 2009 • Toyoda Takeshi (豊田武); “” (家系), Tōkyōdō Shuppan 1999

– 169 – Index

Abe family (阿部) 126 Abe Sadayoshi (阿部定吉) 37 Akaazukikayu-Yukimitsu (赤小豆粥行光) 84 Akechi Mitsuhide (明智光秀) 69, 115 Akihito (明仁) 14 Akita Jōnosuke (秋田城介) 114 Akugenta Yoshihira (悪源太義平) 19 Amagata Michioki (天方通興) 40 Amakuni (天国) 15, 27f, 48 Ame no Murakumo no tsurugi (天叢雲剣) 14, 23 Antoku (安徳天皇) 23 Aoki Kazunori (青木一矩) 145 „Arami-mei-zukushi“ (新身銘尽) 143 Ariake (有明) 74 Asahi-hime (朝日姫) 62 Asai Katsushige (浅井勝重) 152 Asai Nagatoki (浅井長時) 141 Asakura family (朝倉) 154 Ashikaga Takauji (足利尊氏) 24, 88, 140 Ashikaga Yoshiuji (足利義氏) 24 Ashikaga Yoshiteru (足利義輝) 66, 89 Ashina-Kanemitsu (芦名兼光) 106 Awataguchi Yoshimitsu (粟田口吉光) 89 Azuki-Kanemitsu (小豆兼光) 84 Azuki-Nagamitsu (小豆長光) 84 bakuryō (幕領) 52 „Bekki-ryū kensō-hiroku“ (戸次流剣相秘録) 49 Bekki Tajima no Kami (戸次但馬守) 49 Beppu Shinsuke (別府晋介) 45 bettō (別当) 24

– 170 – Bizen´ya Kihei (備前屋喜兵衛) 93 „Buhenbanashi-kikigaki“ (武辺咄聞書) 121 „Buke-myōmoku-shō“ (武家名目抄) 22 Buki-kō (武器講) 93f „Buko-tōsan“ (武庫刀纂) 109 bunbu-ryōdō (文武両道) 95 Bungo Yukihira (豊後行平) 27 Chōgi (長義) 67 „Chōkyō mei-zukushi“ (長享銘尽) 20, 28 Chōmu (蝶夢) 113 Chōryō (張良) 9 Daigo (醍醐天皇) 9, 12 Date Harumune (伊達晴宗) 108 Date Masamune (伊達政宗) 104ff Date Munemura (伊達宗村) 107 Date Sanemoto (伊達実元) 108 Date Tadamune (伊達忠宗) 108 Date Terumune (伊達輝宗) 106 Date Tokimunemaru (伊達時宗丸) 107 Date Tsunamura (伊達綱村) 107 Dewa Jōnosuke (出羽城介) 113 Doi Toshikatsu (土井利勝) 86 Eishirō (永四郎) 98 Ema Terumori (江間輝盛) 30 Ema Terutsune (江間輝経) 29 En´a (円阿) 19 Endō Motonobu (遠藤基信) 106 Endō Munenobu (遠藤宗信) 106 „Enka-kidan“ (煙霞綺談) 84 Etchū no Kami Masatoshi (越中守正俊) 78 Daijōdaijin (太政大臣) 10 daijō-kanpu (太政官符) 20 Daimoku-Muramasa (題目村正) 46 Dannoura (壇ノ浦) 23ff, 29

– 171 – Dōyo-Ichimonji (道誉一文字) 140 „Echizen-meiseki-kō“ (越前名蹟考) 156 Fudō-Kuniyuki (不動国行) 70 Fujita Koshirō (藤田小四郎) 55, 60 Fujita Seiichi (藤田整一) 82 Fujita Tōko (藤田東湖) 60 Fujiwara no Hidesato (藤原秀郷) 20 Fujiwara no Mototsune (藤原基経) 9ff Fujiwara no Nagara (藤原長良) 9f Fujiwara no Nagayoshi (藤原長良) → s. „Fujiwara no Nagara“ Fujiwara no Yoritsune (藤原頼経) 117 Fujiwara no Yoshifusa (藤原良房) 9ff Fukuda Kenryū (福田顕龍) 85 Fukuoka-Ichimonji school (福岡一文字) 137, 140 Furiwakegami-Masanune (振分け髪正宗) 111ff Gankiri (雁切り) 34 Gassan (月山) 48 genpuku (元服) 29, 58 Gō (豪) 36 Godaigo (後醍醐天皇) 140 Go-Fukakusa (後深草天皇) 13 gogyō-setsu (五行説) 50 Gokotai-Yoshimitsu (五虎退吉光) 89 Go-Reizei (後冷泉天皇) 12 Go-Sanjō (後三条天皇) 12 Gotoba (後鳥羽天皇) 13, 48 „Go-tōken-ki“ (御刀剣記) 105, 114f Gō Yoshihiro (郷義弘) 62ff Habaki-Kuniyuki (鎺国行) 107 Hachimachi Jirō (八町次郎) 22 Hachimantarō Yoshiie (八幡太郎義家) 17 Hanawa Hokiichi (塙保己一) 22 Hàn dynasty (漢) 9 Hasebe school (長谷部) 67

– 172 – Hasegawa Tōhaku (長谷川等伯) 65 Hattori Hanzō Moritsuna (服部半蔵守綱) 40 Hattori Kazutada (服部一忠) 68 Hayashi Tamon (林多門) 47 Hazama Seigai (礀西涯) 96 „Heiji-monogatari“ (平治物語) 19, 22 „Heike-monogatari“ (平家物語) 17f, 24, 29 Heki Ippō (日置一法) 34 Hidetoshi (秀寿) 90f Higashiyama (東山天皇) 13 „Hikohan narabi Kingō-ōko kikigaki“ (彦藩並近郷往古聞書) 142 Hirohito (裕仁) 14 Hiromasa (広正) 43 Hironaga (広長) 154 Hirotaka (汎隆) 161 Hisahito (久仁) 13 Hōjō Gen´an (北条幻庵) 66 Hōjō Saburō (北条三郎) 66 Hōjō Sadatoki (北条貞時) 114 Hōjō Tokimasa (北条時政) 29 Hōjō Ujimasa (北条氏政) 71 Hōjō Ujiyasu (北条氏康) 66 Hōjō Yoshitoki (義時) 29 Hon´ami Chikatoshis (本阿弥親俊) 60 Hon´ami family 27, 35, 67, 79, 83, 115 Hon´ami Kōchū (本阿弥光忠) 60, 77 Hon´ami Kōetsu (本阿弥光悦) 27f, 35, 65, 84 „Hon´ami Kōetsu-oshigata“ (本阿弥光悦押形) 27f, 65, 84, 88 Hon´ami Kōho (本阿弥光甫) 35, 129 Hon´ami Kōso (本阿弥光蘇) 60 Hon´ami Kōtoku (本阿弥光徳) 60, 63, 80 „Hon´ami Kōtoku-oshigata“ (本阿弥光徳押形) 60f, 69, 79f „Hon´ami Matasaburō“ (本阿弥又三郎) 63 „Honchō-shintō-ichiran“ (本朝新刀一覧) 143

– 173 – Honda Narishige (本多成重) 155 Honkoku-ji (本圀寺) 134 Honmyō-ji (本妙寺) 120 „Honshō-kyō“ (本生経) 48 „Horie-monogatari-emaki“ (堀江物語絵巻) 1 Horikawa Kunihiro (堀川国広) 78, 127, 144 Hoshizukiyo-Masamune (星月夜正宗) 66 Hosokawa Masayoshi (細川正義) 101 Hosokawa Tadamasa (細川忠正) 101ff (細川忠興) 74 Hosokawa Tadatoshi (細川忠利) 75 Hosokawa Tadayoshi (細川忠義) 101 Hosokawa Yūsai Fujitaka (細川幽斎藤孝) 74, 113 Hotta Masamori (堀田正盛) 34 Hotta Masatsugu (堀田正頌) 53 hyōtan-tetsu (瓢箪鉄) 159 Ichinotani (一ノ谷) 23 Ii Naosuke (井伊直弼) 55 Ikeda family (池田) 140, 150 Ikeda Mitsumasa (池田光政) 150 Imaeda Chikayoshi (今枝近義) 35 Imagawa family (今川) 39 Imagawa Yoshimoto (今川義元) 40, 68 Imamura Yukimasa (今村幸政) 42 Inaba family (稲葉) 148 Inaba Masafusa (稲葉正房) 153 Inaba Masayasu (稲葉正休) 153 Inoue Shinkai (井上真改) 152 Ise family (伊勢) 25 „Ise-monogatari“ (伊勢物語) 111, 113 Ise Sadataka (伊勢貞孝) 25 Ise Sadatake (伊勢貞丈) 25f, 27f, 31 Ise Sadatame (伊勢貞為) 25 Ise Sadateru (伊勢貞輝) 25

– 174 – Ise Sadayoshi (伊勢貞良) 25 Ishida Mitsunari (石田三成) 43, 46, 78, 144f Itabeoka Kōsetsusai Tōnari (板部岡江雪斎融成) 71 Itō family (伊東) 102 Itsukushima-jinja (厳島神社) 117 Iwamatsu Yasuke (岩松八弥) 39 Iwasaki Yatarō (岩崎弥太郎) 131 Iwasa Matabei (岩佐又兵衛) 1 Jātaka 48 Jìng Kê (荊軻) 45 Jō Mutsu no Tarō Chikanboku (城陸奥ノ 太郎近延) 114 Jōkei´in (定恵院) 68 Jōkyū War (Jōkyū no ran, 承久の乱) 13 Jō Tarō Sadashige (城太郎貞茂) 113 „Jōzan-kidan“ (常山紀談) 84 jūmonji-yari 119ff Kagehide (景秀) 104f „Kagekatsu-kō o-te-erabi sanjūgo-koshi“ (景勝公御手選三十五腰) 76 Kai-Gō (甲斐郷) 60ff Kai no Kuni Gō (甲斐国郷) 60 kaisan (改鏨) 43 kaishaku (介錯) 40 Kamada Natae (鎌田魚妙) 143 Kameyama (亀山天皇) 13 Kamiya Sōtan (神谷宗湛) 158 Kanamori Nagachika (金森長近) 30 „Kanchi´in-bon mei-zukushi“ (観智院本銘尽) 48 Kanda Hakuryūshi Katsuhisa (神田白龍子勝久) 143 Kan´ei-ji (寛永寺) 148 Kanemaki (兼巻) 150 Kanemitsu, Osafune (兼光) 59f, 76ff Kanemitsu, Shimosaka (兼光) 120 Kanenaga (兼長) 67 Kanenaga, Gojō (兼永) 117

– 175 – Kanenori (兼法) 154 Kaneshige, Izumi no Kami (和泉守兼重) 153 Kaneshige, Kazusa no suke (上総介兼重) 153 Kanetora (兼虎) 99 Kaneuji, Shizu Saburō (志津三郎兼氏) 121 Kanmu (桓武天皇) 10, 19 kanpaku (関白) 11 Karakawa no yoroi (唐皮の鎧) 23 „Karaki-zuihitsu“ (嘉良喜随筆) 15 karasabi (韓鋤) 23 karasu-tomarazu no kura (烏止まらずの蔵) 35 Kasuga no Tsubone (春日局) 25 katakama-yari (片鎌槍) 121 Katō Kiyomasa (加藤清正) 105, 119ff Katō-kō-goshirae (加藤公拵) 128 Katō-Kunihiro (加藤国広) 127 Katō Tadahiro (加藤忠広) 42 Katō Yoshiaki (加藤嘉明) 110, 119 Katsuchiyo (勝千代) 64 Katsukuni, Darani (陀羅尼勝国) 150 „Kawasumi-taikō-ki“ (川角太閤記) 86 Kawatsura Toraichirō Yoshimichi (川連虎一郎義路) 55 Kazue no Kami (主計頭) 120 kensō (剣相) 48ff „Kensō-shinpi-roku“ (剣相神秘録) 50 kesagiri (袈裟斬り) 38 „Ki´ami-hon mei-zukushi“ (喜阿弥本銘尽) 114, 116 Kihara Tateomi (木原楯臣) 119 Kikuchi Yōsai (菊池容斎) 10, 18, 21, 24, 33 kiku-saku (菊作) 48 Kimura Danjō Masachika (木山弾正正親) 121 kinnōtō (勤王党) 44 Kiritsubo no tsurugi (斬壷剣) 9 Kiso no Yoshinaka (木曾義仲) 32f

– 176 – Kiyokawa Hachirō (清河八郎) 98 Kiyomaro (清麿) 85, 90ff Kiyomasa-goshirae (清正拵) 128 „Kiyomasa-ki“ (清正記) 121 Kiyomitsu (清光) 146, 149 (清洲城) 37 Kobayakawa Hideaki (小早川秀秋) 72 „Kobayashi Zui´ō hikki“ (小林随翁筆記) 142 kōbusho (講武所) 92 Kogarasu-maru (小烏丸) 15, 17ff Kōkō (光孝天皇) 11 Kokubunji temple (国分寺) 30 Kokufu Yoshiaki (国府義明) 56 Kokufu Yoshitane (国府義胤) 56 Kōmei (孝明天皇) 89 Ko-Naminohira school (古波平) 27 Konoe family (近衛) 15 Kōsetsu-Masamune (江雪正宗) 70 Kōsetsu-Samonji (江雪左文字) 70f Kotetsu (虎徹) 142ff „Kōyō-gunkan“ (甲陽軍鑑) 58ff, 64 Kubota Sugane (窪田清音) 90, 98ff Kunikane (国包) 118 Kuragiri-Kagehide (鞍切り景秀) 113 Kurama-dera (鞍馬寺) 125 Kurihara Nobuhide (栗原信秀) 106 Kuroda family (黒田) 147, 165 Kuroda Nagamasa (黒田長政) 49 kurofune (黒船) 168 Kuronbogiri (黒ん坊斬り・くろんぼ切) 111f Kusakiri-Masamune (鎖切り正宗) 69 „Kyōhō-meibutsu-chō“ (享保名物帳) 63, 67, 85, 124, 137, 147f makuragami (枕上) 18 mamorigatana (守り刀) 9, 12

– 177 – Maeda Gen´i (前田玄以) 83 Maeda Toshiharu (前田利治) 137 Maeda Toshinaga (前田利長) 65 Maeda Toshitsugu (前田利次) 137 Maeda Toshitsune (前田利常) 36f, 137, 155 Maeda Tsunanori (前田綱紀) 36 Masahiro (正広) 45 Masamune (正宗) 45, 83 Masanori, Nagasone (当則) 153 Masao (真雄) 96 Masatomo (昌友) 96 Masatoshi (正利) 88 Masatsugu (正次) 160 Masatsune, Sagami no Kami (相模守政常) 155 Masayoshi (正義) 170 Masayuki (正行) 96 Masudafamily (益田) 149 Matsudaira Hirotada (松平広忠) 40 Matsudaira Kiyoyasu (松平清康) 38 Matsudaira Nobuyasu (松平信康) 42 Matsudaira Sadanobu (松平定信) 30, 172 Matsudaira Tadaaki (松平忠明) 139 Matsudaira Tadanao (松平忠直) 142 Matsudaira Tadateru (松平忠輝) 70, 92 Matsudaira Takechiyo (松平竹千代) 41 Matsudaira Yorimoto (松平頼元) 154 Matsuda Kaku´emon (松田覚右衛門) 109 Matsuhime (松姫) 67 Matsumiya Kanzan (松宮観山, 1686-1780) 160 Matsuo-jinja (松尾神社) 74 „Meibutsu-hikae“ (名物扣) 77 „Meigo-shū“ (命期集) 104 Meiji, emperor (明治天皇) 26, 70, 89, 115, 132, 141 „Meikō-zukan zokushū“ (名甲図鑑続) 151

– 178 – Meireki fire 63, 70 Mikazuki-Munechika (三日月宗近) 116 Mimaki Kanbei (三牧勘兵衛) 114 Minamoto Kurogenta Kiyomitsu (源黒源太清光) 59 Minamoto no Tameyoshi (源為義) 17f, 59 Minamoto no Yoshiie → s. „Hachimantarō Yoshiie“ Minamoto Shinra Saburō Yoshimitsu (源新羅三郎義光) 59 Minamoto no Yoshitomo (源義朝) 18f Minamoto no Yoshitsune (源義経) 32, 117 misasagi (陵) 116 Mitsui Kōshin (三井高進) 134f Mitsui Takakimi (三井高公) 127 Mitsutada (光忠) 104, 108f Mitsuyo (光世) 30 Miyajima Seiichirō (宮島誠一郎) 89 Mizuno Tadakuni (水野忠邦) 95 Mochizuki Heidayū (輪形月平太夫) 77, 83, 85, 88 Montoku (文徳天皇) 10f Mōri Terumoto (毛利輝元) 62 Moriyama Castle (守山城) 37 Mōri Yoshikatsu (毛利良勝) 68 Munechika (宗近) 32, 36, 116 Murakami Nagamori (村上永守) 114 Muramasa (村正) 37ff, 48ff Muramune (村宗) 43 Muratada (村忠) 43 Myōkanji (妙観寺) 145 Nabenobu (鍋信) 46 Nabeshima Katsushige (鍋島勝茂) 46 Nabeshima Motoshige (鍋島元茂) 46 Nagahiro, Nagasone (長広) 145 Nagamitsu (長光) 84ff, 88, 107f Nagaoka Masanobu (長岡政信) 91 Nagashino-Ichimonji (長篠一文字) 137

– 179 – Naitō Chisō (内藤恥叟) 60 Namioyogi-Kanemitsu (浪およぎ兼光) 86ff Nakano Shigemasa (野中重政) 40 nanban-dō (南蛮胴) 159 nanban-ga (南蛮画) 159 nanban-sen (南蛮船) 158 nanban-tetsu (南蛮鉄) 154ff Nanbu family (南部) 140 Nanbu Toshiatsu (南部利淳) 140 Nansen (南泉) 138 Nansen-Ichimonji (南泉一文字) 137f Naruhito (徳仁, 1960- ) 16 Nijō Castle 11, 127, 139 Nikkō-Ichimonji (日光一文字) 139 Nishimura Hakuu (西村白烏) 84 „Nōami-hon mei-zukushi“ (能阿弥本銘尽) 22, 133 Nōami Shinnō (能阿弥真能) 22 Nobufusa (延房) 16 Nobufusa (信房) 16 Nobukaze (信風) 90 Nobumasa (信正) 52ff Nuke-maru (抜丸) 21f Obata Kagenori (小幡景憲) 61 ōdachi 78, 82f Oda Urakusai Nagamasu (織田有楽斎長益) 41, 129f Oda Nagataka (織田長孝) 41, 130 Oda Nobukatsu (織田信雄) 141 Oda Nobumitsu (織田信光) 37 Oda Nobunaga (織田信長) 40f, 58, 61f, 64, 68ff, 113ff, 129f, 136f, 141, 154f Oda Nobutada (織田信忠) 64 Ōga Sōku (大賀宗九) 158 Ōgimachi (正親町天皇) 89 Okadagiri (岡田切) 140 Okada Shigetaka (岡田重孝) 141

– 180 – Okada Zenpaku (岡田善伯) 100 Okano Fusatsugu (岡野房次) 72 Okano Shinjirō (岡野新次郎) 81 Okazaki (岡崎城) 37 Okihisa (興久) 150 Okinao (興直) 150 Okisato (興里) 142ff Ōkōchi Yorinaka (大河内頼仲) 49 Okudaira Nobumasa (奥平信昌) 136f Okudaira Sadamasa (奥平貞昌) 136 „Ōmi-kojin-dan“ (淡海故事談) 142 „Ōmi Konoma-zarai“ (淡海木間攫) 142 Ōmi no kami Tsuguhira (近江守継平) 27 „Ōmi-ochiboshi-shū“ (淡海落穂集) 142 Ōmi Shinshichi (近江新七) 121 Onikage (鬼鹿毛) 58 ōmi-yari (大身槍) 120 „On-koshimono-kata honchō“ (御腰物方本帳) 112 Ono Kyūsuke (小野久助) 34 oranda-tetsu (和蘭陀鉄・阿蘭陀鉄) 159 Orochi no karasabi (大蛇の韓鋤) 23 Ō-Sa (大左) 63 Ōshio Heihachirō (大塩平八郎) 97 Ōtani Yoshiharu (大谷吉治) 134 Ōtenta-Mitsuyo (大典太光世) 32, 35f otogi-shū (御伽衆) 71 Ōtomo Chikashige (大友親繁) 49 Ōtomo Chikatake (大友親武) 49 Ōtomo Tsurumaru (大友鶴丸) 49 Perry, Commodore Matthew 53 Qín Shîhúang (秦始皇) 45 Rai Kunimitsu (来国光) 107, 129ff Rai Kunitoshi (来国俊) 131 Rai Kuniyuki (来国行) 135

– 181 – „Randai-hikki“ (蘭台筆記) 62 Reigen (霊元天皇) 13 „Rekikan-kenshi“ (暦観剣志) 42 rittai-shiki (立太子式) 13 Rokkakudō (六角堂) 154 Ryūkyū-Kanemitsu (琉球兼光) 81 Sa (左) 63 Sadakuni (貞国) 156 Sadatsugu (貞継) 156 Sadatsugu (貞次) 157 Saigō Takamori (西郷隆盛) 44 Saigyō (西行) 74 Saishūkan (再春館) 44 Saitō Kiyondo (斎藤清人) 92 Saitō Masamaro (斎藤昌麿) 96 Sakai Tadayoshi (酒井忠良) 98 Sakakibara family (榊原) 34 sakoku (鎖国) 161 Sakuradamon Incident 55 Sakyō (左京) 36 Samonji (左文字) 58, 63ff, 68ff samurai-dokoro (侍所) 23 Sanada Ichihei (真田市平) 65 Sabada Nobutada (真田信尹) 66 Sanada Nobuyuki (真田信之) 43 Sanada Yukimura (真田幸村) 43 Sanada Ittokusai Yukitaka (真田一徳斎幸隆) 66 Sanemoto (実元) 108 Sasabe Shigemasa (雀部重政) 87 Sasaki Dōyo (佐々木道誉) 140 Sasaki Takauji (佐々木高氏) → s. Sasaki Dōyo Sayo no Nakayama (小夜の中山) 72, 74 Sayo-Samonji (小夜左文字) 72ff Seino Saburō Nyūdō (清野三郎入道) 114

– 182 – Seiwa (清和天皇) 10 Sekiguchi Chikanaga (関口親永) 40 Sen´hime (千姫) 63 Sen no Rikyū (千利休) 130 seppuku (切腹) 40, 42, 45, 61, 82, 87, 98ff sesshō (摂政) 10 settō (節刀) 20 Shibata Ka (柴田果) 75 Shibata Katsuie (柴田勝家) 155 Shigehide (重秀) 47 Shimabara Rebellion 147 Shimai Sōshitsu (島井宗室) 158 Shimazu family (島津) 81 Shimazu Tadahira (島津忠寛) 102 Shimosaka school (下坂) 119f, 154ff „Shinchō-kōki“ (信長公記) 61 „Shinkan Hiden-shō“ (新刊秘伝抄) 49 Shinmura Gizaburō Tomonaga (新村儀三郎智長) 57 Shinsen´en (神泉苑) 11 „Shintei Kansei-chōshū-shokafu“ (新訂寛政重修諸家譜) 85 „Shintō-bengi“ (新刀弁疑) 143, 146, 155 „Shintō-mondō“ (新刀問答) 148 Shirakawa (白河天皇) 12 shishi no ko (獅子ノ子) 17f Shizuka-gozen (静御前) 32ff shizu no naginata (静の薙刀) 32 Shizu school (志津) 32, 121 Shōkōmyō´in (勝光明寺) 13 Shokudaikiri-Mitsutada (燭台斬り光忠) 109 Shōsō´in (正倉院) 26 Shōwa, emperor (昭和天皇) 14 „Shūko-jūshu“ (集古十種) 29f, 81 Sokai (素懐) 114 „Sōken-seiden“ (相剣正伝) 50

– 183 – sonnō-jōi Movement (尊皇攘夷) 55, 60, 99 Sō Shigemasa (宗重正) 26 Sōzan (宗三) 68 Sōzan-Samonji (宗三左文字) 68 Suishinshi Hideyo (水心子秀世) 53 Suishinshi Masahide (水心子正秀) 53, 83, 95, 153 Sukesada (祐定) 128 Sukezane (助真) 83 Susaki shrine (洲崎神社) 56 Susanoō no mikoto (須佐之男の尊) 23 „Sunpu-owakemono“ (駿府御分物) 42 Suzaku (朱雀天皇) 20 Suzuki family (鈴木) 60 Suzuki Iwami no Kami Shigemune (鈴木石見守重棟) 60 Tachibana Muneshige (立花宗茂) 87 Tadayoshi, Hizen (忠吉) 160 Taikei Naotane (大慶直胤) 47, 85, 92, 95 Taira family (平) 17ff, 22f, 30 Taira no Kiyomori (平清盛) 22 Taira no Koremori (平維盛) 22 Taira no Masakado (平将門) 20, 25 Taira no Sadamori (平貞盛) 20 Taira no Shigemochi (平繁茂) 113 Taira no Shigemori (平重盛) 19 Taira no Tadamori (平忠盛) 21 Taira no Takahira (平高清) 23 Taira no Tomomori (平知盛) 23 Taira no Tsunemori (平経盛) 29 Taira no Yasukiyo (平保清) 22 Taira no Yasumori (平保盛) 22 Taira no Yorikiyo (平頼清) 22 Taira no Yorimori (平頼盛) 22 Takase Ukō (高瀬羽皐) 59 Takasugi Shinsaku (高杉晋作) 98

– 184 – Takeda Harunobu (武田晴信) 65 Takeda Katsuyori (武田勝頼) 61ff, 136 Takeda Nobutora (武田信虎) 59 Takeda Nobuyoshi (武田信義) 59 Takeda Shingen (武田信玄) 58ff, 76, 84, 136 Takei Heizaburō (武井兵三郎) 52 Takeisao-jinja (建勲神社) 70 Takemata-Kanemitsu (竹俣兼光) 79ff, 106 Takemata Tomotsuna (竹俣朝綱) 76 Takemata Yoshitsuna (竹俣慶綱) 76 „Takeya Kizō Nyūdō mekiki-sho“ (武谷喜三入道目利書) 117 Takigawa Kazumasu (滝川一益) 62 Takigimaru (薪丸) 35 Tamahime (珠姫) 35 Tamaki (環) 90 Tamateru (玉英) 105 Tamura Seifū (田村清風) 96 Tanaka Yasuyuki (田中泰行) 71 Tanba no Kami Yoshimichi (丹波守吉道) 78 Taneko (胤子) 12 „Tanki-yoron“ (鍛記余論) 94 Tanukimaru-Masamune (狸丸正宗) 64 tatenashi no yoroi (楯無鎧) 59 Tawara Kuniichi (俵国一) 161 Tayasu family (田安) 52 tehen (天辺) 22 „Tenbon-mei-zukushi“ (天文銘尽) 24 Tengu Rebellion 55 Tengu-tō (天狗党) 55 Tenmei fire 70 tenryō (天領) 52 teppō (鉄砲) 77, 83, 88, 121 Teppōkiri-Kanemitsu (鉄砲切り兼光) 83, 88 tessen (鉄扇) 44

– 185 – Toda Shigemasa (戸田重政) 41 Tōdō family (藤堂) 153 „Tōken-hatsubi“ (刀剣発微) 83 „Tōken-jitsuyō-ron“ (刀剣実用論) 143 „Tōken-shōzan“ (刀剣正纂) 85 „Tōken-zusetsu“ (刀剣図説) 119 Toku (登久) 102 Tokugawa Hidetada (徳川秀忠) 27, 35, 63, 67, 70, 139 Tokugawa Iemitsu (徳川家光) 25, 33f, 70 Tokugawa Ieyasu (徳川家康) 30, 37, 39ff, 46, 58, 61f, 67, 70ff, 86, 127, 130f, 134, 136, 139, 144, 155ff Tokugawa Mitsukuni (徳川光圀) 44 Tokugawa Mitsutomo (徳川光友) 139 Tokugawa Munechika (徳川宗睦) → s. Tokugawa Muneyoshi Tokugawa Muneyoshi (徳川宗睦) 138 Tokugawa Tadanaga (徳川忠長) 42 Tokugawa Yorifusa (徳川頼房) 109 Tokugawa Yorinobu (徳川頼宣) 72, 126 Tokugawa Yoshiatsu (徳川慶篤) 67 Tokugawa Yoshimune (徳川吉宗) 60, 75, 77, 143 (徳川義直) 139 Tomita-Gō (富田郷) 62f Tomita Taihō (富田大鳳) 44 Tomoe-gozen (巴御前) 32f tomokiri (友切) 18 Torafukumaru (虎福丸) 25 Tora-maru (虎丸) 59 Toranosuke (虎之助) 120 Toshimasa (寿昌) 92 Toshimitsu, Nagasone (利光) 145 Toshitaka, Kawamura (河村寿隆) 90 Toyotomi Hideyori (豊臣秀頼) 63, 70, 82, 127ff, 139 Toyotomi Hidetsugu (豊臣秀次) 87

– 186 – Toyotomi Hideyoshi (豊臣秀吉) 36, 61ff, 70ff, 79, 104, 107ff, 121f, 130, 134, 139, 141 „Toyotomi-ke katana-chō“ (豊臣家刀帳) 139 Tsubokiri no tsurugi (壷切剣) 9 Tsuchiya family (土屋) 66 Tsuchiya Shigenao (土屋挙直) 67 Tsuchimikado Yasutomi (土御門泰福) 13 Tsugawa Yoshifuyu (津川義冬) 141 Tsuge Kahei (拓植嘉兵衛) 91 „Tsuguhira-oshigata“ (継平押形) 27 Tsukioka Toyotoshi (月岡芳年) 123 Tsukiyama-dono (築山殿) 40 Tsunahiro (綱広) 153 Tsuriganekiri (釣り金切り) 133f Tsuruhōshi (鶴法師) 49 Tsurumaru-Kuninaga (鶴丸国永) 113 Tsushima-Fuchū fief (対馬府中藩) 26 Tsuya (ツヤ) 35 Uda (宇多天皇) 11f Uemura Ujiaki (植村氏明) 38f (上杉景勝) 76 Uesugi Kagetora (上杉景虎) 66 Uesugi Kenshin (上杉謙信) 66, 76f, 80, 83f, 86, 88f, 107 Uesugi Sadazane (上杉定実) 107 Ukita Hideie (宇喜多秀家) 36 Ulsan (蔚山) 46 Umesaku (梅作) 92 Uraku Rai Kunimitsu (有楽来国光) 129f Usami-Nagamitsu (宇佐美長光) 107 Usami Sadamitsu (宇佐美定満) 80, 84 Usami Takatada (宇佐美孝忠) 107 Usa school (宇佐流) 49 Ushimaru Chikamasa (牛丸親正) 31 Utagawa Hiroshige (歌川広重) 73

– 187 – Utagawa Kuniteru (歌川国輝) 54 Utagawa Kunitsuna (歌川国綱) 124 Utagawa Yoshiiku (歌川芳幾) 125 Utsunomiya family (宇都宮) 19 „Utsunomiya Mikawa Nyūdō mekiki-sho“ (宇都宮三河入道目利書) 19 Wada Saburō (和田三郎) 24 Wada Yoshimori (和田義盛) 24 Wakabayashi Tōsui (若林東水) 148 „Wakan-tōken-dan“ (和漢刀剣談) 105 Watari Rai Kunimitsu (亘理来国光) 107 William Adams 158 Wootz 159 Yagyū Munenori (柳生宗矩) 46 „Yakiba no niohi“ (焼刃の匂ひ) 146 yakinaoshi (焼き直し) 12 Yamagata Aritomo (山縣有朋) 132 Yamaguchi Yukimitsu (山口幸充) 15 Yamanouchi Kazutoyo (山内一豊) 74 Yamaura Ji´emon (山浦治右衛門) 90 Yamaura Kōji (山浦貢治) 100 Yamaura Kuranosuke (山浦内蔵助) 90 Yamaura Torao (山浦虎男) 99 Yasakani no magatama (八尺瓊勾玉) 14 Yashichirō Masatoyo (弥七郎正豊) 37 Yasohime (八十姫) 126 Yasutsugu (康継) 144, 154ff Yasutsuna (安綱) 48 Yasuyoshi (安吉) 34 Yata no kagami (八咫鏡) 14 Yodo-dono (淀殿) 130 Yōrin´in (瑤林院) 126 Yoshifusa (吉房) 140 Yoshihiro (義弘) → s. „Gō Yoshihiro“ Yoshikawa Kentarō (吉川賢太郎) 67

– 188 – Yoshimoto-Samonji (義元左文字) 68f Yōshuku (養叔) 36 Yuasa Jōzan (湯浅常山) 84 Yūki Hideyasu (結城秀康) 144, 155 Yukihira (行平) → s. „Bungo Yukihira“ Yukimitsu (行光) 84, 146 Yūraku Rai Kunimitsu → s „Uraku Rai Kunimitsu“ „Zenken-kojitsu“ (前賢故実) 10, 18, 21, 24, 33 „Zokusen Kiyomasa-ki“ (続撰清正記) 122

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– 191 –

– 192 –