The Linguistic Structure of Arapaho Personal Names

ANDREW COWELL University of Colorado ALONZO MOSS, SR. Northern Arapaho Tribe

In this article, we examine the linguistic structure of Arapaho personal names. The social aspects of name-giving in Arapaho culture have been discussed by several authors (Hilger 1952, Eggan 1955, Anderson 2001, 2003), and will not be treated here. The key finding about the personal names which we wish to stress is that the grammatical structure of the naming system has preserved an older stratum of Arapaho grammar, which is otherwise attested only in traditional narratives told in a highly formalized style. In particular, the personal naming system has preserved the opposition between the independent order and conjunct order verb paradigms which existed in Proto-Algonquian (henceforth PA), and which continues to exist in most Algonquian languages, but which has been rad­ ically modified in contemporary spoken Arapaho (henceforth CSA).

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE ARAPAHO VERB SYSTEM In order to contextualize the analysis of the personal names, we begin with a brief summary of the details of Arapaho historical morphology and morphosyntax. The contemporary Arapaho independent order includes two modes, an affirmative and a non-affirmative/irrealis (Goddard 1967:81). The non-affirmative mode derives directly from the PA indepen­ dent order. However, the affirmative mode derives from the changed con­ junct participle. In these CSA examples, the first shows the presence of initial change on the stem and a post-fixed person marker derived from the PA changed conjunct participle: (1) neni:bei-t ho:wu-ni:bei sing(AI)-3 NEG-sing(AI) 'he is singing' 'he is not singing'

Papers of the 35th Algonquian Conference, ed. H.C. Wolfart (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 2004), pp. 61-74. ANDREW COWELL & ALONZO MOSS, SR. 62

Additionally, CSA has retained the PA changed conjunct participle m its participial role with U and AI verbs. Thus in the II and the AI, there is no morphological distinction between an affirmative and a participial form (cf. Cowell & Moss 2002): (2) be:?e:-? nono:ho:t-owo: hinP be:?e:-? red(H)-SlNG see(TI)-l that red(II)-SlNG 'it is red' 'I see the one which is red' (3) nenvbei-t neniiton-o:t hinP neni:bei-t sing(AI)-3 hear(TA)-3/3' that sing(AI)-3 ^ 'he is singing' 'she hears the one who is singing' For the TA and TI verbs, however, new forms have been created for the participial function (Cowell & Moss 2002). Thus a morphological con­ trast does exist in CSA for these verb forms, as in this TA example: (4) nih-bi:n-eino: niiyou hinP nei-h-bi:n-ei:t PAST-give(TA)-3/l here is that l-PAST-give(TA)-3.PART 'he gave me something' 'here is the thing that he gave me' In sum, CSA features a much more radical morphological distinction between affirmative and non-affirmative clauses than was the case in PA, while the morphological distinction between independent and subordinate clauses is much less distinct - in fact, non-existent - for AI and II verbs. We will see in this paper that Arapaho personal names, in the affirmative, do not make use of CSA affirmative mode morphology. Rather, they have preserved the PA-type morphology.

THE MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF THE NAMES In the following, we present samples of all the basic types of Arapaho personal names, classified by their structure. The names examined and analyzed here are derived from two sources. First, a search has been made of available published material for Arapaho names which include at least an attempt at an Arapaho transcription. Due to the inadequacy of most transcriptions, typically only names accompanied by an English transla­ tion can be adequately analyzed. Secondly, names have been collected systematically by the two authors on the Wind River Reservation. Alonzo Moss, Sr. has collected nearly 300 names: he has transcribed the Arapaho name, given an English translation, and listed the possessors of these THE LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE OF ARAPAHO PERSONAL NAMES 63 names. His database constitutes the primary source for this paper. Andrew Cowell has collected around 100 names from an elderly man who is often asked to name others, and who keeps a list of suitable older names. It should be noted that contemporary Arapahos always use a stan­ dardized English translation for their Arapaho personal name. In some cases, this is not the most literal translation of the name. In fact, the English versions have come to occupy the position of "parallel" tradi­ tional names, and people will sometimes be called by the English version of the Arapaho name. Where this standardized version of the name is given in English, we use an initial capital letter. Where a literal gloss of the name is given which does not correspond to the standardized version, we use no capitals, and also use single quotation marks. Based on their linguistic structure, Arapaho names can be divided into three categories: particles or roots; nominal forms; and verbal forms - either single verbs or more complex multi-word sentences.

Roots and particles Names consisting only of a root are comparatively rare in Arapaho. For example: (5) tokd-.e, Above (6) notkon, Scout (7) nosouh, Keep on (doing something) The names which consist merely of a root are interesting in that roots do not otherwise occur in Arapaho without accompanying abstract or lex­ ical derivational elements. Thus personal names instantiate a morphosyn­ tactic category which is otherwise unattested in the language. When the above roots occur in Arapaho otherwise than as names, they appear as: (8) tokood-i:hP, above-ADVERBlAL , 'above' (9) notikon-i:hi:, scout-AGENT, 'scout' (10) no:sou-ni:bei-t, still/continue-sing (AI)-3 , 'he is still singing'

Nominalforms Personal names which are structurally nominal in form occur as either unmodified or modified NPs. Examples of the former include: 64 ANDREW COWELL & ALONZO MOSS, SR.

(11) biixono:, Plume (12) noube:, Fly (the insect) Examples of the latter include: (13) nou.h-usei, kit fox-woman, Fox Woman (14) Oonouhu-unen, lazy-man, Lazy Man (15) si:yo:ni-P, rock formation/cluster-LOC, In the Rocks Note in the latter examples that these NPs exhibit some inflectional morphology, such as the locative suffix, but they seem not to occur as plu­ rals. The nominal suffixes -(i/ufsei 'woman' and -(i/u)nen 'man' are com­ monly used, with the first being much more common than the second.In fact, the gender-neutral forms of names appear to be most commonly con­ sidered as default masculine forms, and the -sei suffix is then added to create feminine forms. These two suffixes are commonly used in other contexts of the language: the term for 'nurse', for example, is that for 'doctor' with the feminine suffix added: /notonohei-isei/ gives notono- heisei. Thus Arapaho does not show derivational morphology unique to the personal naming system, unlike Delaware, for example (Goddard 1991). The one exception to this is a shortened form of 'woman' which occurs simply as -s: ni.bei-s, sing-woman, Singing Woman. Other than these lexical suffixes, there are no structural distinctions between men's and women's names in Arapaho. The names also do not undergo morphosyntactic changes within sentence contexts: there is no marking of obviation, for example, even if the named individual fulfills an obviative role.

Verbal forms: Independent indicatives As stated earlier, affirmative personal names in Arapaho are notable for their use of older, PA-type morphology. As was also explained earlier, CSA non-affirmative forms continue to use the older PA-type morphology, while CSA affirmative forms do not. The upshot of this fact is that affirma­ tive personal names in Arapaho exhibit the same morphology as CSA non- affirmative forms: they "look" negative, though they are lacking in a negation marker. This seems an opportune point to repeat the central assertion of this article: Arapaho personal names preserve an older stratum of the Ian- THE LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE OF ARAPAHO PERSONAL NAMES 65 guage, in which the radical distinction between affirmative and non-affir­ mative forms which characterizes CSA had not arisen. An alternative argument could be suggested to the effect that the personal naming sys­ tem is simply unique unto itself- a result of processes of phonological and morphological reduction within the naming system which merely happen to have produced similarities with the non-affirmative forms. In order to show that this is not the case, we will present the affirmative per­ sonal names in parallel with CSA non-affirmative verb forms in the follow­ ing section. We will also present the contrasting CSA affirmative forms. This presentation will reveal the exact parallels between the personal naming and CSA non-affirmative systems, including equivalent shifts in pitch-accent, loss of certain final vowels, and similar morphophonemic processes in relation to the CSA affirmative system. Since the CSA non- affirmative is clearly a direct inheritance from PA, the comparison will show that the personal name system is likewise a direct inheritance. Examples of independent indicative names include the following sim­ ple sentences: (16) tei:to:ni:bei tei:to:-ni:bei quiet/calm-sing(AI) Singing Quiet (cf. CSA tenei:to:ni:bei-t 'he is singing quietly'; ho:w-tei:to:ni:bei 'he is not singing quietly') (17) cetoun cet-oun many-branched(ll) Lots of Branches (cf. CSA ce:toun-P 'it has lots of branches'; ho.w-cetoun 'it does not have lots of branches') Following are examples of complex sentences, including examples of subject NPs, oblique objects (18), and both stative and active (19, 22) verbs. (18) hone? cebise: sky walk(AI) Walks in the Sky (cf. CSA ce:bise:-t 'he is walking'; ho.w-cebise: 'he is not walking') 66 ANDREW COWELL & ALONZO MOSS, SR.

(19) wox be.seW bear have a big body(AI) Big Bear (cf. CSA bene:sei6-e? 'he has a big body'; ho:w-be:seiO 'he does not have a big body') (20) woxu: wo:Ge:no? wox-u: wo:6e:-no? bear-PL many(AI)-PL Many Bears (cf. CSA wono:9e:-eP 'there are many of them'; ho:w-o:0e:-no? 'there are not many of them') (21) niPeihi: ni.sno? ni:?eihi: ni:s-no? eagle two(AI)-PL Two Eagles (cf. CSA neniisi-dP 'there are two of them'; ho:wu-ni:s-no? 'there are not two of them')1 (22) hoOof bisise: star appears Morning Star (cf. CSA bi:sise:-t 'it is appearing'; ho:w-bisise: 'it is not appearing') Note that in all cases, the form of both the verb stem and the inflec­ tional morphology of the personal names matches that of CSA non-affir­ mative forms, which themselves represent a direct inheritance from the old PA independent indicative affirmative. The personal names show no initial change in the verb stem, a lack of third person marker, and the plu­ ral marker -no? which in CSA (when used with verbs) is specific to the non-affirmative paradigm.

1. Note that the noun in (21) is singular, while in (20) it is plural. Most names show morphological reduction of the plural to the singlar. In Arapaho narratives, when an indef­ inite referent occurs, there is a tendency (but not a requirement) to use singular forms where English would use plurals. In phrases like 'the Indians used to do it that way,' Arap­ aho narrators will often say OowoOnenite: nih?i:ne:?e:sto:t 'an Indian used to do it that way.' The Arapaho translation of forms such as hou: wo.&e.no? is always 'many crows (indefinite)' and never 'those (definite) crows are numerous' or 'there are many (definite) crows here.' This suggests an explanation of the use of the singular. THE LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE OF ARAPAHO PERSONAL NAMES 67

Additionally, personal names exhibit loss of final vowels and sylla­ bles, as does the CSA non-affirmative: (23a) ce:bih?ohu-t 'she is flying past' (23b) ho:w-cebih?o 'she is not flying past' (23c) hiseihihp cebih?o Flying Girl This loss occurs only in the non-affirmative, (cf. imperative cebih?ohu 'fly!') Finally, personal names show characteristic shifts of the pitch-accent pattern which are the same as those shown by CSA non-affirmative verbs: (24a) OiPoku-t 'she is sitting' (24b) ho:w-6Pok 'she is not sitting' (24c) hisei 9Pok Sitting Woman All of these features reveal the connections between the CSA non- affirmative and personal names, and thus the connections of both with the original PA independent indicative paradigm. With these facts in mind, we can examine the second main type of verbal names, the participial ones.

Verbal forms: Participles Examples of participial names include: (25) ho.ndiise.t ho:no-use:-t travel for scouting-go on foot(AI)-3 'the one who is a travelling scout' (26) ho:wohu:sebeit ho:woh-u:sebei-t many-possess horses(AI)-3 'the one who has many horses' (27) neni:tow6:to? nee neni:towo:t-o? nee hear(Tl)-3 water 'the one who hears the water' (28) hene.ee: ce.ni.ho.t hene:ce: ce:ni:h-o:t buffalo bull butcher(TA)-3/3' 'the one who butchers buffalo' 68 ANDREW COWELL & ALONZO MOSS, SR.

At first glance, the AI and II forms appear to be simply CSA indepen­ dent indicative, affirmative forms. But given the earlier evidence concern­ ing the independent indicative forms, it seems preferable to treat the forms here as examples of participles. In other words, the Arapaho per­ sonal naming system preserves the independent order/conjunct order dis­ tinction which existed in PA, but which has been lost in the AI and II in CSA. One might be tempted to argue instead that these names are simply newly created names which use the newer grammar of CSA. But if that were the case, we would expect that names might exist which would have used the newer morphology for TA and TI participles seen in (4). In fact, however, they do not and, more convincingly, not a single attested Arap­ aho name in the list of around 500 that we have compiled from various sources uses the morphology of (4). Thus the personal naming system has retained a minimal opposition between independent clause and conjunct participle, which exists in this minimal form nowhere else in the lan­ guage.

SYNTAX OF PERSONAL NAMES The following rules can be offered. First, names which involve only a simple verbal sentence (or which include an overt NP which fulfills an oblique role) seem to be more-or-less equally divided between those which are participles and those which are independent indicative forms. Second, for TA/TI verb forms with overt NP objects, only participial forms are attested, with inanimate objects following the verb and animate objects preceding the verb. Third, for AI verb forms with overt NP sub­ jects, the independent indicative forms must be used, with the verb always in final position. In this regard, the syntax of Arapaho personal names is much more highly constrained than that of the language more generally. The syntax is quite similar to that of verbal place names, however, which also show a strong tendency towards verb-final syntactic order (Cowell & Moss 2004). In part, this reflects the fact that most verbal place names are headless relative clauses with an implied 'the time when ...' or 'the place where ...'; relative clauses in Arapaho have much more tightly con-

2. Note in (28) the lack of obviation on hene.ce:. One would expect hene:ce:-n in nor­ mal sentence contexts, but in personal names, this obviation seems not to occur. This mor­ phological reduction is similar to that seen in (21). THE LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE OF ARAPAHO PERSONAL NAMES 69 strained syntax than independent clauses. But the same syntactic rules seem to apply even to personal names which are not participles or rela­ tive-clause constituents.

OLDER GRAMMATICAL STRATA ELSEWHERE IN ARAPAHO There is one other place within Arapaho grammar where the old indepen­ dent indicative/participle contrast has been preserved. This is in tradi­ tional narratives told in the older, formal style. It has long been recognized that such narratives make use of a special narrative past tense, which requires non-affirmative inflectional morphology. But this is an understatement of the actual situation. In fact, the narratives retain the use of an older, PA-like grammar, like the personal naming system. The narrative past tense he?ih-, accompanied by CSA non-affirmative inflectional morphology, is used only for independent clauses in tradi­ tional narratives. In participial uses, the standard CSA past tense marker nih- is used, along with CSA affirmative inflectional morphology. Thus in a narrative about a man who disobeys an eating restriction and turns into a bird, one can find a sentence such as: (29) he?ih-cesisih?o nehe? hinen nih?i:s-ce:Obi:Oi-?. NPAST-fly away(AI) this man PAST.PERF-accidentally eat(AI)-3 niiyou hoote here is sinew 'The man who had accidentally eaten the sinew flew away.' The firstA I verb uses non-affirmative inflections (cf. 23b,c) while the second AI verb uses what looks like the CSA affirmative inflections; final - ? occurs instead of -t in several common Arapaho verbs. But rather than talking about the narrative as a mixture of two different types of inflec­ tions, it is much more tidy and economical - especially in light of what we have seen regarding the personal names - to say simply that the older narrative style makes use of an older, PA-style grammatical system, in which independent and subordinate clauses are strongly differentiated, while affirmative and non-affirmative are less radically differentiated; in the narrative style, the negation of (29) would be simply he?ih-cu- cesisih?o. 70 ANDREW COWELL & ALONZO MOSS, SR.

SOCIO-CULTURAL CORRELATIONS Such unique preservation of an older grammatical strata is not necessarily surprising in that Arapaho culture is very conservative with personal names, as well as with traditional narratives. The names are commonly passed down over several generations, with their linguistic form intact. As a result, personal names (unlike place names, for example), include some names which are no longer understood or analyzable by either native speakers or linguists, though in some cases they have attached, traditional interpretations. Other names, from the linguist's perspective, have clearly undergone phonological reduction while nevertheless remaining intact enough for analysis. As with other Algonquian languages (cf. Goddard 1991, Bloomfield 1962:21-22, 55), Arapaho names can be contracted. Thus the name hisei be:?eih meaning Red Woman is now commonly pro­ nounced seibeih. Native speakers resist re-expressing this and other names in the full form which their meaning would call for in the contem­ porary language, and are strongly resistant when it is suggested that the name "should be spelled/pronounced" in a "more correct" way based on the underlying form and meaning. While this attitude is partially attribut­ able to language loss and a distrust by the speakers of their own knowl­ edge and instincts about the language, it is far more fundamental to the culture, and is shared by even the most fluent speakers. It is this attitude which in part marks Arapaho personal names as names rather than unmarked lexical items. The same attitude is shared by traditionally ori­ ented individuals towards proper story-telling style as well. We should clarify, however, that the personal naming system is not simply an example of a collection of fossilized forms. The system remains productive, at least for some people, in that when a traditionally- oriented elder with experience in naming is given a made-up name in English, he or she will use the older personal naming morphology to cre­ ate the new name in Arapaho, not the newer morphology of CSA. There is variation in this result, however: the more closely the made-up name matches the semantic content of traditional names, the more likely that the older morphology will be used. Complex and strange English sugges­ tions tend to produce CSA translations. Similarly, the translations of traditional names into English reveal only a partial productivity for the independent/participial distinction. Some of the standardized translations retain the form of 'the one who...' THE LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE OF ARAPAHO PERSONAL NAMES 71 for participial names, but others do not, and when fluent speakers are asked to "explain what the name literally means," the independent/parti­ cipial distinction will often not be made. Thus while the system is for­ mally productive, the actual semantic content distinctions embedded in the differing forms are only marginally recognized. This is of course not surprising in that CSA uses the same PA-derived participial form for both semantic purposes: it appears that the names are undergoing "re-interpre­ tation," and that the participial forms, under the influence of current grammar, are tending to be translated as straightforward independent indicatives in the absence of a larger syntactic context which would indi­ cate their specifically participial function. While we could once again point to language loss as a factor in this, even the most fluent speakers will sometimes fail to make distinctions between independent and parti­ cipial forms, so the general structure of the modern language seems to be the key issue.

LARGER HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES There are a number of sources which list Arapaho names from the nine­ teenth century. The oldest such sources list individuals who were promi­ nent members of Arapaho society in the 1840s and 1850s, and who thus can be assumed to have received their name as early as the year 1800. Such assumptions are complicated by the fact that Arapaho individuals can often change their names over their lifetime. This does not always occur, however and later names in any event are often obtained from even older elders, so it seems reasonable to assume that documented Arapaho names provide us with a 200-year time depth. We have reviewed these records to try and verify whether the naming paradigms documented in our own primary research (which range well over 100 years in terms of the year of the name's assignment) are in any way different from older ones. The short answer to this question is no. All of the personal name types documented here - roots and particles, nominal forms, participial verbs, and independent verbs - are found in the historical sources. The most complete old list is that published by Dorsey in 1903, where he lists the participants in the Southern Arapaho Sun Dances of 1901 and 1902. That list consists mostly of names of the independent indicative type, but with 72 ANDREW COWELL & ALONZO MOSS, SR.

plenty of names of the other types as well. No clear trends or develop­ ments, either historical or geographical (Southern versus Northern Arap­ aho) can be detected. Looking backwards, this is of course not surprising, in that the present study shows that the naming system has its roots in a PA-derived verbal paradigm which no doubt dates back well over two thousand years. The personal naming system of Gros Ventre is the same as that for Arapaho: (30) kydakiOa? no.keh wolf white(AI) White Wolf (Taylor 1994:447); contrast standard spoken Gros Ventre ndnd.keh-^i meaning 'he is white' (Taylor 1994:447). Note the same lack of initial change in the Gros Ven­ tre name as seen in Arapaho independent forms, and the same lack of a person marker. The corresponding Arapaho forms would be no.keih, as in woxho.x no.keih "White Horse', and nono:keih-t. But while the personal naming system says relatively little about the distant past of the Arapaho language, it does say somewhat more about the more recent present. The (admittedly limited) early sources on the Arapaho language, such as Hayden 1863 and Kroeber 1916 offer evi­ dence of very few morphological or syntactic differences from CSA (though phonological differences are certainly evident), and none on the level of fundamental paradigm shifts. The linguistic sources permit one to say that the radical innovations characteristic of Arapaho morphology all occurred prior to around 1850. The evidence of place-names is useful here as well. The place-naming system shows no trace of the older mor­ phology in names documented in 1914, which can be dated back at least to the 1850's (Cowell & Moss 2004; Hayden 1863). All such documented old place names are for areas of Colorado and Wyoming. The Arapahos apparently shifted their center of occupation southwards to these areas only in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth centuries (Trenholm 1986:3-32). When they did, they would have had to create an entirely new set of place names. Unlike personal names, place names, which are loca­ tion-specific, are harder to transfer intact. Thus when names for areas of Colorado were created, in the early nineteenth century, they all used CSA- style morphology, suggesting that CSA had already come into being by around the year 1800. Of course, the significant parallels in grammar between Arapaho and Atsina/Gros Ventre allow one to push the date of THE LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE OF ARAPAHO PERSONAL NAMES 73 csA-style morphology back to the time prior to the separation of those two languages, which must date to the eighteenth century at the latest. Gros Ventre exhibits the same radical affirmative/non-affirmative distinction as Arapaho, as well as the same innovations in the TA and TI participle forms (Cowell & Moss 2002). Thus while the morphological shifts can be pushed back as far as 250- 300 years, and perhaps farther, it seems unlikely that they are much older than that. This is because it would seem unlikely that the personal name system as well as the formal style of traditional narrative would maintain the older stratum of grammar for a "very" long period of time - for sev­ eral centuries, say. Of course, the meaning of "very" here will have to remain extremely vague, but the preservation of this older stratum of the grammar as a productive system, within both the domains of personal naming and traditional narratives, argues for a more rather than a less recent shift to CSA. At the same time, the fact that the narrative and per­ sonal name systems can be documented as maintaining this older stratum of grammar productively from at least 1750 until past 2000 - over 250 years - is itself a very interesting fact, and a testament to a surprising lin­ guistic conservatism in a culture which has otherwise been noted for its radical linguistic innovation.

APPENDIX: MAJOR DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF ARAPAHO PERSONAL NAMES USED FOR THIS STUDY 1. Blackmore 1869:312 (report of travels in the west in the 1860s): 5 names of treaty sign­ ers or attendees. 2. Mooney 1896:207-235 (names of individuals involved in the ghost dance, alive in the 1880s and 1890s): at least 5 names given in passing in the text. 3. Dorsey 1903:30-32 (names collected in 1903, of older people alive at the time): over 80 names, with a few more mentioned in passing in the rest of text. 4. N. Curtis 1907:199-202 (names mentioned in or in connection with songs collected around 1900): 7 names, not all translated. 5. Toll 1914 (names collected in 1914, of people alive in 1840s or earlier): 8 names men­ tioned in passing in the text. 6. Kroeber 1916 (based on fieldwork done around 1900): 12 names used as linguistic examples in the text on Arapahoan dialects. 7. Hilger 1952 (names only in translation, but a large set): around 115 names. 8. Fowler 1982:32-86 (in passing) and 311-14 (in passing) plus a few other names in passing (dating back to chiefs of the first half of the nineteenth century): around 30 names total, plus larger lists of names in English translation only. 74 ANDREW COWELL & ALONZO MOSS, SR.

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