American History

UPDATED AP® EDITIONAP® EDITION AMERICAN HISTORY

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CONTENTS

PREFACE xvii Tobacco 37 AP U.S. HISTORY COURSE AND EXAM xxiii Expansion 38 AP CORRELATIONS xxvii Exchanges of Agricultural Technology 38 TO THE AP U.S. HISTORY STUDENT xxxii Maryland and the Calverts 39 Turbulent Virginia 40 THE COLLISION OF Bacon’s Rebellion 41 THE GROWTH OF NEW ENGLAND 41 1 1 CULTURES Plymouth Plantation 41 AP CONNECTING The Puritan Experiment 43 CONCEPTS 2 The Expansion of New England 45 AMERICA BEFORE Settlers and Natives 46 COLUMBUS 2 The Pequot War, King Philip’s War, and The Peoples of the Precontact the Technology of Battle 47 Americas 2 THE RESTORATION COLONIES 49 The Growth of Civilizations: The English Civil War 49 The South 3 The Carolinas 49 The Civilizations of the North 3 New Netherland, New York, and New Jersey 51 Tribal Cultures 7 The Quaker Colonies 52 EUROPE LOOKS WESTWARD 7 BORDERLANDS AND MIDDLE GROUNDS 53 Commerce and Nationalism 8 The Caribbean Islands 54 Christopher Columbus 9 Masters and Slaves in the Caribbean 55 The Conquistadores 12 The Southwestern Borderlands 56 Spanish America 15 The Southeastern Borderlands 57 Northern Outposts 17 The Founding of Georgia 57 The Empire at High Tide 17 Middle Grounds 60 Biological and Cultural Exchanges 18 Africa and America 20 THE EVOLUTION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 60 The Drive for Reorganization 60 THE ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISH 21 The Dominion of New England 62 The Commercial Incentive 21 The “Glorious Revolution” 62 The Religious Incentive 23 AP Debating the Past The English in Ireland 27 The French and the Dutch in America 29 Native Americans and the “Middle Ground” 58 The First English Settlements 30 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 63 Roanoke 30 AP Debating the Past Why Do Historians So Often Differ? 8 SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN AP Debating the Past 3 PROVINCIAL AMERICA 65 The American Population before Columbus 10 AP CONNECTING AP America in the World CONCEPTS 66 The Atlantic Context of Early American History 22 THE COLONIAL AP America in the World POPULATION 66 Indentured Servitude Mercantilism and Colonial Commerce 26 66 Birth and Death 68 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 32 Medicine in the Colonies 69 Women and Families in the Chesapeake 69 TRANSPLANTATIONS AND Women and Families in New England 71 2 The Beginnings of Slavery in British America 71 BORDERLANDS 34 Changing Sources of European Immigration 74 AP CONNECTING THE COLONIAL ECONOMIES 76 CONCEPTS 35 The Southern Economy 77 THE EARLY CHESAPEAKE 35 Northern Economic and Technological Life 78 Colonists and Natives 35 The Extent and Limits of Technology 80 Reorganization and The Rise of Colonial Commerce 80 Expansion 36 The Rise of Consumerism 81

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PATTERNS OF SOCIETY 82 Patterns of Popular Culture The Plantation 83 Taverns in Revolutionary Massachusetts 122 Plantation Slavery 84 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 126 The Puritan Community 85 The Witchcraft Phenomenon 86 Cities 87 THE AMERICAN Inequality 88 5 REVOLUTION 128 AWAKENINGS AND ENLIGHTENMENTS 89 The Pattern of Religions 89 AP CONNECTING The Great Awakening 90 CONCEPTS 129 The Enlightenment 91 THE STATES UNITED 129 Education 92 Deﬁ ning American War The Spread of Science 94 Aims 129 Concepts of Law and Politics 95 The Decision for AP Debating the Past Independence 130 Responses to The Origins of Slavery 72 Independence 131 AP Debating the Past Mobilizing for War 131 The Witchcraft Trials 90 THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 133 Patterns of Popular Culture The First Phase: New England 133 Colonial Almanacs 92 The Second Phase: The Mid-Atlantic Region 135 The Iroquois and the British 138 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 96 Securing Aid from Abroad 139 The Final Phase: The South 140 Winning the Peace 143

THE EMPIRE IN WAR AND SOCIETY 143 4 TRANSITION 98 Loyalists and Minorities 143 The War and Slavery 145 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 99 Native Americans and the Revolution 146 LOOSENING TIES 99 Women’s Rights and Women’s Roles 147 A Tradition of Neglect 99 The War Economy 149 The Colonies Divided 100 THE CREATION OF STATE GOVERNMENTS 150 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE The Assumptions of Republicanism 150 CONTINENT 101 The First State Constitutions 150 New France and the Iroquois Nation 101 Revising State Governments 150 Anglo-French Conﬂ icts 102 Toleration and Slavery 151 The Great War for the Empire 103 THE SEARCH FOR A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT 151 THE NEW IMPERIALISM 107 The Confederation 151 Burdens of Empire 107 Diplomatic Failures 152 The British and the Tribes 109 The Confederation and the Northwest 153 The Colonial Response 110 Indians and the Western Lands 155 Debts, Taxes, and Daniel Shays 155 STIRRINGS OF REVOLT 112 AP Debating the Past The Stamp Act Crisis 112 The American Revolution 132 Internal Rebellions 114 The Townshend Program 114 AP America in the World The Boston Massacre 115 The Age of Revolutions 144 The Philosophy of Revolt 117 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 156 The Tea Excitement 118

COOPERATION AND WAR 122 New Sources of Authority 122 THE CONSTITUTION AND Lexington and Concord 124 6 THE NEW REPUBLIC 159 AP America in the World AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 160 The First Global War 104 FRAMING A NEW GOVERNMENT 160 AP Consider the Source Advocates of Centralization 160 Tea Parties 120 A Divided Convention 162 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page vi 29/08/14 7:26 AM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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Compromise 163 “Peaceable Coercion” 204 The Constitution of 1787 164 The “Indian Problem” and the British 205 The Limits of the Tecumseh and the Prophet 206 Constitution 166 Florida and War Fever 207 Federalists and Antifederalists 167 THE WAR OF 1812 208 Completing the Structure 168 Battles with the Tribes 208 FEDERALISTS AND Battles with the British 208 REPUBLICANS 169 The Revolt of New England 210 Hamilton and the Federalists 169 The Peace Settlement 210 Enacting the Federalist AP Consider the Source Program 170 Religious Revivals 186 The Republican Opposition 171 AP America in the World ESTABLISHING NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY 172 The Global Industrial Revolution 192 Securing the Frontier 172 Native Americans and the New Nation 172 Patterns of Popular Culture Maintaining Neutrality 173 Horse Racing in Early America 196 Jay’s Treaty and Pinckney’s Treaty 174 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 211 THE DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALISTS 174 The Election of 1796 175 The Quasi War with France 175 VARIETIES OF AMERICAN Repression and Protest 176 8 NATIONALISM 214 The “Revolution” of 1800 177 AP Debating the Past AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 215 The Meaning of the Constitution 164 BUILDING A NATIONAL AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 178 MARKET 215 Banking, Currency, and Protection 215 THE JEFFERSONIAN ERA 180 Transportation 216 7 EXPANDING WESTWARD 218 The Great Migrations 218 AP CONNECTING The Plantation System in the Southwest 218 CONCEPTS 181 Trade and Trapping in the Far West 219 THE RISE OF CULTURAL Eastern Images of the West 220 NATIONALISM 181 Patterns of Education 181 THE “ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS” 220 Medicine and Science 183 The End of the First Party System 220 Cultural Aspirations in the John Quincy Adams and Florida 221 New Nation 183 The Panic of 1819 222 Religious Skepticism 184 SECTIONALISM AND NATIONALISM 222 The Second Great Awakening 185 The Missouri Compromise 222 STIRRINGS OF INDUSTRIALISM 188 Marshall and the Court 222 Technology in America 188 The Court and the Tribes 224 Transportation Innovations 189 The Latin American Revolution and the Monroe The Rising Cities 191 Doctrine 224 JEFFERSON THE PRESIDENT 192 THE REVIVAL OF OPPOSITION 225 The Federal City and the “People’s President” 193 The “Corrupt Bargain” 226 Dollars and Ships 195 The Second President Adams 226 Conﬂ ict with the Courts 195 Jackson Triumphant 227 DOUBLING THE NATIONAL DOMAIN 197 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 227 Jefferson and Napoleon 197 The Louisiana Purchase 199 Lewis and Clark Explore the West 200 JACKSONIAN AMERICA 229 The Burr Conspiracy 201 9 EXPANSION AND WAR 202 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 230 Conﬂ ict on the Seas 202 THE RISE OF MASS POLITICS 230 Impressment 203 The Emergence of Andrew Jackson 230 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page vii 29/08/14 7:28 AM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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Expanding COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 268 Democracy 231 The Expansion of Business, 1820–1840 268 Tocqueville and Democracy The Emergence of the Factory 269 in America 232 Advances in Technology 269 The Legitimization of Party 233 MEN AND WOMEN AT WORK 270 “President of the Common Recruiting a Native Workforce 270 Man” 234 The Immigrant Workforce 276 The Factory System and the Artisan Tradition 277 “OUR FEDERAL UNION” 235 Fighting for Control 278 Calhoun and Nulliﬁ cation 235 “Free Labor” 278 The Rise of Van Buren 236 The Webster-Hayne Debate 236 PATTERNS OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 279 The Nulliﬁ cation Crisis 237 The Rich and the Poor 279 Social Mobility 281 THE REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS 238 Middle-Class Life 281 White Attitudes Toward the Tribes 238 The Changing Family 282 The Black Hawk War 239 Women and the “Cult of Domesticity” 282 The “Five Civilized Tribes” 239 Leisure Activities 287 Trails of Tears 240 The Meaning of Removal 241 THE AGRICULTURAL NORTH 288 Northeastern Agriculture 288 JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR 242 The Old Northwest 288 Biddle’s Institution 242 Rural Life 290 The “Monster” Destroyed 243 AP Consider the Source The Taney Court 243 Nativism and Anti-Immigration Sentiment 260 THE CHANGING FACE OF AMERICAN POLITICS 244 AP Consider the Source Democrats and Whigs 245 Van Buren and the Panic of 1837 246 Rules for Employees 272 The Log Cabin Campaign 247 AP Consider the Source The Frustration of the Whigs 248 Family Time 284 Whig Diplomacy 249 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 290 AP Debating the Past The “Age of Jackson ” 234 Patterns of Popular Culture COTTON, SLAVERY, AND The Penny Press 250 11 THE OLD SOUTH 293 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 252 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 294 THE COTTON ECONOMY 294 AMERICA’S ECONOMIC The Rise of King Cotton 294 10 REVOLUTION 254 Southern Trade and Industry 295 AP CONNECTING Sources of Southern CONCEPTS 255 Difference 298 THE CHANGING AMERICAN WHITE SOCIETY IN THE SOUTH 298 POPULATION 255 The Planter Class 298 The American Population, “Honor” 300 1820–1840 255 The “Southern Lady” 300 Immigration and The Plain Folk 301 Urban Growth, 1840–1860 256 SLAVERY: THE “PECULIAR INSTITUTION” 303 The Rise of Nativism 259 Varieties of Slavery 303 Life under Slavery 303 TRANSPORTATION, COMMUNICATIONS, AND Slavery in the Cities 305 TECHNOLOGY 262 Free African Americans 306 The Canal Age 263 The Slave Trade 307 The Early Railroads 265 Slave Resistance 308 The Triumph of the Rails 266 Innovations in Communications and THE CULTURE OF SLAVERY 310 Journalism 266 Language and Music 310 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page viii 29/08/14 7:29 AM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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African American Religion 311 Americans in Texas 342 The Slave Family 312 Tensions between the United States AP Debating the Past and Mexico 342 Oregon 343 The Character of Slavery 306 Westward Migration 344 Patterns of Popular Culture Life on the Trail 344 The Slaves’ Music 310 EXPANSION AND WAR 346 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 312 The Democrats and Expansion 346 The Southwest and California 347 ANTEBELLUM CULTURE The Mexican War 348 12 THE SECTIONAL DEBATE 351 AND REFORM 314 Slavery and the Territories 351 The California Gold Rush 351 AP CONNECTING Rising Sectional Tensions 353 CONCEPTS 315 The Compromise of 1850 353 THE ROMANTIC IMPULSE 315 Nationalism and Romanticism THE CRISES OF THE 1850S 354 in American The Uneasy Truce 354 Painting 315 “Young America” 355 Literature and the Quest for Slavery, Railroads, and the West 355 Liberation 316 The Kansas-Nebraska Controversy 355 Literature in the Antebellum South 317 “Bleeding Kansas” 356 The Transcendentalists 317 The Free-Soil Ideology 357 The Defense of Nature 318 The Pro-Slavery Argument 358 Visions of Utopia 318 Buchanan and Depression 358 Redeﬁ ning Gender Roles 319 The Dred Scott Decision 358 The Mormons 320 Deadlock over Kansas 359 The Emergence of Lincoln 359 REMAKING SOCIETY 321 John Brown’s Raid 360 Revivalism, Morality, and Order 321 The Election of Lincoln 360 The Temperance Crusade 322 Health Fads and Phrenology 323 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 361 Medical Science 324 Reforming Education 325 Rehabilitation 326 The Indian Reservation 326 THE CIVIL WAR 364 The Emergence of Feminism 327 14 THE CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY 330 AP CONNECTING Early Opposition to Slavery 330 CONCEPTS 365 Garrison and Abolitionism 331 THE SECESSION CRISIS 365 Black Abolitionists 331 The Withdrawal of the Anti-Abolitionism 332 South 365 Abolitionism Divided 333 The Failure of Compromise 366 AP Consider the Source Fort Sumter 366 The Opposing Sides The Rise of Feminism 328 368 AP America in the World THE MOBILIZATION OF The Abolition of Slavery 334 THE NORTH 368 Economic Measures 368 Patterns of Popular Culture Raising the Union Armies 370 Sentimental Novels 336 Wartime Politics 370 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 336 The Politics of Emancipation 372 African Americans and the Union Cause 376 The War and Economic Development 377 Women, Nursing, and the War 377 THE IMPENDING CRISIS 339 13 THE MOBILIZATION OF THE SOUTH 378 The Confederate Government 378 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 340 Money and Manpower 378 LOOKING WESTWARD 340 States’ Rights versus Centralization 379 Manifest Destiny 340 Economic and Social Effects of the War 380 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page ix 26/08/14 4:54 PM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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STRATEGY AND DIPLOMACY 381 THE ABANDONMENT OF The Commanders 381 RECONSTRUCTION 414 The Role of Sea Power 382 The Southern States “Redeemed” 414 Europe and the Disunited States 383 The Ku Klux Klan Acts 414 The American West and the War 384 Waning Northern Commitment 414 The Compromise of 1877 415 THE COURSE OF BATTLE 385 The Legacies of Reconstruction 417 The Technology of Battle 385 The Opening Clashes, 1861 387 THE NEW SOUTH 418 The Western Theater 388 The “Redeemers” 418 The Virginia Front, 1862 388 Industrialization and the “New South” 419 The Progress of War 391 Tenants and Sharecroppers 420 1863: Year of Decision 392 African Americans and the New South 421 The Last Stage, 1864–1865 394 The Birth of Jim Crow 422 AP Debating the Past AP Debating the Past The Causes of the Civil War 372 Reconstruction 416 AP Consider the Source Patterns of Popular Culture Wartime Oratory 374 The Minstrel Show 420 Patterns of Popular Culture AP Consider the Source Baseball and the Civil War 384 Remembering Black History 426 AP America in the World AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 428 The Consolidation of Nations 386 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 397 THE CONQUEST OF 16 THE FAR WEST 430 RECONSTRUCTION AND 15 AP CONNECTING THE NEW SOUTH 399 CONCEPTS 431 THE SOCIETIES OF THE AP CONNECTING FAR WEST 431 CONCEPTS 400 The Western Tribes 431 THE PROBLEMS OF Hispanic New Mexico 433 PEACEMAKING 400 Hispanic California and The Aftermath of War and Texas 434 Emancipation 400 The Chinese Migration 434 Competing Notions of Anti-Chinese Sentiments 436 Freedom 401 Migration from the East 437 Issues of Reconstruction 402 Plans for Reconstruction 403 THE CHANGING WESTERN ECONOMY 438 The Death of Lincoln 403 Labor in the West 439 Johnson and “Restoration” 404 The Arrival of the Miners 439 The Cattle Kingdom 441 RADICAL RECONSTRUCTION 404 The Black Codes 405 THE ROMANCE OF THE WEST 443 The Fourteenth Amendment 405 The Western Landscape 443 The Congressional Plan 405 The Cowboy Culture 443 The Impeachment of the President 407 The Idea of the Frontier 443 Frederick Jackson Turner 445 THE SOUTH IN RECONSTRUCTION 407 The Loss of Utopia 445 The Reconstruction Governments 407 Education 408 THE DISPERSAL OF THE TRIBES 447 Landownership and Tenancy 409 White Tribal Policies 447 The Crop-Lien System 410 The Indian Wars 449 The African American Family in The Dawes Act 452 Freedom 412 THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE WESTERN THE GRANT ADMINISTRATION 412 FARMER 453 The Soldier President 412 Farming on the Plains 453 The Grant Scandals 412 Commercial Agriculture 455 The Greenback Question 413 The Farmers’ Grievances 455 Republican Diplomacy 413 The Agrarian Malaise 455 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page x 26/08/14 4:54 PM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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Patterns of Popular Culture The Ethnic City 490 The Wild West Show 444 Assimilation 491 Exclusion 492 AP Debating the Past The “Frontier” and the West 446 THE URBAN LANDSCAPE 494 The Creation of Public AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 456 Space 494 Housing the Well-to-Do 495 Housing Workers and the INDUSTRIAL SUPREMACY 458 Poor 495 17 Urban Transportation 496 The “Skyscraper” AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 459 497 SOURCES OF INDUSTRIAL STRAINS OF URBAN LIFE 497 GROWTH 459 Fire and Disease 497 Industrial Technologies 459 Environmental Degradation 498 The Airplane and the Urban Poverty 498 Automobile 461 Crime and Violence 499 Research and Development 462 The Machine and the Boss 499 The Science of Production 462 Railroad Expansion 463 THE RISE OF MASS CONSUMPTION 500 The Corporation 464 Patterns of Income and Consumption 500 Consolidating Corporate Chain Stores and Mail-Order Houses 501 America 465 Department Stores 501 The Trust and the Holding Company 466 Women as Consumers 502 CAPITALISM AND ITS CRITICS 467 LEISURE IN THE CONSUMER SOCIETY 502 The “Self-Made Man” 467 Redeﬁ ning Leisure 502 Survival of the Fittest 471 Spectator Sports 503 The Gospel of Wealth 471 Music and Theater 506 Alternative Visions 472 The Movies 507 The Problems of Monopoly 473 Working-Class Leisure 507 The Fourth of July 507 INDUSTRIAL WORKERS IN THE NEW Mass Communications 508 ECONOMY 475 The Immigrant Workforce 476 HIGH CULTURE IN THE AGE OF Wages and Working Conditions 476 THE CITY 508 Women and Children at Work 477 The Literature of Urban America 508 The Struggle to Unionize 478 Art in the Age of the City 509 The Great Railroad Strike 479 The Impact of Darwinism 509 The Knights of Labor 480 Toward Universal Schooling 510 The AFL 480 Education for Women 511 The Homestead Strike 481 AP America in the World The Pullman Strike 482 Global Migrations 490 Sources of Labor Weakness 483 Patterns of Popular Culture AP Consider the Source Coney Island 504 Philanthropy 468 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 512 Patterns of Popular Culture The Novels of Horatio Alger 472 Patterns of Popular Culture FROM CRISIS TO EMPIRE 514 The Novels of Louisa May Alcott 474 19 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 483 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 515 THE POLITICS OF EQUILIBRIUM 515 The National Government 516 THE AGE OF THE CITY 486 Presidents and Patronage 516 18 Cleveland, Harrison, and the Tariff 517 New Public Issues 517 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 487 THE URBANIZATION OF AMERICA 487 THE AGRARIAN REVOLT 520 The Lure of the City 487 The Grangers 520 Migrations 488 The Farmers’ Alliances 521 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page xi 29/08/14 7:29 AM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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The Populist Constituency 523 THE ASSAULT ON THE PARTIES 560 Populist Ideas 523 Early Attacks 560 Municipal Reform 561 THE CRISIS OF THE 1890S 524 New Forms of Governance 561 The Panic of 1893 524 Statehouse Progressivism 562 The Silver Question 525 Parties and Interest Groups 563 “A CROSS OF GOLD” 527 SOURCES OF PROGRESSIVE REFORM 564 The Emergence of Bryan 528 Labor, the Machine, and Reform 564 The Conservative Victory 529 Western Progressives 565 McKinley and Recovery 530 African Americans and Reform 565 STIRRINGS OF IMPERIALISM 531 CRUSADE FOR SOCIAL ORDER AND REFORM 566 The New Manifest Destiny 532 The Temperance Crusade 567 Hemispheric Hegemony 533 Immigration Restriction 568 Hawaii and Samoa 534 CHALLENGING THE CAPITALIST ORDER 568 WAR WITH SPAIN 538 The Dream of Socialism 568 Controversy over Cuba 538 Decentralization and Regulation 570 “A Splendid Little War” 539 Seizing the Philippines 539 THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND THE MODERN The Battle for Cuba 542 PRESIDENCY 570 Puerto Rico and the United States 543 The Accidental President 571 The Debate over the Philippines 543 Government, Capital, and Labor 571 The “Square Deal” 574 THE REPUBLIC AS EMPIRE 545 Roosevelt and Conservation 574 Governing the Colonies 545 Roosevelt and Preservation 575 The Philippine War 545 The Hetch Hetchy Controversy 575 The Open Door 547 The Panic of 1907 576 A Modern Military System 548 THE TROUBLED SUCCESSION 577 Patterns of Popular Culture Taft and the Progressives 577 The Chautauquas 524 The Return of Roosevelt 578 AP Debating the Past Spreading Insurgency 578 Roosevelt versus Taft 578 Populism 528 AP America in the World WOODROW WILSON AND THE NEW FREEDOM 579 Woodrow Wilson 579 Imperialism 534 The Scholar as President 579 Patterns of Popular Culture Retreat and Advance 580 Yellow Journalism 536 AP Debating the Past AP Consider the Source Progressivism 556 Memorializing National History 540 AP America in the World AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 549 Social Democracy 562 AP Consider the Source THE PROGRESSIVES 551 Dedicated to Conserving America 572 20 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 581 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 552 THE PROGRESSIVE IMPULSE 552 AMERICA AND THE Varieties of Progressivism 552 21 The Muckrakers 552 GREAT WAR 583 The Social Gospel 553 The Settlement House AP CONNECTING Movement 553 CONCEPTS 584 The Allure of Expertise 554 THE “BIG STICK”: AMERICA AND The Professions 555 THE WORLD, Women and the Professions 555 1901–1917 584 Roosevelt and “Civilization” 584 WOMEN AND REFORM 556 Protecting the “Open Door” in The “New Woman” 556 Asia 584 The Clubwomen 557 The Iron-Fisted Neighbor 585 Woman Suffrage 559 The Panama Canal 586 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page xii 26/08/14 4:54 PM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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Taft and “Dollar Diplomacy” 587 Changing Ideas of Motherhood 624 Diplomacy and Morality 587 The “Flapper”: Image and Reality 625 Pressing for Women’s Rights 626 589 THE ROAD TO WAR Education and Youth 627 The Collapse of the European Peace 589 The Disenchanted 627 Wilson’s Neutrality 589 The Harlem Renaissance 630 Preparedness versus Paciﬁ sm 590 A War for Democracy 590 A CONFLICT OF CULTURES 631 Prohibition 631 “WAR WITHOUT STINT” 591 Nativism and the Klan 631 Entering the War 591 Religious Fundamentalism 634 The American Expeditionary Force 592 The Democrats’ Ordeal 635 The Military Struggle 593 The New Technology of Warfare 594 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT 635 Harding and Coolidge 635 THE WAR AND AMERICAN SOCIETY 596 Government and Business 637 Organizing the Economy for War 596 AP Consider the Source Labor and the War 596 Communications Technology Economic and Social Results of the War 597 618 AP America in the World THE FUTILE SEARCH FOR SOCIAL UNITY 599 The Cinema 626 The Peace Movement 599 Selling the War and Suppressing Dissent 599 Patterns of Popular Culture Dance Halls 628 THE SEARCH FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER 603 The Fourteen Points 603 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 637 Early Obstacles 603 The Paris Peace Conference 604 The Ratiﬁ cation Battle 605 THE GREAT DEPRESSION 639 Wilson’s Ordeal 605 23 A SOCIETY IN TURMOIL 606 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 640 Industry and Labor 606 THE COMING OF THE GREAT The Demands of African Americans 607 DEPRESSION 640 The Red Scare 609 The Great Crash 640 Refuting the Red Scare 611 Causes of the Depression 641 The Retreat from Idealism 611 Progress of the Depression 643 AP Consider the Source THE AMERICAN PEOPLE IN HARD Race, Gender, and Military Service 600 TIMES 643 Unemployment and Relief AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 612 644 African Americans and the Depression 645 Mexican Americans in Depression America 646 THE “NEW ERA” 614 Asian Americans in Hard Times 648 22 Women and the Workplace in the Great Depression 648 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 615 Depression Families 649 THE NEW ECONOMY 615 Technology and Economic THE DEPRESSION AND AMERICAN CULTURE 649 Growth 615 Depression Values 649 Economic Organization 616 Artists and Intellectuals in the Great Depression 650 Labor in the New Era 617 Radio 650 Women and Minorities in the Movies in the New Era 651 Workforce 617 Popular Literature and Journalism 653 The “American Plan” 621 The Popular Front and the Left 654 Agricultural Technology and the THE UNHAPPY PRESIDENCY OF Plight of the Farmer 621 HERBERT HOOVER 655 The Hoover Program 656 THE NEW CULTURE 622 Popular Protest 657 Consumerism 622 The Election of 1932 658 Advertising 622 The “Interregnum” 658 The Movies and Broadcasting 623 Modernist Religion 624 AP Debating the Past Professional Women 624 Causes of the Great Depression 642 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page xiii 26/08/14 4:55 PM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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AP America in the World ISOLATIONISM AND The Global Depression 644 INTERNATIONALISM 690 Depression Diplomacy 691 Patterns of Popular Culture America and the Soviet Union 691 The Films of Frank Capra 652 The Good Neighbor Policy 691 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 659 The Rise of Isolationism 692 The Failure of Munich 694 FROM NEUTRALITY TO 661 THE NEW DEAL INTERVENTION 695 24 Neutrality Tested 695 The Third-Term Campaign 698 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 662 Neutrality Abandoned 699 LAUNCHING THE NEW The Road to Pearl Harbor 699 DEAL 662 Restoring Conﬁ dence 662 AP America in the World Agricultural Adjustment 663 The Sino-Japanese War, 1931–1941 692 Industrial Recovery 663 Patterns of Popular Culture Regional Planning 667 Currency, Banks, and the Stock Orson Welles and the “War of the Worlds” 696 Market 668 AP Debating the Past The Growth of Federal Relief 668 The Question of Pearl Harbor 700 THE NEW DEAL IN TRANSITION 669 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 702 Critics of the New Deal 669 The “Second New Deal” 670 Labor Militancy 671 AMERICA IN A WORLD Organizing Battles 671 26 AT WAR 704 Social Security 672 New Directions in Relief 673 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 705 The 1936 “Referendum” 673 WAR ON TWO FRONTS 705 THE NEW DEAL IN DISARRAY 675 Containing the Japanese 705 The Court Fight 675 Holding Off the Germans 706 Retrenchment and Recession 676 America and the Holocaust 708 LIMITS AND LEGACIES OF THE NEW DEAL 678 THE AMERICAN PEOPLE IN The Idea of the “Broker State” 679 WARTIME 709 African Americans and the New Deal 679 Prosperity 709 The New Deal and the “Indian Problem” 681 The War and the West 712 Women and the New Deal 682 Labor and the War 712 The New Deal in the West and the South 683 Stabilizing the Boom 712 The New Deal and the National Economy 683 Mobilizing Production 713 The New Deal and American Politics 684 Wartime Science and Technology 713 African Americans and the War 715 AP Consider the Source Native Americans and the War 716 Banking Crises 664 Mexican American War Workers 716 Patterns of Popular Culture Women and Children at War 716 The Golden Age of Comic Books 676 Wartime Life and Culture 718 The Internment of Japanese AP Debating the Past Americans 720 The New Deal 680 Chinese Americans and the War 721 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 684 The Retreat from Reform 721 THE DEFEAT OF THE AXIS 722 The Liberation of France 722 THE GLOBAL CRISIS, The Paciﬁ c Offensive 724 25 1921–1941 686 The Manhattan Project 726 Atomic Warfare 727 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 687 AP Consider the Source THE DIPLOMACY OF THE NEW ERA 687 The Face of the Enemy 710 Replacing the League 687 Debts and Diplomacy 688 Patterns of Popular Culture Hoover and the World Crisis 689 Life: The Great Magazine 718 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page xiv 29/08/14 7:30 AM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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AP Debating the Past THE EXPLOSION OF SCIENCE AND The Decision to Drop the Atomic Bomb 728 TECHNOLOGY 758 Medical Breakthroughs 758 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 730 Pesticides 759 Postwar Electronic Research 759 Postwar Computer THE COLD WAR 732 Technology 760 27 Bombs, Rockets, and Missiles 760 AP CONNECTING The Space Program 761 CONCEPTS 733 PEOPLE OF PLENTY 762 ORIGINS OF THE COLD The Consumer Culture 762 WAR 733 The Landscape and the Automobile 763 Sources of Soviet-American The Suburban Nation 763 Tension 733 The Suburban Family 764 Wartime Diplomacy 734 The Birth of Television 764 Yalta 734 Travel, Outdoor Recreation, and Environmentalism 765 THE COLLAPSE OF THE PEACE 735 Organized Society and Its Detractors 766 The Failure of Potsdam 735 The Beats and the Restless Culture of Youth 767 The China Problem 735 Rock ’n’ Roll 768 The Containment Doctrine 736 THE “OTHER AMERICA” 770 The Marshall Plan 737 On the Margins of the Afﬂ uent Society 770 Mobilization at Home 738 Rural Poverty 770 The Road to NATO 739 The Inner Cities 771 Reevaluating Cold War Policy 740 The Conservative Opposition to Containment 740 THE RISE OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT 772 The Brown Decision and “Massive Resistance” 772 AMERICAN SOCIETY AND POLITICS AFTER THE WAR 741 The Expanding Movement 773 The Problems of Reconversion 741 Causes of the Civil Rights Movement 773 The Fair Deal Rejected 742 The Election of 1948 742 EISENHOWER REPUBLICANISM 774 The Fair Deal Revived 744 “What Was Good for . . . General Motors” 774 The Nuclear Age 744 The Survival of the Welfare State 774 The Decline of McCarthyism 775 THE KOREAN WAR 745 The Divided Peninsula 745 EISENHOWER, DULLES, AND THE COLD WAR 775 From Invasion to Stalemate 745 Dulles and “Massive Retaliation” 775 Limited Mobilization 746 France, America, and Vietnam 776 Cold War Crises 776 THE CRUSADE AGAINST SUBVERSION 747 Europe and the Soviet Union 778 HUAC and Alger Hiss 748 The U-2 Crisis 778 The Federal Loyalty Program and the Patterns of Popular Culture Rosenberg Case 748 McCarthyism 749 On the Road 756 The Republican Revival 749 Patterns of Popular Culture AP Debating the Past Lucy and Desi 768 Origins of the Cold War 736 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 779 AP Debating the Past “McCarthyism” 750 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 750 CIVIL RIGHTS, VIETNAM, 29 AND THE ORDEAL OF 28 THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY 753 LIBERALISM 781 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 782 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 754 EXPANDING THE LIBERAL STATE 782 “THE ECONOMIC MIRACLE” 754 John Kennedy 782 Sources of Economic Growth 754 Lyndon Johnson 783 The Rise of the Modern West 755 The Assault on Poverty 784 The New Economics 755 Cities, Schools, and Immigration 784 Capital and Labor 756 Legacies of the Great Society 785 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page xv 26/08/14 4:55 PM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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THE BATTLE FOR RACIAL Expanding Achievements 820 EQUALITY 786 The Abortion Controversy 821 Expanding Protests 786 ENVIRONMENTALISM IN A TURBULENT SOCIETY 821 A National Commitment 787 The New Science of Ecology 821 The Battle for Voting Rights 787 Environmental Advocacy 822 The Changing Movement 788 Environmental Degradation 822 Urban Violence 789 Earth Day and Beyond 823 Black Power 790 Malcolm X 791 NIXON, KISSINGER, AND THE WAR 824 Vietnamization 824 “FLEXIBLE RESPONSE” AND THE Escalation 825 COLD WAR 792 “Peace with Honor” 826 Diversifying Foreign Policy 792 Defeat in Indochina 826 Confrontations with the Soviet Union 793 NIXON, KISSINGER, AND THE WORLD 827 Johnson and the World 793 China and the Soviet Union 827 The Problems of Multipolarity 827 THE AGONY OF VIETNAM 793 The First Indochina War 794 POLITICS AND ECONOMICS UNDER NIXON 828 Geneva and the Two Vietnams 795 Domestic Initiatives 828 America and Diem 795 From the Warren Court to the Nixon Court 828 From Aid to Intervention 796 The Election of 1972 829 The Quagmire 798 The Troubled Economy 830 The War at Home 799 Inequality 832 The Nixon Response 832 THE TRAUMAS OF 1968 801 THE WATERGATE CRISIS 832 The Tet Offensive 801 The Scandals 832 The Political Challenge 802 The Fall of Richard Nixon 833 The King and Kennedy Assassinations 803 The Conservative Response 804 Patterns of Popular Culture AP Debating the Past Rock Music in the Sixties 810 The Civil Rights Movement 788 AP America in the World AP Debating the Past The End of Colonialism 824 The Vietnam Commitment 794 AP Debating the Past Patterns of Popular Culture Watergate 830 The Folk-Music Revival 798 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 834 AP America in the World 1968 802 FROM THE “AGE OF LIMITS” AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 805 31 TO THE AGE OF REAGAN 837

AP CONNECTING THE CRISIS OF CONCEPTS 838 POLITICS AND DIPLOMACY AFTER 30 AUTHORITY 807 WATERGATE 838 The Ford Custodianship 838 AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 808 The Trials of Jimmy Carter 839 THE YOUTH CULTURE 808 Human Rights and National The New Left 808 Interests 840 The Counterculture 811 The Year of the Hostages 840 THE MOBILIZATION OF THE RISE OF THE NEW AMERICAN MINORITIES 813 RIGHT 841 Seeds of Indian Militancy 813 The Sunbelt and Its Politics 842 The Indian Civil Rights The Politics of Religion 842 Movement 815 The “New Right” 844 Latino Activism 816 The Tax Revolt 845 Gay Liberation 817 The Campaign of 1980 845 THE NEW FEMINISM 818 THE “REAGAN REVOLUTION” 846 The Rebirth 819 The Reagan Coalition 846 Women’s Liberation 819 Reagan in the White House 846 bri136299_fm_i-xxxii.indd Page xvi 29/08/14 7:33 AM user /203/MH02181_AP/bri136299_disk1of1/0021362998/bri136299_pagefiles

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“Supply-Side” Economics 846 SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN THE The Fiscal Crisis 847 NEW ECONOMY 862 Reagan and the World 848 The Digital Revolution 862 The Election of 1984 849 The Internet 863 Breakthroughs in Genetics 863 AMERICA AND THE WANING OF THE COLD WAR 850 The Fall of the Soviet Union 850 A CHANGING SOCIETY 863 Reagan and Gorbachev 850 A Shifting Population 863 The Fading of the Reagan Revolution 851 African Americans in the Post–Civil Rights Era 865 The Election of 1988 851 Modern Plagues: Drugs and AIDS 866 The First Bush Presidency 851 866 The First Gulf War 852 A CONTESTED CULTURE Battles over Feminism and Abortion 866 The Election of 1992 853 The Growth of Environmentalism 867 Patterns of Popular Culture 867 The Mall 842 THE PERILS OF GLOBALIZATION Opposing the “New World Order” 868 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 854 Defending Orthodoxy 870 The Rise of Terrorism 870 THE AGE OF The War on Terrorism 872 32 The Iraq War 872 GLOBALIZATION 856 TURBULENT POLITICS 875 The Unraveling of the Bush Presidency AP CONNECTING 876 The Election of 2008 and the Financial Crisis 876 CONCEPTS 857 The Obama Presidency A RESURGENCE OF 877 PARTISANSHIP 857 Patterns of Popular Culture Launching the Clinton Rap 868 Presidency 857 AP Debating the Past The Republican Resurgence 858 Women’s History 870 The Election of 1996 858 AP America in the World Clinton Triumphant and Embattled 859 The Global Environmental Movement 874 The Election of 2000 859 AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 880 The Second Bush Presidency 860 The Election of 2004 860 APPENDIXES A-1 THE ECONOMIC BOOM 861 GLOSSARY OF AP TERMINOLOGY A-16 From “Stagﬂ ation” to Growth 861 CREDITS C-1 The Two-Tiered Economy 862 INDEX I-1 Globalization 862 20 THE PROGRESSIVES AP HISTORICAL THINKING

1. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways were progressives able to make the American political system more democratic at the national, state, and local levels? 2. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways did the progressive movement improve life for average Americans through the regulation of big business? 3. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways were progressives able to enact social welfare legislation? 4. Contextualization Analyze the sources of support for progressive reform and the reasons for that support. 5. Contextualization Analyze the role of women in the progressive movement, reforms they sought to attain, and their relative success in realizing those goals. 6. Comparison Compare and contrast the views of big business and conservationists on the use of natural resources. 7. Comparison Compare and contrast New Nationalism with New Freedom. 8. Comparison Compare the positions of Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois on how to best attain equal rights for African Americans.

Key Concept Correlations “VOTES FOR WOMEN,” BY B. M. BOYE This Analyze the ways the historical developments you learn about in this chapter striking poster was the prize-winning entry in a 1911 contest connect to one or more of these key concepts in AP U.S. History coursework. sponsored by the College Equal Suffrage League of 6.3.I.C A number of artists and critics, including agrarians, utopians, Northern California. (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, socialists, and advocates of the Social Gospel, championed alternative vi- Harvard University) sions for the economy and U.S. society. 6.3.II.B Many women sought greater equality with men, often joining 7.1.II.C Preservationists and conservationists both supported the establish- voluntary organizations, going to college, promoting social and political ment of national parks while advocating different government responses to the reform, and, like Jane Addams, working in settlement houses to help im- overuse of natural resources. migrants adapt to U.S. language and customs. 7.1.II.D The Progressives were divided over many issues. Some 7.1.II.A Some Progressive Era journalists attacked what they saw as Progressives supported Southern segregation, while others ignored its pres- political corruption, social injustice, and economic inequality, while reform- ence. Some Progressives advocated expanding popular participation in gov- ers, often from the middle and upper classes and including many women, ernment, while others called for greater reliance on professional and technical worked to effect social changes in cities and among immigrant popula- experts to make government more efficient. Progressives also disagreed tions. about immigration restriction. 7.1.II.B On the national level, Progressives sought federal legislation that they believed would effectively regulate the economy, expand democracy, and generate moral reform. Progressive amendments to the Thematic Learning Objectives Constitution dealt with issues such as prohibition and woman suffrage. CUL-1.0, 2.0, 3.0; NAT-2.0; POL-1.0, 2.0, 3.0; GEO-1.0

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CHAPTER 20 discusses the progressive reform movement and the beliefs and philosophies that drove the impulse. It discusses the strategies of reformers for realizing their agenda, as well as their relative success. The chapter deals extensively with the positive contributions of women to general social reform and to specific issues of interest, such as prohibition and suffrage. As you study the chapter, you should also focus on the political agendas of Theodore Roosevelt, William Taft, and Woodrow Wilson, particularly on comparing and contrasting the ideas of Roosevelt’s New Nationalism and Wilson’s New Freedom. Pay close attention also to the discussion of diverse views concerning environmental protection. As you read, evaluate the following ideas:

• Progressives pressured government to take a more active role in democratizing the political system, reining in the power of big business, and enacting social welfare legislation. • The middle class, women, and journalists played prominent roles in initiating progressive reforms.

THE PROGRESSIVE IMPULSE

Belief in Progressivism was, first, an optimistic vision. Progressives believed, as their name Progress implies, in the idea of progress. They believed that society was capable of improvement and that continued growth and advancement were the nation’s destiny. But progressives believed, too, that growth and progress could not continue to occur recklessly, as they had in the late nineteenth century. The “natural laws” of the marketplace, and the doc- trines of laissez faire and Social Darwinism that celebrated those laws, were not sufficient. Direct, purposeful human intervention in social and economic affairs was, they argued, essential to order- ing and bettering society.

Varieties of Progressivism Progressives did not always agree on the form their intervention should take, and the result was a variety of reform impulses that sometimes seemed to have little in common. One powerful impulse was the spirit of “antimonopoly,” the fear of concentrated power and the urge to limit and disperse authority and wealth. This vaguely populist impulse appealed “AntimonoPoly” not only to many workers and farmers but to some middle-class Americans as well. And it encouraged government to regulate or break up trusts at both the state and national level. Another progressive impulse was a belief in the importance of social cohesion: the belief that individuals are part of a great web of social relationships, that each person’s welfare is dependent on the welfare of society as a whole. That assumption produced a concern about the “victims” of industrialization and other people who had difficult lives. Still another impulse was a deep faith in knowledge—in the possibilities of applying to society the principles of natural and social sciences. Many reformers believed that knowledge was more important than anything else as a vehicle for making society more equitable fAith in Knowledge and humane. Most progressives believed, too, that a modernized government could—and must—play an important role in the process of improving and stabilizing society. Modern life was too complex to be left in the hands of party bosses, untrained amateurs, and antiquated institutions.

The Muckrakers Among the first people to articulate the new spirit of reform were crusading journalists who began to direct public attention toward social, economic, and political injustices. They became known as the “muckrakers,” after Theodore Roosevelt accused one of them of raking up muck

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through his writings. They were committed to exposing Walter Rauschenbusch, a Protestant theologian from scandal, corruption, and injustice to public view. Rochester, New York, published a series of influential dis- At first, their major targets were the trusts and particularly courses on the possibilities for human salvation through the railroads, which the muckrakers considered powerful and Christian reform. To him, the message of Darwinism was not deeply corrupt. Exposés of the great corpo- the survival of the fittest. He believed, idA tArBell fAther John rate organizations began to appear as early as rather, that all individuals should work to And lincoln ryAn steffens the 1860s, when Charles Francis Adams Jr. ensure a humanitarian evolution of the and others uncovered corruption among social fabric. Some American Catholics seized on the 1893 the railroad barons. One of the most notable muckrakers was publication of Pope Leo XIII’s encyclical Rerum Novarum (New the journalist Ida Tarbell’s enormous study of the Standard Oil Things) as justification for their own crusade for social justice. trust (published first in magazines and then as a two-volume Catholic liberals such as Father John A. Ryan took to heart the book in 1904). By the turn of the century, many muckrakers pope’s warning that “a small number of very rich men have were turning their attention to government, particularly to been able to lay upon the masses of the poor a yoke little bet- the urban political machines. The most influential, perhaps, ter than slavery itself.” For decades, he worked to expand the was Lincoln Steffens, a reporter for McClure’s magazine and the scope of Catholic social welfare organizations. author of a famous book based on his articles, The Shame of the Cities (1904). His portraits of “machine government” and “boss rule”; his exposure of “boodlers” in cities as diverse as St. Louis, The Settlement House Movement Minneapolis, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago, Philadelphia, and An element of much progressive thought was the belief in the New York; his tone of studied moral outrage—all helped arouse influence of the environment on individual development. sentiment for urban political reform. The alternative to leaving Social Darwinists such as William Graham Sumner had argued government in the hands of corrupt party leaders, the muck- that people’s fortunes reflected their inherent “fitness” for sur- rakers argued, was for the people themselves to take a greater vival. Progressive theorists disagreed. Ignorance, poverty, even interest in public life. criminality, they argued, were not the result of inherent The muckrakers reached the peak of their influence in the genetic failings or of the workings of providence; they were, first decade of the twentieth century. By presenting social rather, the effects of an unhealthy environment. To elevate the problems to the public with indignation and moral fervor, distressed, therefore, required an improvement of the condi- they helped inspire other Americans to take action. tions in which they lived. Nothing produced more distress, many urban reformers believed, than crowded immigrant neighborhoods, which The Social Gospel publicists such as Jacob Riis were exposing through vivid The growing outrage at social and economic injustice helped photographs and lurid descriptions. One produce many reformers committed to the pursuit of what JAne AddAms response to the problems of such commu- came to be known as “social justice.” (Social justice is a term And hull nities, borrowed from England, was the house widely used around the world to describe a kind of justice settlement house. The most famous, and that goes beyond the individual, seeking justice for society one of the first, was Hull House, which as a whole. Advocates of social justice are likely to believe in opened in 1889 in Chicago as a result of the efforts of the an egalitarian society and support for poor and oppressed social worker Jane Addams. It became a model for more than people.) That impulse helped create the rise of what became 400 similar institutions throughout the nation. Staffed by known as the “Social Gospel.” By the early twentieth cen - members of the educated middle class, settlement houses tury, it had become a powerful movement within American sought to help immigrant families adapt to the language and Protestantism (and, to a lesser extent, within American customs of their new country. Settlement houses avoided Catholicism and Judaism). It was chiefly concerned with the condescension and moral disapproval of earlier philan- redeeming the nation’s cities. thropic efforts. But they generally embraced a belief that The Salvation Army, which began in England but soon spread middle-class Americans had a responsibility to impart their to the United States, was one example of the fusion of religion own values to immigrants and to teach them how to create with reform. A Christian social welfare organization with a middle-class lifestyles. vaguely military structure, by 1900 it had recruited 3,000 “offi- Young college women (mostly unmarried) were important cers” and 20,000 “privates” and was offering both material aid participants in the settlement house movement. Working in a and spiritual service to the urban poor. In addition, many minis- settlement house, which was a protected site that served ters, priests, and rabbis left traditional parish work to serve in mostly women, was consistent with the widespread assump- the troubled cities. Charles Sheldon’s In His Steps (1898), the tion that women needed to be sheltered from difficult envi- story of a young minister who abandoned a comfortable post to ronments. The clean and well-tended buildings that settlement work among the needy, sold more than 15 million copies. It was houses created were not only a model for immigrant women, one of the most successful novels of the era. but an appropriate site for elite women as well.

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“THE BOSSES OF THE SENATE” (1889), BY JOSEPH KEPPLER Keppler was a popular political cartoonist of the late nineteenth century who shared the growing concern about the power of the trusts—portrayed here as bloated, almost reptilian figures standing menacingly over the members of the U.S. Senate, to whose chamber the “people’s entrance” is “closed.” (© The Granger Collection, New York)

The settlement houses helped create another important society. The social scientist Thorstein Veblen, for example, element of progressive reform: the profession of social work. proposed a new economic system in which power would Workers at Hull House, for example, maintained a close reside in the hands of highly trained engineers. Only they, he relationship with the University of Chicago’s pioneering work argued, could fully understand the “machine process” by in the field of sociology. A growing number of programs for which modern society must be governed. the professional training of social workers began to appear in the nation’s leading universities, partly in response to the activities of the settlements. The Professions The late nineteenth century saw a dramatic expansion in the number of Americans engaged in administrative and profes- The Allure of Expertise sional tasks. Industries needed managers, technicians, and As the emergence of the social work profession suggests, pro- accountants as well as workers. Cities required commercial, gressives involved in humanitarian efforts placed a high value medical, legal, and educational services. New technology on knowledge and expertise. Even nonscientific problems, required scientists and engineers, who, in turn, required insti- they believed, could be analyzed and solved scientifically. tutions and instructors to train them. By the turn of the cen- Many reformers came to believe that only enlightened experts tury, those performing these services had come to constitute a and well-designed bureaucracies could create the stability and distinct social group—what some historians have called a new order America needed. middle class. Some reformers even spoke of the creation of a new civili- The new middle class placed a high value on education zation, in which the expertise of scientists and engineers could and individual accomplishment. By the early twentieth cen- be brought to bear on the problems of the economy and tury, its millions of members were building organizations and

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establishing standards to secure their position in society. The idea of professionalism had been a frail one in America even as late as 1880. When every patent-medicine salesman could claim to be a doctor, when every frustrated politician could set up shop as a lawyer, when anyone who could read and write could pose as a teacher, a professional label by itself carried little weight. There were, of course, skilled and responsible doctors, lawyers, teachers, and others; but they had no way of controlling or distin- guishing themselves clearly from the amateurs, charlatans, and incompetents who presumed to practice their trades. As the demand for professional services increased, so did the pressures for reform. Among the first to respond was the medical profession. In 1901, doctors who considered themselves trained profes- AmericAn medicAl sionals reorganized the AssociAtion American Medical Associa- tion into a national profes- THE INFANT WELFARE SOCIETY, CHICAGO The Infant Welfare Society was one of many “helping” sional society. By 1920, nearly two-thirds of all organizations in Chicago and other large cities—many of them closely tied to the settlement houses—that strove to help American doctors were members. The AMA immigrants adapt to American life and create safe and healthy living conditions. Here, a volunteer helps an immigrant mother learn to bathe her baby. (The Library of Congress (LC-DIG-npcc-33267)) quickly called for strict, scientific standards for admission to the practice of medicine, with doctors themselves serving as protectors of the standards. State to keep the numbers down, to ensure that demand would governments responded by passing new laws requiring the remain high. licensing of all physicians. By 1900, medical education at a few medical schools—notably Johns Hopkins in Baltimore Women and the Professions (founded in 1893)—compared favorably with that in the leading institutions of Europe. Doctors such as William H. Welch Both by custom and by active barriers of law and prejudice, at Hopkins revolutionized the teaching of medicine by American women found themselves excluded from most of the moving students out of the classrooms and into laboratories emerging professions. But a substantial number of middle-class and clinics. women—particularly those emerging from the new women’s There was similar movement in other professions. By colleges and coeducational state universities—entered profes- 1916, lawyers in all forty-eight states had established professional careers nevertheless. sional bar associations. The nation’s law schools accordingly A few women managed to establish themselves as physi- expanded greatly. Businessmen supported the creation of cians, lawyers, engineers, scientists, and corporate managers in schools of business administration and created their own the early 1900s. Several leading medical femAle- schools admitted women, and in 1900 national organizations: the National Association of dominAted Manufacturers in 1895 and the United States Chamber of Professions about 5 percent of all American physicians Commerce in 1912. Even farmers, long were female (a proportion that remained nAtionAl the symbol of the romantic spirit of unchanged until the 1960s). Most, however, turned by neces- AssociAtion of individualism, responded to the new sity to those “helping” professions that society considered mAnufActurers order by forming, through the National vaguely domestic and thus suitable for women: settlement Farm Bureau Federation, a network of houses, social work, and most important, teaching. Indeed, in agricultural organizations designed to spread scientific the late nineteenth century, more than two-thirds of all gram- farming methods. mar school teachers were women, and perhaps 90 percent of all While removing the untrained and incompetent, the professional women were teachers. For educated black women, admission requirements also protected those already in the in particular, the existence of segregated schools in the South professions from excessive competition and lent prestige and created a substantial market for African American teachers. status to their trades. Some professionals used their entrance Women also dominated other professional activities. requirements to exclude blacks, women, immigrants, and Nursing had become primarily a women’s field during and other “undesirables” from their ranks. Others used them simply after the Civil War. By the early twentieth century, it was

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Progressivism

the early 1950s, most historians generally agreed on the central characteristics workmen’s compensation and wage and hour laws. John UNTIL of progressivism. It was just what progressives themselves said it was: a move- Buenker, in Urban Liberalism and Progressive Reform ment by the “people” to curb the power of the “special interests.” (1973), claimed that political machines and urban “bosses” George Mowry challenged this traditional view in The California Progressives (1951). He were important sources of reform energy and helped described the reform movement in California not as a people’s protest, but, rather, as an effort by a create twentieth-century liberalism. small and privileged group of business and professional men to limit the power of large new corpora - Other historians writing in the 1970s and 1980s tions and labor unions. Richard Hofstadter expanded on this idea in The Age of Reform (1955), attempted to link reform to some of the broad pro - describing progressives throughout the country as people suffering from “status anxiety”—old, for- cesses of political change that had created the public merly influential, upper-middle-class families seeking to restore their fading prestige by challenging battles of the era. Richard L. McCormick’s From the powerful new institutions that had begun to displace them. Realignment to Reform (1981), a study of political The Mowry-Hofstadter thesis provoked new challenges and new interpretations of the meaning change in New York State, argued that the crucial of progressivism. Gabriel Kolko, in The Triumph of Conservatism (1963), rejected the Mowry- change in this era was the decline of the political parties Hofstadter idea that progressivism represented the efforts of a displaced elite. Progressivism, he and the rise of interest groups working for particular argued, was an effort to regulate business undertaken, not by the “people” or “displaced elites,” but by social and economic goals. corporate leaders, who saw in government supervision a way to protect themselves from competition. Many historians see progressivism as rooted in gen- Martin Sklar’s The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism (1988) is a more sophisticated der and have focused on the role of women (and the version of a similar argument. vast network of voluntary associations they created) in A more moderate challenge to the “psychological” interpretation of progressivism came from shaping and promoting progressive reform. Historians historians embracing a new “organizational” view of history. In The Search for Order, 1877–1920 Kathryn Sklar, Linda Gordon, Ruth Rosen, and Elaine (1967), Robert Wiebe presented progressivism as a response to dislocations in American life brought Tyler May, among others, argued that some progres- on by rapid changes in the economy. Economic power had moved to large, national organizations, sive battles were part of an effort by women to protect while social and political life remained centered primarily in local communities. The result was wide - their interests within the domestic sphere in the face of spread disorder and unrest. Progressivism, Wiebe argued, was the effort of a “new middle class”—a jarring challenges from the new industrial world. This class tied to the emerging national economy—to stabilize and enhance their position in society by protective urge drew women reformers to such issues creating national institutions suitable for the new national economy. as temperance, divorce, prostitution, and the regulation Some historians continued to argue that progressivism was a movement of the people against the of female and child labor. Other women worked to special interests. J. Joseph Huthmacher argued in 1962 that much of the force behind progressivism expand their own roles in the public world. Progressivism came from members of the working class, especially immigrants, who pressed for such reforms as cannot be understood, historians of women contend,

adopting professional standards. And many women entered believed that women were not suited for the public world. academia—often receiving advanced degrees at such predomi- What, then, explains the prominent role so many women nantly male institutions as the University of Chicago, MIT, or played in the reform activities of the period? Columbia, and finding professional opportunities in the new and expanding women’s colleges. The “New Woman” The phenomenon of the “new woman,” widely remarked upon WOMEN AND REFORM at the time, was a product of social and economic changes that affected the private world as much as the socioeconomic The prominence of women in reform movements is one of the public one, even if such changes affected origins of the most striking features of progressivism. In most states in the new womAn mostly middle-class people. By the end of early twentieth century, women could not vote. They almost the nineteenth century, almost all never held public office. They had foot- income-producing activity had moved out of the home and into Key role of holds in only a few (and usually primarily the factory or the office. At the same time, children were begin- women in female) professions and lived in a culture ning school at earlier ages and spending more time there. For reform cAuses in which most people, male and female, many wives and mothers who did not work for wages, the home

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bri136299_ch20_551-582_sampler.indd 556 10/7/15 1:22 PM McGerr, in A Fierce Discontent (2003), and Alan Dawley, in Changing the World (2003), have characterized progressivism as a fundamentally moral undertaking. McGerr viewed it as an effort by the middle class to create order and stability, whereas Dawley saw it as an effort by groups on the left to attack social injustice. Given the range of disagreement over the nature of the progressive movement, it is hardly surprising that some historians have despaired of finding any coherent definition for the term. Peter Filene, for one, suggested in 1970 that the concept of progressivism as a “move - ment” had outlived its usefulness. But Daniel Rodgers, in an important 1982 article, “In Search of Progressivism,” disagreed. The very diversity of progressivism, he argued, accounted both for its enormous impact on its time and for its capacity to reveal to us today the “noise and tumult” of an age of rapid social change. •

ARGUMENTATION AND AP INTERPRETATION

Questions assume cumulative content knowledge from this chapter and previous chapters. 1. Identify five interpretations concerning the progressive era made by historians. For each, provide one piece of historical evidence that supports the argument. 2. Identify the interpretations that view progressivism through a psychological lens. Identify the arguments that view progressivism through a gender lens. Identify the arguments that view progressivism through an organizational lens. (© Private Collection/The Bridgeman Art Library) 3. With which historian’s interpretation do you most without understanding the role of women and the importance of issues involving the family and the agree? Explain why, supporting your argument with private world within it. historical evidence. Other historians have sought to place progressivism in a broader context. Daniel Rodgers’s Atlantic Crossings (1998) is a study of how European reforms influenced American progressives. Both Michael

was no longer an all-consuming place. Technological innovations the suffrage movement, and many others. Some of these such as running water, electricity, and eventually household women lived alone. Others lived with other women, often in appliances made housework less onerous (even if higher stan- long-term relationships—some of them “Boston dards of cleanliness counterbalanced many of these gains). Marriages” quietly romantic—that were known at the Declining family size also changed the lives of many women. time as “Boston marriages.” The divorce Middle-class white women in the late nineteenth century had rate also rose rapidly in the late nineteenth century, from fewer children than their mothers and grandmothers had one divorce for every twenty-one marriages in 1880 to one in borne. They also lived longer. Many women thus now spent nine by 1916; women initiated the majority of them. fewer years with young children in the home and lived more years after their children were grown. Some educated women shunned marriage, believing that The Clubwomen only by remaining single could they play the roles they envi- Among the most visible signs of the increasing public roles of sioned in the public world. Single women were among the women in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries most prominent female reformers of the time: Jane Addams were the women’s clubs, which proliferated rapidly beginning and Lillian Wald in the settlement house movement, Frances in the 1880s and 1890s and became the vanguard of many Willard in the temperance movement, Anna Howard Shaw in important reforms.

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The women’s clubs began largely as cultural organizations National Association of Colored Women. Some black clubs also to provide middle- and upper-class women with an outlet for took positions on issues of particular concern to African their intellectual energies. In 1892, when women formed the Americans, such as lynching and aspects of segregation. gfwc General Federation of Women’s Clubs to The women’s club movement seldom raised overt challenges coordinate the activities of local organiza- to prevailing assumptions about the proper role of women in tions, there were more than 100,000 members in nearly 500 society. Few clubwomen were willing to accept the arguments clubs. By 1917, there were over 1 million. of such committed feminists as Charlotte A PuBlic By the early twentieth century, the clubs were becoming sPAce for Perkins Gilman, who in her 1898 book, less concerned with cultural activities and more concerned women Women and Economics, argued that the tra- with contributing to social betterment. Because many club ditional definition of gender roles was members were from wealthy families, some organizations had exploitive and obsolete. Instead, the club movement allowed substantial funds at their disposal to make their influence women to define a space for themselves in the public world felt. And ironically, because women could not vote, the clubs without openly challenging the existing, male-dominated order. had a nonpartisan image that made them difficult for politi- Much of what the clubs did was uncontroversial: plant - cians to dismiss. ing trees; supporting schools, libraries, and settlement Black women occasionally joined clubs dominated by whites. houses; building hospitals and parks. But clubwomen were But most such clubs excluded blacks, and so African Americans also an important force in winning passage of state (and formed clubs of their own. Some of them affiliated with the ultimately federal) laws that regulated the conditions of General Federation, but most became part of the independent woman and child labor, established government inspection

THE COLORED WOMEN’S LEAGUE OF WASHINGTON, D.C. The women’s club movement spread widely through American life and produced a number of organizations through which African American women gathered to improve social and political conditions. The Colored Women’s League of Washington, D.C., members of which appear in this 1894 photograph, was founded in 1892 by Sara Fleetwood, a registered nurse who was the wife of Christian Fleetwood, one of the first African American soldiers to receive the Congressional Medal of Honor for his heroism in the Civil War. The league she founded was committed to “racial uplift,” and it consisted mostly of teachers, who created nurseries for the infants of women who worked and evening schools for adults. Members of the League are shown here gathered on the steps of Frederick Douglass’s home on Capitol Hill. Sara Fleetwood is in the second row on the far right. (The Library of Congress)

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of workplaces, regulated the food and drug industries, supporters used to advance it. Throughout the late nineteenth reformed policies toward the Indian tribes, applied new century, many suffrage advocates presented their views in standards to urban housing, and, perhaps most notably, terms of “natural rights,” arguing that women deserved the outlawed the manufacture and sale of alcohol. They were same rights as men—including, first and foremost, the right to instrumental in pressuring state legislatures in most states vote. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, for example, wrote in 1892 of to provide “mother’s pensions” to widowed or abandoned woman as “the arbiter of her own destiny . . . if we are to con- mothers with small children—a system that ultimately sider her as a citizen, as a member of a great nation, she must became absorbed into the Social Security system. In 1912, have the same rights as all other members.” This was an argu- they pressured Congress into establishing the Children’s ment that boldly challenged the views of the many men and Bureau in the Labor Department, an agency directed to women who believed that society required a distinctive female develop policies to protect children. “sphere” in which women would serve first and foremost as In many of these efforts, the clubwomen formed alliances wives and mothers. And so a powerful antisuffrage movement with other women’s groups, such as the Women’s Trade Union emerged, dominated by men but with the active support of League (WTUL), founded in 1903 by many women. Opponents railed against the threat suffrage women’s trAde union female union members and upper-class posed to the “natural order” of civilization. Antisuffragists, many leAgue reformers. It was committed to persuading of them women, associated suffrage with divorce (not without women to join unions. In addition to work- some reason, since many suffrage advocates also supported ing on behalf of protective legislation for women, WTUL mem- making it easier for women to obtain a divorce). They linked bers held public meetings on behalf of female workers, raised suffrage with promiscuity, immorality, and neglect of children. money to support strikes, marched on picket lines, and bailed In the first years of the twentieth century, the suffrage striking women out of jail. movement began to overcome this opposition and win some substantial victories, in part because suffragists were becoming better organized and more politically sophisticated than their Woman Suffrage opponents. Under the leadership of Anna Howard Shaw, a Perhaps the largest single reform movement of the progressive Boston social worker, and Carrie Chapman Catt, a journalist era, indeed one of the largest in American history, was the nAwsA from Iowa, membership in the National fight for woman suffrage. American Woman Suffrage Association It is sometimes difficult for today’s Americans to understand (NAWSA) grew from about 13,000 in 1893 to over 2 million why the suffrage issue could have become in 1917. The movement gained strength because many of its rAdicAl the source of such enormous controversy. most prominent leaders began to justify suffrage in “safer,” less chAllenge of But at the time, suffrage seemed to many of threatening ways. Suffrage, some supporters began to argue, women’s suffrAge its critics a very radical demand, in part would not challenge the “separate sphere” in which women because of the rationale some of its early resided. It was, they claimed, precisely because women occupied

SHIRTWAIST WORKERS ON STRIKE The Women’s Trade Union League was notable for bringing educated, middle- class women together with workers in efforts to improve factory and labor conditions. These picketing women are workers in the “Ladies Tailors” garment factory in New York. (The Library of Congress (LC-DIG-ggbain-04507))

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SUFFRAGE PAGEANT, 1913 On March 3, 1913—the day before Woodrow Wilson’s inauguration as president—more than 5,000 supporters of woman suffrage staged a parade in Washington, D.C., that overshadowed Wilson’s own arrival there. Crowds estimated at over half a million watched the parade, not all of them admirers of the woman suffrage movement, and some of the onlookers attacked the marchers. The police did nothing to stop the attacks. This photograph depicts a suffragist, Florence Noyes, costumed as Liberty, posing in front of the U.S. Treasury Building, part of a pageant accompanying the parade. Woman suffrage was one of the most important and impassioned reform movements of the progressive era. (The Library of Congress)

a distinct sphere—because as mothers and wives and home- Party (founded in 1916), never accepted the relatively makers they had special experiences and special sensitivities conservative “separate sphere” justification for suffrage. She to bring to public life—that woman suffrage could make such argued that the Nineteenth Amendment alone would not be an important contribution to politics. sufficient to protect women’s rights. Women needed more: In particular, many suffragists argued that enfranchising a constitutional amendment that would provide clear, legal women would help the temperance movement, by giving its protection for their rights and would prohibit all discrimina- largest group of supporters a political voice. Some suffrage tion on the basis of sex. But Alice Paul’s argument found advocates claimed that once women had the vote, war would limited favor even among many of the most important leaders become a thing of the past, since women would—by their of the recently triumphant suffrage crusade. calming, maternal influence—help curb the belligerence of men. That was one reason why World War I gave a final, decisive push to the movement for suffrage. THE ASSAULT Suffrage also attracted support for other, less optimistic rea- ON THE PARTIES sons. Many middle-class people found per- conservAtive suasive the argument that if blacks, Arguments Sooner or later, most progressive goals required the involve- immigrants, and other “base” groups had for suffrAge ment of government. Only government, reformers agreed, access to the franchise, then it was a matter could effectively counter the many powerful private interests not only of justice but of common sense to allow educated, that threatened the nation. But American government at the “well-born” women to vote. dawn of the new century was, progressives believed, poorly The principal triumphs of the suffrage movement began adapted to perform their ambitious tasks. At in 1910, when Washington became the first state in four - reforming government every level, political institutions were out- teen years to extend suffrage to women. nineteenth moded, inefficient, and corrupt. Before pro- California followed a year later, and four Amendment gressives could reform society effectively, they would have to other western states in 1912. In 1913, reform government itself. Many reformers believed the first Illinois became the first state east of the Mississippi to step must be an assault on the dominant role the political par- embrace woman suffrage. And in 1917 and 1918, New York ties played in the life of the state. and Michigan—two of the most populous states in the Union—gave women the vote. By 1919, thirty-nine states had granted women the right to vote in at least some elections; Early Attacks fifteen had allowed them full participation. In 1920, finally, Attacks on party dominance had been frequent in the suffragists won ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, late nineteenth century. Greenbackism and Populism, for which guaranteed political rights to women throughout example, had been efforts to break the hammerlock with the nation. which the Republicans and Democrats controlled public life. To some feminists, however, the victory seemed less than The Independent Republicans (or mugwumps) had also complete. Alice Paul, head of the militant National Woman’s attempted to challenge the grip of partisanship.

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These early assaults enjoyed some success. In the 1880s and council were replaced by an elected, nonpartisan commission. In 1890s, for example, most states adopted the secret ballot. Prior 1907, Des Moines, Iowa, adopted its own version of the commis- to that, the political parties themselves had printed ballots (or sion plan, and other cities followed. “ tickets”), with the names of the party’s candidates, and no Another approach to municipal reform was the city-manager others. They distributed the tickets to their supporters, who plan, by which elected officials hired an outside expert—often then simply went to the polls to deposit them in the ballot a professionally trained business manager or engineer—to take box. The old system had made it possible for bosses to monitor charge of the city government. The city city-mAnAger the voting behavior of their constituents; it had also made it PlAn manager would presumably remain difficult for voters to “split” their tickets—to vote for candidates untainted by the corrupting influence of of different parties for different offices. The new secret ballot— politics. By the end of the progressive era in the early 1920s, printed by the government and distributed at the polls to be almost 400 cities were operating under commissions, and filled out and deposited in secret—helped chip away atthe another 45 employed city managers. power of the parties over voters. In most urban areas, the enemies of partnership had to set- tle for less absolute victories. Some cities made the election of mayors nonpartisan (so that the parties could not choose the Municipal Reform candidates) or moved them to years when no presidential or Many progressives, such as Lincoln Steffens, believed the congressional races were in progress (to reduce the influence impact of party rule was most damaging in the cities. Municipal of the large turnouts that party organizations produced). government therefore became one of the first targets of those Reformers tried to make city councilors run at large, to limit working for political reform. the influence of ward leaders and district bosses. They tried to The muckrakers struck a responsive chord among a power- strengthen the power of the mayor at the expense of the city ful group of urban, middle-class progressives. For several council, on the assumption that reformers were more likely to decades after the Civil War, “respectable” citizens of the succeed in getting a sympathetic mayor elected than they nation’s large cities had avoided participation in municipal were to win control of the entire council. government. Viewing politics as a debased and demeaning Some of the most successful reformers emerged from con- activity, they shrank from contact with the “vulgar” elements ventional political structures that progressives came to control. who were coming to dominate public life. middle-clAss Progressives By the end of the century, however, a new generation of activists—some of them members of old aristocratic families, others a part of the new middle class— were taking a growing interest in government. These activists faced a formidable array of opponents. In addition to challenging the powerful city bosses and their entrenched political organizations, they were attacking a large group of special interests: saloon owners, brothel keepers, and, perhaps most significantly, those businessmen who had established lucrative relationships with the urban political machines and who viewed reform as a threat to their profits. Finally, there was the great constituency of urban working people, many of them recent immigrants, to whom the machines were a source of needed jobs and services. Gradually, however, the reformers gained in political strength.

New Forms of Governance One of the first major successes came in Galveston,

Texas, where the old city government proved unable TOM JOHNSON As sentiment for municipal reform grew in intensity in the late nineteenth century, it became to deal with the effects of a possible for progressive mayors committed to ending “boss rule” to win election over machine candidates in some of commission America’s largest cities. One of the most prominent was Tom Johnson, the reform mayor of Cleveland. Johnson PlAn destructive tidal wave in 1900. Capitalizing on public dismay, made a fortune in the steel and streetcar business and then entered politics, partly as a result of reading Henry George’s Poverty and Progress. He became mayor in 1901 and in his four terms waged strenuous battles against reformers, many of them local businessmen, won party bosses and corporate interests. He won many fights, but he lost what he considered his most important one: approval of a new city charter. The mayor and the struggle for municipal ownership of public utilities. (© Western Reserve Historical Society)

bri136299_ch20_551-582_sampler.indd 561 10/7/15 1:22 PM AP AMERICA IN THE WORLD

Social Democracy WOR-1.0

energy, enthusiasm, and organization drove the reform ENORMOUS efforts in America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, much of it a result of social crises and political movements in the United States. But the “age of reform,” as some scholars have called it, was not just an American phenomenon. It was part of a wave of social experimentation that was occurring through much of the industrial world. Several industrializing nations—the United States, Britain, Germany, and France—adopted the term “progressivism” for their efforts, but the term that most broadly defined the new reform energies was “social democracy.” Social democrats in many countries shared a belief in the betterment of society, not through religion or inherited ideology, but through the accumulation of knowledge. They favored improving the social condition of all people through economic reforms and government programs of social protection. And they believed that these changes could come through peaceful politi - cal change, rather than through radicalism or revolution. Political parties committed to these goals emerged in several countries: the Labour Party in Britain, Social Democratic parties in various European nations, and the short-lived Progressive Party in the United States. Intellectuals, academics, and government officials across the world shared the knowledge they were accumulating and observed social programs. An important moment in the growth of social democracy were the many Paris expositions of 1889 and 1900. Their symbol was the famous Eiffel Tower, and their meaning for many progressives was the possibilities of progress through industrial innovation. Not only tour- ists, but progressive experts as well, visited the Paris expositions; and they held meetings while they were there to share their visions of the future. At the turn of the century, American reformers visited Germany, France, Britain, Belgium, and the Netherlands, observing the reforms in progress there, while European reformers visited the United States. Reformers from both the United States and Europe were also fascinated by the advanced social (© Archives Charmet/The Bridgeman Art Library) experiments in Australia and, especially, New Zealand—which the American reformer Henry Demarest Lloyd once called “the political brain of the modern world.” New Zealand’s dramatic experiments in fac- Social democracy—or, as it was sometimes called in tory regulation, woman suffrage, old-age pensions, progressive taxation, and labor arbitration gradually the United States and elsewhere, social justice or the found counterparts in many other nations. William Allen White, a progressive journalist from Kansas, Social Gospel—was responsible for many public pro- said of this time: “We were parts of one another, in the United States and Europe. Something was weld- grams. Germany began a system of social insurance for ing us into one social and economic whole with local political variations . . . [all] fighting a common cause.” its citizens in the 1880s while undertaking a massive

Tom Johnson, the celebrated reform mayor of Cleveland, waged began looking for ways to circumvent the boss-controlled a long war against the powerful streetcar legislatures by increasing the power of the electorate. tom Johnson interests in his city, fighting to lower street- Two of the most important changes were innovations first car fares to 3 cents, and ultimately to impose municipal owner- proposed by Populists in the 1890s: the initiative and the ship on certain basic utilities. After Johnson’s defeat and death, referendum. The initiative allowed reform- initiAtive And his talented aide Newton D. Baker won election as mayor and referendum ers to circumvent state legislatures by helped maintain Cleveland’s reputation as the best-governed submitting new legislation directly to the city in America. Hazen Pingree of Detroit, Samuel “Golden Rule” voters in general elections. The referendum provided a method Jones of Toledo, and other mayors effectively challenged local by which actions of the legislature could be returned to the party bosses to bring the spirit of reform into city government. electorate for approval. By 1918, more than twenty states had enacted one or both of these reforms. Similarly, the direct primary and the recall were efforts to Statehouse Progressivism limit the power of party and improve the quality of elected The assault on boss rule in the cities did not, however, always officials. The primary election was an direct produce results. Consequently, many progressives turned to PrimAry And attempt to take the selection of candidates state government as an agent for reform. They looked with recAll away from the bosses and give it to the peo- particular scorn on state legislatures, whose ill-paid, undistin- ple. (In the South, it was also an effort to guished members, they believed, were generally incompetent, limit black voting—since primary voting, many white southerners often corrupt, and totally controlled by party bosses. Reformers believed, would be easier to control than general elections.) The

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study of society that produced more than 140 volumes of “social inves- regulate public utilities. In California, Governor Hiram tigation” of almost every aspect of the nation’s life. French reformers Johnson limited the political power of the Southern Pacific pressed in the 1890s for factory regulation, assistance to the elderly, Railroad. In New Jersey, Woodrow Wilson, the Princeton and progressive taxation. Britain pioneered the settlement houses in University president elected governor in 1910, used execu- working-class areas of London—a movement that soon spread to the tive leadership to win reforms designed to end New Jersey’s United States as well—and, like the United States, witnessed growing widely denounced position as the “mother of trusts.” challenges to the power of monopolies at both the local and national The most celebrated state-level reformer was Robert M. La level. In many countries, social democrats felt pressure from the rising Follette of Wisconsin. Elected governor in 1900, he helped turn his state into what reformers across the worldwide labor movement and from the rise of socialist parties in roBert lA many industrial countries. Strikes, sometimes violent, were common in follette nation described as a “laboratory of progres- France, Germany, Britain, and the United States in the late nineteenth sivism.” Under his leadership the Wisconsin century. The more militant workers became, the more unions grew. progressives won approval of direct primaries, initiatives, and Social democrats did not always welcome the rise of militant labor referendums. They regulated railroads and utilities. They passed movements, but they took them seriously and tried to use them to laws to regulate the workplace and provide compensation for support their own reform efforts. laborers injured on the job. They instituted graduated taxes on The politics of social democracy represented a great shift in the inherited fortunes, and they nearly doubled state levies on rail- character of public life all over the industrial world. Instead of battles roads and other corporate interests. La Follette used his per- over the privileges of aristocrats or the power of monarchs, reformers sonal magnetism to widen public awareness of progressive now focused on the social problems of ordinary people and attempted to improve their lot. “The politics of the future are social politics,” the goals. Reform was the responsibility not simply of politicians, British reformer Joseph Chamberlain said in the 1880s, referring to he argued, but of newspapers, citizens’ groups, educational efforts to deal with the problems of ordinary citizens. That belief was institutions, and business and professional organizations as well. fueling progressive efforts across the world in the years that Americans have come to call the “progressive era.” • Parties and Interest Groups The reformers did not, of course, eliminate parties from UNDERSTAND, ANALYZE, AND EVALUATE American political life. But they did contribute to a decline in party influence. Evidence of their impact decline of 1. What is social democracy? How does it differ from socialism? came from, among other things, the decline 2. What progressive era reforms in American social and political PArty in voter turnout. In the late nineteenth life can be seen in other nations as well? influence century, up to 81 percent of eligible voters 3. Social democratic political parties continue to exist in many countries throughout the world. Why was the Progressive routinely turned out for national elections because of the Party in the United States so short-lived?

recall gave voters the right to remove a public official from office at a special election, which could be called after a sufficient number of citizens had signed a petition. By 1915, every state in the nation had instituted primary elections for at least some offices. The recall encountered more strenuous opposition, but a few states (such as California) adopted it as well. Other reform measures attempted to clean up the legislatures themselves. Between 1903 and 1908, twelve states passed laws restricting lobbying by business interests in state legislatures. In those same years, twenty-two states banned campaign contributions by corporations, and twenty-four states forbade public officials to accept free passes from railroads. Many states also struggled successfully to create systems of workmen’s compensation for

workers injured on the job. And starting in 1911, reformers suc- ROBERT LA FOLLETTE CAMPAIGNING IN WISCONSIN After three terms as cessfully created pensions for widows with dependent children. governor of Wisconsin, La Follette began a long career in the U.S. Senate in 1906, during which Reform efforts proved most effective in states that ele- he worked uncompromisingly for advanced progressive reforms—so uncompromisingly, in fact, vated vigorous and committed politicians to positions of that he was often almost completely isolated. He titled a chapter of his autobiography “Alone in the Senate.” La Follette had a greater impact on his own state, whose politics he and his sons leadership. In New York, Governor Charles Evans Hughes dominated for nearly forty years and where he was able to win passage of many reforms that exploited progressive sentiment to create a commission to the federal government resisted. (The Library of Congress (LC-DIG-ggbain-06406))

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strength of party loyalty. In the early twentieth century, while nation’s oldest and most notorious city machine. Its astute turnout remained high by today’s standards, the figure declined leader, Charles Francis Murphy, began in the early years of the markedly as parties grew weaker. In the presidential election century to fuse the techniques of boss rule with some of the of 1900, 73 percent of the electorate voted. By 1912, that fig- concerns of social reformers. Tammany began to use its political ure had declined to about 59 percent. Never again did voter power on behalf of legislation to improve working conditions, turnout reach as high as 70 percent. protect child laborers, and eliminate the worst abuses of the Why did voter turnout decline in these years? The secret industrial economy. ballot was one reason. Party bosses had less ability to get vot- In 1911, a terrible fire swept through the factory of the ers to the polls. Illiterate voters had trouble reading the new Triangle Shirtwaist Company in New York City; 146 workers, ballots. Party bosses lost much of their authority and were most of them women, died. Many of them triAngle unable to mobilize voters as successfully as they had in the had been trapped inside the burning build- shirtwAist past. But perhaps the most important reason for the decline of fire ing because management had locked the party rule (and voter turnout) was that other power centers emergency exits to prevent malingering. were beginning to replace them. They have become known as For the next three years, a state commission studied not only “interest groups.” Beginning late in the nineteenth century the background of the fire but also the general condition of and accelerating rapidly in the twentieth, new organizations the industrial workplace. It was responding to intense public emerged outside the party system: professional organizations, pressure from women’s groups and New York City labor trade associations representing businesses and industries, labor unions—and to quiet pressure from Tammany Hall. By 1914, organizations, farm lobbies, and many others. Social workers, the commission had issued a series of reports calling for major the settlement house movement, women’s clubs, and others reforms in the conditions of modern labor. The report itself learned to operate as interest groups to advance their demands. was a classic progressive document, based on the testimony of experts, filled with statistics and technical data. Yet, when its recommendations reached the New York SOURCES OF legislature, its most effective supporters were not middle-class progressives but two Tammany Democrats from working-class PROGRESSIVE REFORM backgrounds: Senator Robert F. Wagner and Assemblyman Alfred E. Smith. With the support of Murphy and the backing Middle-class reformers, most of them from the East, dominated the public image and much of the substance of progressivism in the late nineteenth and early Percentage twentieth centuries. But they were not alone in 81.8 79.4 79.3 79.3 seeking to improve social conditions. Working- 77.5 74.7 class Americans, African Americans, westerners, 73.2 and even party bosses also played crucial roles in 65.2 65.4 advancing some of the important reforms of the era. 61.6 58.8 Labor, the Machine, and Reform 49.2 Although the American Federation of Labor, and its leader Samuel Gompers, remained largely aloof from many of the reform efforts of the time (reflecting Gompers’s firm belief that workers should not rely on government to improve their lot), some unions played important roles in reform battles. Between 1911 and 1913, thanks to political pressure from labor groups such as the newly formed Union Labor Party, California passed a child-labor law, a workmen’s compensation law, and a limitation on working hours 1876 1880 1884 1888 1892 1896 1900 1904 1908 1912 1916 1920 for women. Union pressures contributed to the pas- Year sage of similar laws in many other states as well. VOTER PARTICIPATION IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS, 1876–1920 One of the striking One result of the assault on the parties was a developments of early-twentieth-century politics was the significant decline in popular participation in politics. This change in the party organizations themselves, which chart shows the steady downward progression of voter turnout in presidential elections from 1876 to 1920. Turnout remained high by modern standards (except for the aberrant election of 1920, in which turnout dropped sharply attempted to adapt to the new realities so as to pre- because women had recently received the vote but had not yet begun to participate in elections in large numbers). serve their influence. They sometimes allowed their But from an average rate of participation of about 79 percent in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, turnout machines to become vehicles of social reform. One dropped to an average of about 65 percent between 1900 and 1916. example was New York City’s Tammany Hall, the • What were some of the reasons for this decline?

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of other Tammany legislators, they steered through a series question of which states had the rights to the waters of the of pioneering labor laws that imposed strict regulations Colorado River created a political battle that no state govern- on factory owners and established effective mechanisms for ment could resolve; the federal government had to arbitrate. enforcement. More significant, perhaps, the federal government exercised enormous power over the lands and resources of the western states and provided substantial subsidies to the region in the Western Progressives form of land grants and support for railroad and water projects. The American West produced some of the most notable pro- Huge areas of the West remained (and still remain) public gressive leaders of the time: Hiram Johnson of California, George lands, controlled by Washington—a far greater proportion than Norris of Nebraska, William Borah of Idaho, and others—almost in any states east of the Mississippi. Much of the growth of the all of whom spent at least some of their political careers in the West was (and continues to be) a result of federally funded U.S. Senate. For western states, the most important target of dams and water projects. reform energies was not state or local governments, which had relatively little power, but the federal government, which exercised a kind of authority in the West that it had never pos- African Americans and Reform sessed in the East. That was in part because some of the most One social question that received little attention from white important issues to the future of the West required action progressives was race. But among African Americans them- above the state level. Disputes over water, for example, almost selves, the progressive era produced some significant challenges always involved rivers and streams that crossed state lines. The to existing racial norms.

VICTIMS OF THE TRIANGLE FIRE, 1911 In this bleak photograph, victims of the fire in the factory of the Triangle Shirtwaist Company are laid out on the sidewalk near the building, as police and passersby look up at the scene of the blaze. The tragedy of the Triangle Fire galvanized New York legislators into passing laws to protect women workers. (© The Granger Collection, New York)

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African Americans faced greater obstacles than any other group in challenging their own oppressed status and seeking reform. Thus it was not surprising, perhaps, that so many embraced the message of Booker T. Washington in the late nineteenth century, to “put down your bucket where you are,” to work for immediate self-improvement rather than long-range social change. Not all African Americans, however, were content with this approach. And by the turn of the century a powerful challenge was emerging—a challenge to the philosophy of Washington but, more important, to the entire structure of race relations. The chief spokesman for this new approach was W. E. B. Du Bois. Du Bois, unlike Washington, had never known slavery. Born in Massachusetts, educated at Fisk University in Nashville and at Harvard, he grew to maturity with a more w. e. B. du Bois expansive view than Washington of the goals of his race and the responsibilities of white society to eliminate prejudice and injustice. In The Souls of Black Folk (1903), he launched an open attack on the philosophy of Washington, accusing him of encouraging white efforts to impose segregation and of limiting the aspirations of his race. “Is it possible and probable,” he asked, “that nine millions of men can make effective progress in economic lines if they are deprived of political rights, made a servile caste, and allowed only the most meager chance for developing their exceptional men? If history and reason give any distinct answer to these questions, it is an emphatic No.” Rather than content themselves with education at the trade and agricultural schools, Du Bois advocated, talented blacks should accept nothing less than a full university education. They should aspire to the professions. They should, above all, fight for their civil rights, not simply wait for them to be granted as a reward for patient striving. In 1905, Du Bois and a group of his supporters met at Niagara Falls—on the Canadian side of the bor- der because no hotel on the American side of the Falls would nAAcP have them—and launched what became THE YOUNG W. E. B. DU BOIS This formal photograph of W. E. B. Du Bois was taken founded known as the Niagara Movement. Four years in 1899, when he was thirty-one years old and a professor at Atlanta University. He had just later, after a race riot in Springfield, Illinois, published The Philadelphia Negro, a classic sociological study of an urban community, which startled many readers with its description of the complex class system among African they joined with white progressives sympathetic to their cause to Americans in the city. (© Hulton Archive/Getty Images) form the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Whites held most of the offices at first, but Du Bois, its director of publicity and research, was the guiding spirit. in the South routinely refused to prosecute lynchers). But the In the ensuing years, the new organization led the drive for equal most determined opponents of lynching were southern women. rights, using as its principal weapon lawsuits in the federal courts. They included white women such as Jessie Daniel Ames. The Within less than a decade, the NAACP had begun to win most effective crusader was a black woman, Ida Wells Barnett, some important victories. In Guinn v. United States (1915), the who worked both on her own (at great personal risk) and with Supreme Court supported its position that the grandfather clause such organizations as the National Association of Colored Women in an Oklahoma law was unconstitutional. (The statute denied and the Women’s Convention of the National Baptist Church to the vote to any citizen whose ancestors had not been enfran- try to discredit lynching and challenge segregation. chised in 1860.) In Buchanan v. Worley (1917), the Court struck down a Louisville, Kentucky, law requiring residential segregation. The NAACP established itself, particularly after Booker T. Washington’s death in 1915, as one of the nation’s leading black CRUSADE FOR SOCIAL organizations, a position it would maintain for many years. ORDER AND REFORM Among the many issues that engaged the NAACP and other African American organizations was the phenomenon of lynch- Reformers directed many of their energies at the political ing in the South. Du Bois was an outspoken critic of lynching and process. But they also crusaded on behalf of what they consid- an advocate of a federal law making it illegal (since state courts ered moral issues. There were campaigns to eliminate alcohol

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from national life, to curb prostitution, to limit divorce, and to Temperance Union (WCTU), led after 1879 by Frances restrict immigration. Proponents of each of those reforms Willard. By 1911, it had 245,000 members and had become believed that success would help regenerate society as a whole. the single largest women’s organization in American history to that point. In 1893, the Anti-Saloon League joined the temperance movement and, along with the WCTU, began to The Temperance Crusade press for a specific legislative solution: the legal abolition Many progressives considered the elimination of alcohol from of saloons. Gradually, that demand grew to include the American life a necessary step in restoring order to society. complete prohibition of the sale and manufacture of alco- Scarce wages vanished as workers spent hours in the saloons. holic beverages. Drunkenness spawned violence, and occasionally murder, Despite substantial opposition from immigrant and within urban families. Working-class wives and mothers hoped working-class voters, pressure for prohibition grew steadily through temperance to reform male behavior and thus improve through the first decades of the new century. By 1916, nine- women’s lives. Employers, too, regarded alcohol as an impedi- teen states had passed prohibition laws. eighteenth ment to industrial efficiency; workers often missed time on Amendment But since the consumption of alcohol was the job because of drunkenness or came to the factory intoxi- actually increasing in many unregulated cated. Critics of economic privilege denounced the liquor areas, temperance advocates were beginning to advocate a industry as one of the nation’s most sinister trusts. And politi- national prohibition law. America’s entry into World War I, cal reformers, who (correctly) looked on the saloon as one of and the moral fervor it unleashed, provided the last push to the central institutions of the urban machine, saw an attack on the advocates of prohibition. In 1917, with the support of rural drinking as part of an attack on the bosses. Out of such senti- fundamentalists who opposed alcohol on moral and religious ments emerged the temperance movement. grounds, progressive advocates of prohibition steered through Temperance had been a major reform movement before Congress a constitutional amendment embodying their the Civil War, mobilizing large numbers of people in a demands. Two years later, after ratification by every state in wctu crusade with strong evangelical overtones. the nation except Connecticut and Rhode Island (bastions of In 1873, the movement developed new Catholic immigrants), the Eighteenth Amendment became strength. Temperance advocates formed the Women’s Christian law, to take effect in January 1920.

Total immigration during 4.96 TOTAL IMMIGRATION, 1900–1920 Emigration to the United States five-year periods (in millions) reached the highest level in the nation’s history to that point in the first fifteen years of the twentieth century. In the nineteenth century, there was no five-year 4.46 period when as many as 3 million immigrants arrived in America. In the first fifteen years of the twentieth century, more than 3 million newcomers arrived in every five-year period—and in one of them, as this chart reveals, the number reached almost 5 million. (The Library of Congress (3a38144u)) 3.83 • Why did the flow of immigrants drop so sharply in the period 1916–1920?

1.281.28

1901– 1906– 1911– 1916– 1905 1910 1915 1920 Year

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Immigration Restriction human inequalities were hereditary and that immigration was contributing to the multiplication of the unfit. Skillful publi- Virtually all reformers agreed that the growing immigrant pop- cists such as Madison Grant, whose The Passing of the Great ulation had created social problems, but there was wide dis- Race (1916) established him as the nation’s most effective agreement on how best to respond. Some progressives believed nativist, warned of the dangers of racial “mongrelization” and that the proper approach was to help the new residents adapt of the importance of protecting the purity of Anglo-Saxon and to American society. Others argued that efforts at assimilation other Nordic stock from pollution by eastern Europeans, Latin had failed and that the only solution was to limit the flow of Americans, and Asians. new arrivals. A special federal commission of “experts,” chaired by In the first decades of the century, pressure grew to close Senator William P. Dillingham of Vermont, issued a study the nation’s gates. New scholarly theories, appealing to the filled with statistics and scholarly testimony. It argued that progressive respect for expertise, argued eugenics And the newer immigrant groups—largely southern and eastern nAtivism that the introduction of immigrants into Europeans—had proven themselves less assimilable than American society was polluting the nation’s earlier immigrants. Immigration, the report implied, should racial stock. Among the theories created to support this argu- be restricted by nationality. Many people who rejected ment was eugenics, the science of altering the reproductive these racial arguments nevertheless supported limiting processes of plants and animals to produce new hybrids or immigration as a way to solve such urban problems as over - breeds. In the early twentieth century, there was an effort, crowding, unemployment, strained social services, and funded by the Carnegie Foundation, to turn eugenics into social unrest. a method of altering human reproduction as well. But the The combination of these concerns gradually won for the eugenics movement when applied to humans was not an nativists the support of some of the nation’s leading progressives, effort to “breed” new people, an effort for which no scientific among them former president Theodore Roosevelt. Powerful tools existed. It was, rather, an effort to grade races and ethnic opponents—employers who saw immigration as a source of groups according to their genetic qualities. Eugenicists cheap labor, immigrants themselves, and their political repre- advocated the forced sterilization of the mentally retarded, sentatives—managed to block the restriction movement for a criminals, and others. But they also spread the belief that time. But by the beginning of World War I (which effectively blocked immigration temporarily), the nativist tide was gaining strength.

All others German 6% CHALLENGING THE Asian 4% 4% CAPITALIST ORDER If there was one issue that overshadowed, and helped to Canadian Italian shape, all others in the minds of reformers, it was the charac- 22% ter of the dramatically growing modern industrial economy. 6% Most of the problems that concerned progressives could be traced back, directly or indirectly, to the growing power and Other Northwestern influence—and also, reformers believed, corruption—of corpo- European Austro- rate America. So it is not surprising that prominent among 18% Hungarian progressive concerns was reshaping or reforming the behavior 22% of the capitalist world. Russian and Baltic States The Dream of Socialism 18% At no time in the history of the United States to that point, and seldom after, did radical critiques of the capitalist system attract more support than in the period 1900–1914. Although SOURCES OF IMMIGRATION, 1900–1920 At least as striking as the increase in never a force to rival or even seriously eugene deBs immigration in the early twentieth century was the change in its sources. In the nineteenth threaten the two major parties, the Socialist century, the vast majority of immigrants to the United States had come from northern and Party of America grew during these years into a force of western Europe (especially Britain, Ireland, Germany, and Scandinavia). Now, as this chart shows, the major sources were southern and eastern Europe, with over 60 percent coming considerable strength. In the election of 1900, it had attracted from Italy, Russia, and the eastern European regions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. the support of fewer than 100,000 voters; in 1912, its durable • What impact did these changing sources have on attitudes toward immigration in leader and perennial presidential candidate, Eugene V. Debs, the United States? received nearly 1 million ballots. Strongest in urban immigrant

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MAY DAY, 1908 The American Socialist Party staged this vast rally in New York City’s Union Square to celebrate May Day in 1908. The Second Socialist International had designated May Day as the official holiday for radical labor in 1899. (© Corbis)

communities, particularly among Germans and Jews, it also (a nickname of unknown origin). Under the leadership of attracted the loyalties of a substantial number of Protestant William (“Big Bill”) Haywood, the IWW advocated a single farmers in the South and Midwest. Socialists won election to union for all workers and abolition of the “wage slave” system; over 1,000 state and local offices. And they had the support at it rejected political action in favor of strikes— especially the times of such intellectuals as Lincoln Steffens, the crusader general strike. The Wobblies were widely believed to have against municipal corruption, and Walter Lippmann, the been responsible for the dynamiting of railroad lines and brilliant young journalist and social critic. Florence Kelley, power stations and other acts of terror in the first years of the Frances Willard, and other women reformers were attracted to twentieth century. socialism, too, in part because of its support for pacifism and The IWW was one of the few labor organizations of the labor organizing. time to champion the cause of unskilled workers and had par- Virtually all socialists agreed on the need for basic structural ticular strength in the West—where a large group of migratory changes in the economy, but they differed widely on the laborers (miners, timbermen, and others) found it very difficult extent of those changes and the tactics necessary to achieve to organize or sustain conventional unions. In 1917, a strike by them. Some socialists endorsed the radical goals of European IWW timber workers in Washington and Idaho shut down Marxists; others envisioned a moderate reform that would production in the industry. That brought down upon the allow small-scale private enterprise to survive but would union the wrath of the federal government, which had just nationalize major industries. Some believed begun mobilizing for war and needed timber for war produc- “woBBlies” in working for reform through electoral tion. Federal authorities imprisoned the leaders of the union, politics; others favored militant direct action. Among the mil- and state governments between 1917 and 1919 passed a series itants was the radical labor union the Industrial Workers of of laws that outlawed the IWW. The organization survived for the World (IWW), known to opponents as the “Wobblies” a time but never fully recovered.

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government should work to break up the largest combinations and enforce a balance between the need for bigness and the need for competition. This viewpoint came to be identified particularly closely with Louis D. Brandeis, a brilliant lawyer and later justice of the Supreme Court, who wrote widely (most notably in his 1913 book, Other People’s Money) about the “curse of bigness.” Brandeis and his supporters opposed bigness in part because they considered it inefficient. But their opposition had a moral basis as well. Bigness was a threat not just the ProBlem of corPorAte to efficiency but to freedom as well. It centrAlizAtion limited the ability of individuals to control their own destinies. It encouraged abuses of power. Government must, Brandeis insisted, regulate competition in such a way as to ensure that large combinations did not emerge. Other progressives were less enthusiastic about the virtues of competition. More important to them was efficiency, which they believed economic concentration encouraged. What government should do, they argued, was not to fight “bigness,” but to guard against abuses of power by “good large institutions. It should distinguish trusts” And “BAd trusts” between “good trusts” and “bad trusts,” encouraging the good while disciplining the bad. Since economic consolidation was destined to remain a permanent feature of American society, continuing oversight by a strong, modernized government was essential. One of the

LOUIS BRANDEIS Brandeis graduated from Harvard Law School in 1877 with the best most influential spokesmen for this emerging “nationalist” academic record of any student in the school’s previous or subsequent history. His success in position was Herbert Croly, whose 1909 book, The Promise of his Boston law practice was such that by the early twentieth century he was able to spend much American Life, became an influential progressive document. of his time in unpaid work for public causes. His investigations of monopoly power soon made Increasingly, the attention of nationalists such as Croly him a major figure in the emerging progressive movement. Woodrow Wilson nominated him for the U.S. Supreme Court in January 1916. He was one of the few nominees in the Court’s history focused on some form of coordination of the industrial econ- never to have held prior public office, and he was the first Jew ever to have been nominated. omy. Society must act, Walter Lippmann wrote in a notable The appointment aroused five months of bitter controversy in the Senate before Brandeis was 1914 book, Drift and Mastery, “to introduce plan where there finally confirmed. For the next twenty years, he was one of the Court’s most powerful has been clash, and purpose into the jungles of disordered members—all the while lobbying behind the scenes on behalf of the many political causes (preeminent among them Zionism, the founding of a Jewish state) to which he remained growth.” To some nationalists, that meant businesses them- committed. (© Bettmann/Corbis) selves learning new ways of cooperation and self-regulation. To others, the solution was for government to play a more active role in regulating and planning economic life. One of Moderate socialists who advocated peaceful change through those who came to endorse that position (although not fully political struggle dominated the Socialist Party. They empha- until after 1910) was Theodore Roosevelt, who once said: “We sized a gradual education of the public to should enter upon a course of supervision, control, and regula- sociAlism’s the need for change and patient efforts tion of those great corporations.” Roosevelt became for a time demise within the system to enact it. But World the most powerful symbol of the reform impulse at the War I dramatically weakened the socialists. They had refused national level. to support the war effort, and a growing wave of antiradicalism subjected them to enormous harassment and persecution. THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND Decentralization and Regulation THE MODERN PRESIDENCY Most progressives retained a faith in the possibilities of reform within a capitalist system. Rather than nationalize basic indus- “Presidents in general are not lovable,” the famous writer and tries, many reformers hoped to restore the economy to a “more columnist Walter Lippmann, who had known many, said near human” scale. Few envisioned a return to a society of small, the end of his life. “They’ve had to do too much to get where local enterprises; some consolidation, they recognized, was they are. But there was one President who was lovable—Teddy inevitable. They did, however, argue that the federal Roosevelt—and I loved him.”

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Lippmann was not alone. To a generation of progressive reformers, Theodore Roosevelt was more than an admired public figure; he was an idol. No president before, and few since, had attracted such attention and devotion. Yet, for all his popularity among reformers, Roosevelt was in many respects decidedly conservative. He earned his extraordinary popularity less because of the extent of the reforms he championed than because he brought to his office a broad conception of its powers and invested the presidency with something of its modern status as the center of national political life.

The Accidental President When President William McKinley suddenly died in September 1901, the victim of an assassination, Roosevelt (who had been elected vice president less than a year before) was only forty-two years old, the youngest man ever to assume the presidency. “I told William McKinley that it was a mistake to nominate that wild man at Philadelphia,” party boss Mark Hanna was reported to have exclaimed. “Now look, that damned cowboy is President of the United States!” Roosevelt’s reputation as a wild man was a result less of the substance of his early political career than of its style. As a young member of the New York legisla- roosevelt’s BAcKground ture, he had displayed an energy seldom seen in that lethargic body. As a rancher in the Dakota Badlands (where he retired briefly after the sudden death of his first wife), he had helped capture outlaws. As New PRESIDENT THEODORE ROOSEVELT To a generation of progressive reformers, Theodore Roosevelt was an idol. No president before, and few since, had attracted such attention York City police commissioner, he had been a flamboyant bat- and devotion from the American people. (The Library of Congress (LC-DIG_ppmsca-37602)) tler against crime and vice. As assistant secretary of the navy, he had been a bold proponent of American expansion. As com- mander of the Rough Riders, he had led a heroic, if militarily enterprise pieced together by J. P. Morgan and others. To Morgan, accustomed to a warm, supportive useless, charge in the battle of San Juan Hill in Cuba during the northern Spanish-American War. securities relationship with Republican administra- But Roosevelt as president rarely rebelled against the lead- comPAny tions, the action was baffling. He told the ers of his party. He became, rather, a champion of cautious, president, “If we have done anything wrong, moderate change. Reform, he believed, was a vehicle less for send your man to my man and they can fix it up.” Roosevelt remaking American society than for protecting it against radi- proceeded with the case nonetheless, and in 1904 the Supreme cal challenges. Court ruled that the Northern Securities Company must be dissolved. Although he filed more than forty additional- anti trust suits during the remainder of his presidency, Roosevelt Government, Capital, and Labor had no serious commitment to reverse the prevailing trend Roosevelt allied himself with those progressives who urged toward economic concentration. regulation (but not destruction) of the trusts. At the heart of A similar commitment to establishing the government as an Roosevelt’s policy was his desire to win impartial regulatory mechanism shaped Roosevelt’s policy roosevelt’s for government the power to investigate toward labor. In the past, federal intervention in industrial dis- vision of federAl Power the activities of corporations and publi- putes had almost always meant action on behalf of employers. cize the results. The new Department of Roosevelt was willing to consider labor’s position as well. When Commerce and Labor, established in 1903 (later to be divided a bitter 1902 strike by the United Mine Workers endangered into two separate departments), was to assist in this task coal supplies for the coming winter, Roosevelt asked both the through its investigatory arm, the Bureau of Corporations. operators and the miners to accept impartial federal arbitration. Although Roosevelt was not a trustbuster at heart, he made When the mine owners balked, Roosevelt threatened to send a few highly publicized efforts to break up combinations. In federal troops to seize the mines. The operators finally relented. 1902, he ordered the Justice Department to invoke the Sherman Arbitrators awarded the strikers a 10 percent wage increase and Antitrust Act against a great new railroad monopoly in the a nine-hour day, although no recognition of their union—less Northwest, the Northern Securities Company, a $400 million than they had wanted but more than they would likely have

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A LEADER IN AMERICA’S CONSERVATION DEDICATED TO CONSERVING AMERICA MOVEMENT, naturalist John Muir (1838–1914) was born in Scotland and grew up in Wisconsin. He went to California in 1868 and spent several years in the American West exploring the land and studying the trees, forests, and glaciers of the area before settling perma- nently in California in 1880. He campaigned for the establishment of Yosemite National Park, a goal achieved in 1890. Through his friendship with President Theodore Roosevelt, he persuaded the president to greatly increase the amount of protected public land. As a dedicated conservationist, Muir wrote articles attempting to rouse the public to the need to protect public lands. In addition to the public lands he helped protect and preserve, Muir created another lasting legacy—the Sierra Club, an organization that he co-founded and that is still thriving today. The two source documents below are thus both connected to John Muir. The first is an excerpt from his book Our National Parks. The second is a reprinting of the Sierra Club’s current stated purposes and goals.

OUR NATIONAL PARKS—1901

from chAPter 1, “the wild PArKs And forest reservAtions of the west,” By John muir The tendency nowadays to wander in wildernesses is delightful to see. Thousands of tired, nerve-shaken, over-civilized people are beginning to find out that going to the mountains is going home; that wildness is a necessity; and that mountain parks and reservations are useful not only as fountains of timber and irrigating rivers, but as fountains of life. Awakening from the stupefying effects of the vice of over-industry and the deadly apathy of luxury, they are trying as best they can to mix and enrich their own little ongoings with those of Nature, and to get rid of rust and disease. Briskly venturing and roaming, some are washing off sins and cobweb cares of the devil’s spinning in all-day storms on mountains; sauntering in rosiny pine- woods or in gentian meadows, brushing through chaparral, bending down and parting sweet, flowery sprays; tracing rivers to their sources, getting in touch with the nerves of Mother Earth; jumping from rock to rock, feeling the life of them, learning the songs of them, panting in whole-souled exercise, and rejoicing in deep, long-drawn breaths of pure wildness. This is fine and natural and full of promise. So also is the growing interest in the care and preservation of forests and wild places in general, and in the half wild parks and gardens of towns. . . . When, like a merchant taking a list of his goods, we take stock of our wildness, we are glad to see how much of even the most destructible kind is still unspoiled. Looking at our continent as scenery when it was all wild, lying between beautiful seas, the starry sky above it, the starry rocks beneath it, to compare its sides, the East and the West, would be like comparing the sides of a rainbow. But it is no longer equally beautiful. . . . [T]he continent’s outer beauty is fast passing away, especially the plant part of it, the most destructible and most universally charming of all. Only thirty years ago, the great Central Valley of California, five hundred miles long and fifty miles wide, was one bed of golden and purple flowers. Now it is ploughed and pastured out of existence, gone forever,—scarce a memory of it left in fence corners and along the bluffs of the streams. . . . The same fate, sooner or later, is awaiting them all, unless awakening public opinion comes forward to stop it. . . . The Grand Cañon Reserve of Arizona, of nearly two million acres, or the most interesting part of it, as well as the Rainier region, should be made into a national park, on account of their supreme grandeur and beauty. . . . No matter how far you have wandered hitherto, or how many famous gorges and valleys you have seen, this one, the Grand Cañon of the Colorado, will seem as novel to you, as unearthly in the color and grandeur and quantity of its architecture, as if you had found it after death, on some other star; so incomparably lovely and grand and supreme is it above all the other cañons in our fire-moulded, earthquake-shaken, rain-washed, wave-washed, river and glacier sculptured world. . . .

Source: Library of Congress, Materials from the General Collection and Rare Book and Special Collections Division of the Library of Congress.

572 •

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sierrA cluB PurPoses And goAls The purposes of the Sierra Club are to explore, enjoy, and protect the wild places of the earth; to practice and promote the responsible use of the earth’s ecosystems and resources; to educate and enlist humanity to protect and restore the quality of the natural and human environment; and to use all lawful means to carry out these objectives. Ideal Goals—for Environment and Society • To sustain natural life-support systems, avoid impairing them, and avoid irreversible damage to them. • To facilitate species survival; to maintain genetic diversity; to avoid hastened extinction of species; to protect prime natural habitat. • To establish and protect natural reserves, including representative natural areas, wilderness areas in each biome, displays of natural phenomena, and habitats for rare and endangered species. • To control human population growth and impacts; to limit human population numbers and habitat needs within Earth’s carrying capacity; to avoid needless human consumption of resources; to plan and control land use, with environmental impact assessment and safeguards, and rehabilitation of damaged sites. • To learn more about the facts, interrelationships, and principles of the Earth’s ecosystems, and the place and impact of humans in them; to understand the consequences of human activities within the biosphere. • To develop responsible and appropriate technology matched to end-uses; to introduce sophisticated technology gradually after careful assessment and with precautionary monitoring. • To control pollution of the biosphere; to minimize waste residuals with special care of hazardous materials; to use the best available control technology at sources; and to recycle wastes. • To manage resources soundly; to avoid waste with long-term plans; to sustain the yield of living resources and maintain their productivity and breeding stocks; to prolong availability of nonliving resources such as fossil fuels, minerals, and water. • To impart a sense of social responsibility among consumers, developers, and public authorities concerning environmental protection; to regulate threats to public health; to avoid private degradation of public resources; to minimize impacts on innocent parties and future generations. As the Sierra Club prepares for its second century, we offer to America and the world our vision of humanity living in harmony with nature. We dedicate ourselves to achieving this vision as we reaffirm our passionate commitment to explore, enjoy, and protect the Earth.

(From the Current Articles of Incorporation & Bylaws, June 20, 1981, updated July 13, 2006. Excerpted from, Sierra Club Goals Pamphlet, 1985–1989. Reproduced from sierraclub.org with permission of the Sierra Club. ©2006 Sierra Club. All Rights Reserved.)

AP TEST PRACTICE

Questions assume cumulative content knowledge from this chapter and previous chapters.

1. Which of the following groups would most agree with the excerpt from (C) Muir is responding to the social critiques of the power of Our National Parks? monopolies to do as they please. (A) Southern romantic aristocrats (D) Muir is responding to the demands of farmers to increase arable lands through irrigation projects. (B) Western settlers in the 19th century (C) Those who championed ideas of self-reliance and self-realization in 3. Which progressive value does the Sierra Club’s statement of purposes the mid-19th century and goals best reflect? (D) Protestant evangelists (A) A strong belief in the ideal of spiritual self-improvement 2. Which best describes how Muir’s argument in Our National Parks (B) A strong belief in the role of government in regulating use of reflects the economic and social history of the time? environmental resources (A) Muir is responding to a sense of societal disorder due to develop- (C) A strong belief in the role of purposeful human action in bettering a ments of his time, such as rapid industrialization. society (B) Muir is responding to a sense of political injustice, due to the (D) A strong belief in social justice relationship between government and big business at the time. • 573

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BOYS IN THE MINES These young boys, covered in grime and no more than twelve years old, pose for the noted photographer Lewis Hine outside the coal mine in Pennsylvania where they separated coal from slate in coal breakers. The rugged conditions endured by mine workers were one cause of the great strike of 1902, in which Theodore Roosevelt intervened. (The Library of Congress)

won without Roosevelt’s intervention. Roosevelt viewed medicines. When Upton Sinclair’s powerful novel The Jungle himself as no more the champion of labor than as a champion of appeared in 1906, featuring appalling Pure food management. On several occasions, he ordered federal troops to And drug Act descriptions of conditions in the meatpack- intervene in strikes on behalf of employers. ing industry, Roosevelt pushed for passage of the Meat Inspection Act, which helped eliminate many diseases once transmitted in impure meat. Starting in 1907, he proposed, The “Square Deal” but mostly failed to achieve, even more stringent reforms: an During Roosevelt’s first years as president, he was principally eight-hour workday, broader compensation for victims of indus- concerned with winning reelection, which required that he trial accidents, inheritance and income taxes, regulation of the not antagonize the conservative Republican Old Guard. By stock market, and others. He also started openly to criticize con- skillfully dispensing patronage to conservatives and progres- servatives in Congress and the judiciary who were obstructing sives alike, and by winning the support of northern business- these programs. The result was a widening gulf between the men while making adroit gestures to reformers, Roosevelt had president and the conservative wing of his party. neutralized his opposition within the party by early 1904. He won its presidential nomination with ease. And in the general election, where he faced a dull conservative Democrat, Alton Roosevelt and Conservation B. Parker, he captured over 57 percent of the popular vote and Roosevelt’s aggressive policies on behalf of conservation con- lost no states outside the South. tributed to that gulf. Using executive powers, he restricted During the 1904 campaign, Roosevelt boasted that he had private development on millions of acres of undeveloped worked in the anthracite coal strike to provide everyone government land—most of it in the West—by adding them to with a “square deal.” One of his first targets after the election the previously modest national forest system. When was the powerful railroad industry. The conservatives in Congress restricted his authority over public hePBurn Act Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, estab- lands in 1907, Roosevelt and his chief forester, Gifford Pinchot, lishing the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC), had been seized all the forests and many of the water power sites still in an early effort to regulate the industry; but over the years, the public domain before the bill became law. the courts had sharply limited its influence. Roosevelt asked Roosevelt was the first president to take an active interest Congress for legislation to increase the government’s power in the new and struggling American conservation movement. to oversee railroad rates. The Hepburn Railroad Regulation In the early twentieth century, the idea of preserving the Act of 1906 sought to restore some regulatory authority to natural world for ecological reasons was not well established. the government, although the bill was so cautious that it Instead, many people who considered themselves “conserva- satisfied few progressives. tionists”—such as Pinchot, the first director of the National Roosevelt also pressured Congress to enact the Pure Food and Forest Service (which he helped to create)—promoted policies Drug Act, which restricted the sale of dangerous or ineffective to protect land for carefully managed development.

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The Old Guard eagerly supported another important aspect of John Muir, the nation’s leading preservationist and the founder Roosevelt’s natural resource policy: public reclamation and irriga- of the Sierra Club. tion projects. In 1902, the president backed Roosevelt added significantly to the still-young National federAl Aid the National Reclamation Act, better known to the west Park System, whose purpose was to protect public land from as the Newlands Act (named for its sponsor, any exploitation or development. Congress had created the Nevada senator Francis Newlands). The Newlands Act provided first national park—Yellowstone, in Wyoming, in 1872—and federal funds for the construction of dams, reservoirs, and canals had authorized others in the 1890s: Yosemite and Sequoia in in the West—projects that would open new lands for cultivation California, and Mount Rainier in Washington State. Roosevelt and (years later) provide cheap electric power. added land to several existing parks and also created new ones: Crater Lake in Oregon, Mesa Verde in Utah, Platt in Oklahoma, Roosevelt and Preservation and Wind Cave in South Dakota. Despite his sympathy with Pinchot’s vision of conservation, Roosevelt also shared some of the concerns of the naturalists— The Hetch Hetchy Controversy those within the conservation movement committed to pro- The contending views of the early conservation movement tecting the natural beauty of the land and the health of its came to a head beginning in 1906 in a sensational controversy wildlife from human intrusion. Early in his presidency, over the Hetch Hetchy Valley in Yosemite National Park. Roosevelt even spent four days camping in the Sierras with Hetch Hetchy (a name derived from a local Indian term

Olympic North Cascades (1968) Isle Royale (1938) (1931) National Parks (date established) Mount Voyageurs National Forests Rainier Glacier (1971) (1899) (1910) (North Unit) Theodore Roosevelt Yellowstone (1947) (1872) (South Unit) Acadia Crater Lake (1919) Redwood (1902) (1968) Grand Teton Wind Cave (1929) (1903) Rocky Lassen Arches Mountain Volcanic (1971) (1915) (1916) Bryce Yosemite Canyon (1890) Capitol Reef Zion (1924) (1971) (1919) Canyonlands Shenandoah Sequoia (1964) (1926) (1890) Kings Canyon Grand Great Smoky (1940) Mesa Canyon Verde Mountains (1919) Mammoth Cave (1926) (1906) Platt (1921) Petrified (1906) Forest Hot (1962) Carlsbad Caverns Springs (1923) (1921)

Haleakala (1960) Guadalupe Gates of Mountains Hawaii (1966) Volcanoes the Arctic Big Bend (1916) Kobuk (1935) Valley (1981) 0 200 mi Wrangel- Denali St. Elias 0 200 4000 km Mt. McKinley (1917) (1917) 0 500 mi 0 500 mi Lake Clark Everglades (1981) Kenai Glacier (1934) 0 5001000 km Katmai Fjords Bay 0 5001000 km (1981) (1918) (1925)

ESTABLISHMENT OF NATIONAL PARKS AND FORESTS This map illustrates the steady growth throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries of the systems of national parks and national forests in the United States. Although Theodore Roosevelt is widely and correctly remembered as a great champion of national parks and forests, the greatest expansions of these systems occurred after his presidency. Note, for example, how many new areas were added in the 1920s. • What is the difference between national parks and national forests?

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meaning “grassy meadows”) was a spectacular, high-walled val- coalition of people committed to preservation, not “rational ley popular with naturalists. But many residents of San use,” of wilderness. Francisco, worried about finding enough water to serve their growing population, saw Hetch Hetchy as an ideal place for a dam, which would create a large reservoir for the city—a plan The Panic of 1907 that Muir and other naturalists furiously opposed. Despite the flurry of reforms Roosevelt was able to enact, the In 1906, San Francisco suffered a devastating earthquake and government still had relatively little control over the indus- fire. Widespread sympathy for the city strengthened the case for trial economy. That became clear in 1907, when a serious the dam; and Theodore Roosevelt—who had initially expressed panic and recession began. some sympathy for Muir’s position—turned the decision over to Conservatives blamed Roosevelt’s “mad” economic policies Gifford Pinchot. Pinchot had no interest in Muir’s aesthetic and for the disaster. And while the president naturally (and cor- spiritual arguments. He approved construction of the dam. rectly) disagreed, he nevertheless acted tennessee For over a decade, a battle raged between naturalists and quickly to reassure business leaders that he coAl And iron the advocates of the dam, a battle that consumed the ener- comPAny would not interfere with their recovery gies of John Muir for the rest of his life efforts. J. P. Morgan, in a spectacular display comPeting conservAtionist and that eventually, many people of his financial power, helped construct a pool of the assets of visions believed, led to his death. “Dam Hetch several important New York banks to prop up shaky financial Hetchy!” Muir once said. “As well dam institutions. The key to the arrangement, Morgan told the for water-tanks the people’s cathedrals and churches, for no president, was the purchase by U.S. Steel of the shares of the holier temple has ever been consecrated by the heart of man.” Tennessee Coal and Iron Company, currently held by a threat- To Pinchot, there was no question that the needs of the city ened New York bank. He would, he insisted, need assurances were more important than the claims of preservation. Muir that the purchase would not prompt antitrust action. Roosevelt helped place a referendum question on the ballot in 1908, tacitly agreed, and the Morgan plan proceeded. Whether or certain that the residents of the city would oppose the proj- not as a result, the panic soon subsided. ect “as soon as light is cast upon it.” Instead, San Franciscans Roosevelt loved being president. As his years in office pro- approved the dam by a huge margin. Although there were duced increasing political successes, as his public popularity many more delays in succeeding years, construction of the continued to rise, more and more observers began to assume dam finally began after World War I. that he would run for reelection in 1908, despite the long- This setback for the naturalists was not, however, a total standing tradition of presidents serving no more than two terms. defeat. The fight against Hetch Hetchy helped mobilize a new But the Panic of 1907, combined with Roosevelt’s growing

ROOSEVELT AND MUIR IN YOSEMITE John Muir, founder and leader of the Sierra Club, considered Theodore Roosevelt a friend and ally—a relationship cemented by a four-day camping trip the two men took together in Yosemite National Park in 1903. Roosevelt was indeed a friend to the national park and national forest systems and added considerable acreage to both. Among other things, he expanded Yosemite (at Muir’s request). But unlike Muir, Roosevelt was also committed to economic development. As a result, he was not always a reliable ally of the most committed preservationists. (© Bettmann/ Corbis)

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“radicalism” during his second term, so alienated conservatives in his own party that he might have had difficulty winning the Republican nomination. In 1904, moreover, he had made a public promise to step down four years later. And so in 1909, Roosevelt, fifty years old, retired from public life—briefly.

THE TROUBLED SUCCESSION

William Howard Taft, who assumed the presidency in 1909, had been Theodore Roosevelt’s most trusted lieutenant and his handpicked successor; progressive reformers believed him to be one of their own. But Taft had also been a restrained and moderate jurist, a man with a punctilious williAm regard for legal process; conservatives howArd tAft expected him to abandon Roosevelt’s aggressive use of presidential powers. By seeming acceptable to almost everyone, Taft easily won election to the White House in 1908. He received his party’s nomination virtually uncontested. His victory in the general election in November— over William Jennings Bryan, running for the Democrats for the third time—was a foregone conclusion. Four years later, however, Taft would leave office the most decisively defeated president of the twentieth century, his party deeply divided and the government in the hands of a Democratic administration for the first time in twenty years.

Taft and the Progressives Taft’s first problem arose in the opening months of the new administration, when he called Congress into special session to lower protective tariff rates, an old progres- PAyne-Aldrich tAriff sive demand. But the president made no WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Taft could be a jovial companion in small groups, but his effort to overcome the opposition of the public image was of a dull, stolid man who stood in sharp and unfortunate contrast to his congressional Old Guard, arguing that to do so would violate dynamic predecessor, Theodore Roosevelt. Taft also suffered public ridicule for his enormous size. He weighed as much as 350 pounds at times, and wide publicity accompanied his the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. The result installation of an oversized bathtub in the White House. (© Bettmann/Corbis) was the feeble Payne-Aldrich Tariff, which reduced tariff rates scarcely at all and in some areas raised them. Progressives resented the president’s passivity. In the midst of this mounting concern, Louis Glavis, an Taft may not have been a champion of reform, but neither Interior Department investigator, charged Ballinger with having was he a consistent opponent of change. In 1912, he sup- once connived to turn over valuable public BAllinger- ported and signed legislation to create a federal Children’s coal lands in Alaska to a private syndicate Pinchot Bureau to investigate “all matters pertaining to the welfare of disPute for personal profit. Glavis took the evidence children and child life.” Julia Lathrop, the first chief of the to Gifford Pinchot, still head of the Forest bureau, was a veteran of Hull House and a close associate of Service and a critic of Ballinger’s policies. Pinchot took the Jane Addams. She helped make the Children’s Bureau a force charges to the president. Taft investigated them and decided for progressive change not just in federal policy, but also in they were groundless. But Pinchot was not satisfied, particularly state and local governments. after Taft fired Glavis for his part in the episode. He leaked the But a sensational controversy broke out late in 1909 that story to the press and asked Congress to investigate the scandal. helped put an end to Taft’s popularity with reformers. Many The president discharged him for insubordination. The congres- progressives had been unhappy when Taft replaced Roosevelt’s sional committee appointed to study the controversy, domi- secretary of the interior, James R. Garfield, an aggressive nated by Old Guard Republicans, exonerated Ballinger. But conservationist, with Richard A. Ballinger, a conservative cor- progressives throughout the country supported Pinchot. The porate lawyer. Suspicion of Ballinger grew when he attempted controversy aroused as much public passion as any dispute of its to invalidate Roosevelt’s removal of nearly 1 million acres of time; and when it was over, Taft had alienated the supporters of forests and mineral reserves from private development. Roosevelt completely and, it seemed, irrevocably.

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The Return of Roosevelt election, the Democrats, who were now offering progressive candidates of their own, won control of the House of Representatives During most of these controversies, Theodore Roosevelt was far for the first time in sixteen years and gained strength inthe away: on a long hunting safari in Africa and an extended tour of Senate. But Roosevelt still denied any presidential ambitions and Europe. To the American public, however, Roosevelt remained a claimed that his real purpose was to pressure Taft to return to formidable presence thanks to intensive newspaper coverage of progressive policies. Two events, however, changed his mind. The his every move abroad. His return to New York in the spring of first, on October 27, 1911, was the announcement by the admin- 1910 was a major public event. Roosevelt insisted that he had no istration of a suit against U.S. Steel, which charged, among other plans to reenter politics, but within a month he announced that things, that the 1907 acquisition of the Tennessee Coal and Iron he would embark on a national speaking tour before the end of Company had been illegal. Roosevelt had approved that acquisi- the summer. Furious with Taft, he was becoming convinced that tion in the midst of the 1907 panic, and he was enraged by the he alone was capable of reuniting the Republican Party. implication that he had acted improperly. The real signal of Roosevelt’s decision to assume leadership of Roosevelt was still reluctant to become a candidate for Republican reformers came in a speech he gave on September 1, president because Senator Robert La Follette, the great 1910, in Osawatomie, Kansas. In it he out- “new Wisconsin progressive, had been working since 1911 to secure nAtionAlism” lined a set of principles, which he labeled the presidential nomination for himself. But La Follette’s candi- the “New Nationalism,” that made clear he dacy stumbled in February 1912 when, exhausted, and had moved a considerable way from the cautious conservatism distraught over the illness of a daughter, he appeared to suffer of the first years of his presidency. He argued that social justice a nervous breakdown during a speech in Philadelphia. Roosevelt was possible only through the vigorous efforts of a strong federal announced his candidacy on February 22. government whose executive acted as the “steward of the public welfare.” Those who thought primarily of property rights and personal profit “must now give way to the advocate of human Roosevelt versus Taft welfare.” He supported graduated income and inheritance taxes, La Follette retained some diehard support. But for all practical workers’ compensation for industrial accidents, regulation of the purposes, the campaign for the Republican nomination had labor of women and children, tariff revision, and firmer regula- now become a battle between Roosevelt and Taft. Roosevelt tion of corporations. scored overwhelming victories in all thirteen presidential primaries. Taft, however, remained the choice of most party leaders, who controlled the nominating process. Spreading Insurgency The battle for the nomination at the Chicago convention The congressional elections of 1910 provided further evidence of revolved around an unusually large number of contested how far the progressive revolt had spread. In primary elections, delegates: 254 in all. Roosevelt needed fewer than half the conservative Republicans suffered defeat after defeat while almost disputed seats to clinch the nomination. But the Republican all the progressive incumbents were reelected. In the general National Committee, controlled by the Old Guard, awarded all

ROOSEVELT AT OSAWATOMIE Roosevelt’s famous speech at Osawatomie, Kansas, in 1910 was the most radical of his career and openly marked his break with the Taft administration and the Republican leadership. “The essence of any struggle for liberty,” he told his largely conservative audience, “has always been, and must always be to take from some one man or class of men the right to enjoy power, or wealth, or position or immunity, which has not been earned by service to his or their fellows.” (© The Granger Collection, New York)

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but 19 of them to Taft. At a rally the night before the conven- legislation. As a presidential candidate in 1912, Wilson pre- tion opened, Roosevelt addressed 5,000 cheering supporters. sented a progressive program that came to be called the “New “We stand at Armageddon,” he told the roaring crowd, “and Freedom.” Roosevelt’s New Nationalism advocated accepting we battle for the Lord.” The next day, he led his supporters out economic concentration and using government to regulate of the convention, and out of the party. The convention then and control it. But Wilson seemed to side with those who (like quietly nominated Taft on the first ballot. Louis Brandeis) believed that bigness was both unjust and Roosevelt summoned his supporters back to Chicago in inefficient, that the proper response to monopoly was not to August for another convention, this one to launch the new regulate it but to destroy it. Progressive Party and nominate himself as its The 1912 presidential campaign was an anticlimax. William the Progressive presidential candidate. Roosevelt approached Howard Taft, resigned to defeat, barely campaigned. Roosevelt PArty the battle feeling, as he put it, “fit as a bull campaigned energetically (until a gunshot wound from a moose” (thus giving his new party an endur- would-be assassin forced him to the sidelines during the last ing nickname). weeks before the election), but he failed to draw any significant The “Bull Moose” party was notable for its strong numbers of Democratic progressives away from Wilson. In commitment to a wide range of progressive causes that had November, Roosevelt and Taft split the Republican vote; Wilson grown in popularity over the previous two decades. The party held on to most Democrats and won. He polled only 42 percent advocated additional regulation of industry and trusts, of the vote, compared with 27 percent for Roosevelt, 23 per- sweeping reforms of many areas of government, compensation cent for Taft, and 6 percent for the socialist Eugene V. Debs. But by the government for workers injured on the job, pensions in the electoral college, Wilson won 435 of the 531 votes. for the elderly and for widows with children, and (alone among Roosevelt had carried only six states, Taft two, Debs none. the major parties) woman suffrage. The delegates left the party’s convention filled with hope and excitement. Roosevelt himself, however, entered the fall campaign The Scholar as President aware that his cause was almost hopeless, partly because many Wilson was a bold and forceful president. He exerted firm of the insurgents who had supported him during the primaries control over his cabinet, and he delegated real authority only refused to follow him out of the Republican Party. His to those whose loyalty to him was beyond question. His most pessimism was also a result of the man the Democrats had powerful adviser, Colonel Edward M. House, was an intelligent nominated for president. and ambitious Texan who held no office and whose only claim to authority was his personal intimacy with the president. In legislative matters, Wilson skillfully welded together a coa- WOODROW WILSON AND lition that would support his program. Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress made his task easier. THE NEW FREEDOM lowering the tAriff Wilson’s first triumph as president was the The 1912 presidential contest was not simply one between con- fulfillment of an old Democratic (and- pro servatives and reformers. It was also one between two brands of gressive) goal: a substantial lowering of the protective tariff. The progressivism. And it matched the two most important national Underwood-Simmons Tariff provided cuts substantial enough, leaders of the early twentieth century in unequal contest. progressives believed, to introduce real competition into American markets and thus to help break the power of trusts. To make up for the loss of revenue under the new tariff, Congress Woodrow Wilson approved a graduated income tax, which the recently adopted Reform sentiment had been gaining strength within the Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution now permitted. This Democratic as well as the Republican Party in the first years of first modern income tax imposed a 1 percent tax on individuals the century. At the 1912 Democratic National Convention in and corporations earning more than $4,000 a year, with rates Baltimore in June, Champ Clark, the conservative Speaker of ranging up to 6 percent on annual incomes over $500,000. the House, was unable to assemble the two-thirds majority Wilson held Congress in session through the summer necessary for nomination because of progressive opposition. to work on a major reform of the American banking system: Finally, on the forty-sixth ballot, Woodrow Wilson, the governor the Federal Reserve Act, which Congress passed and the pres- of New Jersey and the only genuinely progressive candidate in ident signed on December 23, 1913. It created twelve regional the race, emerged as the party’s nominee. banks, each to be owned and controlled by federAl Wilson had risen to political prominence by an unusual the individual banks of its district. The reserve Act path. He had been a professor of political science at Princeton regional Federal Reserve banks would hold until 1902, when he was named president a certain percentage of the assets of their member banks in wilson’s “new of the university. Elected governor of New reserve; they would use those reserves to support loans to freedom” Jersey in 1910, he demonstrated a com- private banks at an interest (or “discount”) rate that the Federal mitment to reform. During his two years in the statehouse, he Reserve system would set; they would issue a new type of earned a national reputation for winning passage of progressive paper currency—Federal Reserve notes—that would become

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7 4 5 6 5 12 4 4 4 18 5 13 45 3 15 5 8 13 38 7 3 24 14 4 29 15 11 6 8 3 10 18 12 13 8 12 3 10 12 2 3 9 9 10 12 14 20 10 6

Candidate (Party) Electoral Vote Popular Vote (%)

Woodrow Wilson 435 6,293,454 (Democratic) (41.9) Theodore Roosevelt 4,119,538 (Progressive/Bull Moose) 88 (27.4) William H. Taft 8 3,484,980 (Republican) (23.2) Eugene V. Debs — 900,672 (Socialist) (6.0) Other parties — 235,025 (Prohibition; Socialist Labor)

58.8% of electorate voting

WOODROW WILSON Woodrow Wilson, the 28th president of the United States, was a Virginian (the first southerner to be elected president since before the Civil War), a professor ELECTION OF 1912 The election of 1912 was one of the most unusual in American of political science and later president of Princeton University, governor of New Jersey, and history because of the dramatic schism within the Republican Party. Two Republican known as a brilliant progressive. His election to the presidency brought the first Democrat to the presidents—William Howard Taft, the incumbent, and Theodore Roosevelt, his predecessor—ran White House since 1896. (The Library of Congress (3a21763v)) against each other in 1912, opening the way for a victory by the Democratic candidate, Woodrow Wilson, who won with only about 42 percent of the popular vote. A fourth candidate, the nation’s basic medium of trade and would be backed by the socialist Eugene V. Debs, received a significant 6 percent of the vote. the government. Most important, they would be able to shift • What events caused the schism between Taft and Roosevelt? funds quickly to troubled areas—to meet increased demands for credit or to protect imperiled banks. Supervising and regu- interest in the Clayton Antitrust Bill and did little to protect it lating the entire system was a national Federal Reserve Board, from conservative assaults, which greatly weakened it. The future, whose members were appointed by the president. Nearly half he had apparently decided, lay with government supervision. the nation’s banking resources were represented in the system within a year, and 80 percent by the late 1920s. In 1914, turning to the central issue of his 1912 campaign, Retreat and Advance Wilson proposed two measures to deal with the problem of By the fall of 1914, Wilson believed that the program of the New monopoly. In the process he revealed how his own approach to Freedom was essentially complete and that agitation for reform the issue was beginning to change. There was a proposal to create would now subside. He refused to support the movement for a federal agency through which the government would help busi- national woman suffrage. Deferring to southern Democrats, and ness police itself—a regulatory commission of the type Roosevelt reflecting his own southern background, he condoned the reim- had advocated in 1912. There were also proposals to strengthen position of segregation in the agencies of the federal government the government’s ability to break up trusts—a decentralizing (in contrast to Roosevelt, who had ordered the elimination of approach characteristic of Wilson’s 1912 campaign. The two mea- many such barriers). When congressional progressives attempted sures took shape as the Federal Trade Commission Act and the to enlist his support for new reform legislation, Wilson dismissed Clayton Antitrust Act. The Federal Trade Commission Act created their proposals as unconstitutional or unnecessary. a regulatory agency that would help businesses determine in The congressional elections of 1914, however, shattered advance whether their actions would be acceptable to the govern- the president’s complacency. Democrats suffered major losses ment. The agency would also have authority to launch prosecu- in Congress, and voters who in 1912 had supported the tions against “unfair trade practices,” and it would have wide Progressive Party began returning to the Republicans. Wilson power to investigate corporate behavior. Wilson signed the would not be able to rely on a divided opposition when he ran Federal Trade Commission Bill happily. But he seemed to lose for reelection in 1916. By the end of 1915, therefore, Wilson

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had begun to support a second flurry of reforms. In January clause assigning Congress the task of regulating interstate 1916, he appointed Louis Brandeis to the Supreme Court, commerce. The president similarly supported measures that making him not only the first Jew but also the most progres- used federal taxing authority as a vehicle for legislating social sive justice to serve there. Later, he supported a measure to change. After the Court struck down Keating-Owen, a new make it easier for farmers to receive credit and one creating law attempted to achieve the same goal by imposing a heavy a system of workers’ compensation for federal employees. tax on the products of child labor. (The Court later struck it Wilson was sponsoring measures that expanded the powers down too.) And the Smith-Lever Act of 1914 demonstrated of the national government in important ways. In 1916, for another way in which the federal government could influence example, he supported the Keating-Owen Act, the first federal local behavior; it offered matching federal grants to support law regulating child labor. The measure agricultural extension education. Over time, these innovative child-lABor lAws prohibited the shipment of goods produced uses of government overcame most of the constitutional by underage children across state lines, objections and became the foundation of a long-term growth thus giving an expanded importance to the constitutional in federal power over the economy.

AP CONNECTING THEMES

Chapter 20 emphasized the goals, successes, and limitations of Culture and Society: Explain the ways in which class con- the progressive movement. Review the role of women in insti- sciousness was accentuated during the progressive era and tuting social reforms and consider how their participation in explain changes in the perception of gender roles. progressive reform efforts broadened opportunities and to Work, Exchange, and Technology: Explain the conse- what degree ideas concerning the “cult of domesticity” were quences of economic hardship on both the domestic and inter- affected. Also, you should now be familiar with the role of national scenes. Also, be able to explain the changing view muckrakers in promoting reform, as well as knowing about toward big business on the part of the federal government. geographical divisions and the bases for support or emphasis Politics and Power: Discuss the degree to which theprogressive on various types of reform. Chapter 20 discussed Theodore movement was successful in making the government more Roosevelt’s actions regarding corporate trusts and environ- responsible to the people at the national, state, and local levels. mental conservation. Also discussed was the unusual election Geography and the Environment: Describe the debate of 1912 and the factors that led Woodrow Wilson to be over conservation of resources versus preservation of resources. elected president. Compare Wilson’s New Freedom program Politics and Power: Explain how concepts about the legiti- to Roosevelt’s New Nationalism program. Lastly, the chapter mate role of the federal government in looking out for the wel- compared the respective views of Booker T. Washington and fare of its citizens changed during the progressive era. W.E.B. Du Bois on achieving racial equality. Think about how the progressive movement played a role in assisting certain **Additional note: You should be able to contrast the reform minorities in their struggles for equal rights. movements of the progressive era with those of the Jacksonian The following themes have heightened importance in era. Additionally, in looking ahead, you should ultimately be Chapter 20. You should now be able to do the following for able to compare and contrast the progressive era with other each listed theme: eras of reform such as the New Deal and the Great Society.

AP SUGGESTED STUDY

PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS As you study these items, think about how they demonstrate or relate to key concepts and historical themes from this chapter and previous chapters.

Alice PAul 560 idA tArBell 553 new freedom 579 “BAd trusts” 570 interstAte commerce Act 574 newlAnds Act 575 “Bull moose” PArty 579 iww (“woBBlies”) 569 new nAtionAlism 578 elizABeth cAdy stAnton 559 JAne AddAms 553 PAnic of 1907 576 eugene deBs 568 lincoln steffens 553 ProfessionAl AssociAtions 555 eugenics 568 louis BrAndeis 570 ProhiBition 567 fAther John ryAn 553 mucKrAKers 552 Pure food And drug Act 574 federAl reserve Act 579 municiPAl reforms 561 referendum 562 gifford Pinchot 574 nAAcP 566 roBert lA follette 563 “good trusts” 570 nAtionAl AmericAn womAn settlement houses 553 hetch hetchy 575 suffrAge AssociAtion sierrA cluB 575 hull house 553 (nAwsA) 559 sociAl gosPel 553

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sociAl worK 553 triAngle shirtwAist comPAny women’s christiAn temPerAnce tAmmAny hAll 564 fire 564 union 567 the “new womAn” 556 w.e.B. du Bois 566 womAn’s cluB movement 558 thorstein veBlen 554 western Progressives 565

AP TEST PRACTICE

Questions assume cumulative content knowledge from this chapter and previous chapters.

MULTIPLE CHOICE Use the photograph on page 555 and 5. Answer a, b, and c. your knowledge of U.S. history to answer questions 1–2. a) For ONE of the areas below, briefly explain its 1. The subject matter of the photograph most reflects which influence on progressive ideals. progressive belief? • Enlightenment (A) The progressive belief in participation in municipal • Second Great Awakening government • Early 19th-century Romanticism The progressive belief in the “natural laws” of the (B) b) Provide ONE example of an event or development to marketplace support your explanation. The progressive belief in individual accomplishment (C) c) Briefly explain why ONE of the other options is not and professionalism as useful to explaining influences leading to the (D) The progressive belief in the influence of the environ- development of progressivism at the turn of the ment on human individual development 20th century.

2. During which earlier period in American history was there 6. Use the political cartoon on page 554 to answer a, b, and c. a similar concern for social welfare for the underprivileged a) Briefly explain the opinion expressed by the artist about of different ethnic backgrounds? ONE of the following: 17th century Puritan New England (A) • Monopolies 18th century Enlightenment period (B) • Senators Post Second Great Awakening secular movements (C) • Public opinion Post-Civil War western towns (D) b) Briefly explain ONE development from 1889 to 1910 that might give some validity to its claim. SHORT ANSWER Use your knowledge of U.S. history to answer questions 3–6. c) Briefly explain ONE way in which this political issue was reformed between 1889 and 1910. 3. Answer a, b, and c. a) Briefly explain ONE example of a variety of progressive LONG ESSAY For each question below, develop a thoughtful reform. and thorough historical argument that answers the question. b) Briefly explain a SECOND example of a variety of Begin your essay with a thesis statement and support it with progressive reform. relevant historical evidence. c) Briefly explain ONE example of a commonality in 7. Evaluate the extent to which the reform movements of philosophy, motives, or goals between the varieties of the progressive era of the early 20th century were a con- movement you identified above. tinuation as well as a departure from the reform movements of the 1820s and 1830s in regard to their 4. Answer a, b, and c. philosophies, goals, and motivations. a) For ONE of the groups below, identify a political, social, or economic issue it tackled in the progressive era. 8. Some historians have argued that the progressive era was a turning point in the women’s rights movement. Support, • Labor modify, or refute this interpretation, providing specific • Political Parties evidence to justify your answer. • African Americans b) Briefly explain ONE example of a success or advancement the group achieved regarding the issue. c) Briefly explain ONE development that would support an argument that the success or advancement was limited.

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YOUR PERFECT GUIDE 20 THE PROGRESSIVES AP TO THE LATEST version of HISTORICAL THINKING 1. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways were progressives able to make the American political system more democratic at the national, state, and local levels? 2. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways did the progressive movement improve life for average Americans AP United States History Curriculum through the regulation of big business? 3. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways were progressives able to enact social welfare legislation? 4. Contextualization Analyze the sources of support for progressive reform and the reasons for that support. 5. Contextualization Analyze the role of women in the progressive movement, reforms they sought to attain, and The new AP® Edition of Alan Brinkley’s American History © 2017 fully addresses the revised AP their relative success in realizing those goals. 6. Comparison Compare and contrast the views of big business and conservationists on the use of natural United States History Curriculum and provides students with the guidance and support they need resources. 7. Comparison Compare and contrast New Nationalism with New Freedom. 8. Comparison Compare the positions of Booker T. Washington to master the key concepts, themes, historical thinking skills, and the new AP US History Exam. and W.E.B. Du Bois on how to best attain equal rights for African Americans.

Key Concept Correlations “VOTES FOR WOMEN,” BY B. M. BOYE This Analyze the ways the historical developments you learn about in this chapter striking poster was the prize-winning entry in a 1911 contest connect to one or more of these key concepts in AP U.S History coursework.. sponsored by the College Equal Suffrage League of 6.3.I.C A number of artists and critics, including agrarians, utopians, Northern California. (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Our AP Test Practice questions match the rigor and complexity of the questions on the newly socialists, and advocates of the Social Gospel, championed alternative vi- Harvard University) sions for the economy and U.S. society. 6.3.II.B Many women sought greater equality with men, often joining 7.1.II.C Preservationists and conservationists both supported the establish- voluntary organizations, going to college, promoting social and political revised exam and the themes and key concepts are fully integrated into the core text. ment of national parks while advocating different government responses to the reform, and, like Jane Addams, working in settlement houses to help im- overuse of natural resources. migrants adapt to U.S. language and customs. 7.1.II.D The Progressives were divided over many issues. Some 7.1.II. A Some Progressive Era journalists attacked what they saw as Progressives supported Southern segregation, while others ignored its pres- political corruption, social injustice, and economic inequality, while reform- ence. Some Progressives advocated expanding popular participation in gov- ers, often from the middle and upper classes and including many women, ernment, while others called for greater reliance on professional and technical worked to effect social changes in cities and among immigrant popula- experts to make government more efficient. Progressives also disagreed tions. The transition to the new curriculum is made easy for teachers and students with the new AP about immigration restriction. 7.1.II.B On the national level, Progressives sought federal legislation that they believed would effectively regulate the economy, expand democracy, and generate moral reform. Progressive amendments to the Thematic Learning Objectives Edition, new AP Teacher Manual, and new AP Test Banks, and new AP Source Library. . Constitution dealt with issues such as prohibition and woman suffrage. CUL-1.0, 2.0, 3.0; NAT-2.0; POL-1.0, 2.0, 3.0; GEO-1.0 McGraw-Hill Education has you covered!

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