Universite D'antananarivo Faculte Des Lettres Et

UNIVERSITE D’ANTANANARIVO FACULTE DES LETTRES ET SCIENCES HUMAINES DEPARTEMENT D’ ETUDES ANGLOPHONES

Mémoire de Maîtrise Option Sociolinguistique

The discourse around the presidential campaigns of Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana as seen in Midi Madagasikara (2001)

présenté par Heidi Harivelo Ranaivo Rabehaja

Président: Pr Lucien Razanadrakoto, Université d’Antananarivo

Juge : Dr Régis Manoro, Université d’Antananarivo

Directeur de recherches : Pr Irène Rabenoro, Université d’Antananarivo

Date de soutenance : 01 août 2006 ‘Knowledge will forever govern ignorance; and a people who mean to be their own

governors must arm themselves with the power which knowledge gives.’

James Madison (1751-1836)

2 ABSTRACT

Our research project deals with political discourse analysis. It mainly works on the 65 articles produced by Midi Madagasikara , published during the 2001 presidential campaign. Our objective consists in identifying the possible reasons why the electorate has voted for either Ratsiraka or

Ravalomanana.

To attain our objective, we have determined the main themes contained in the reported discourse of the candidates and in that of the partisans. We have also detected Midi Madagasikara’ s views which enable us to fish out its position with regards to the two candidates.

The discourses of Ratsiraka and his partisans focus particularly on national unity, autonomous provinces, social peace and economic growth.

Those of Ravalomanana and his staff lay stress on poverty, respect, and change. As for Midi Madagasikara ’s views, the paper was in favour of

Ravalomanana.

Keywords: discourse analysis, electoral campaign, Ratsiraka, Ravalomanana

3 FAMINTINANA

Famakafakana vokatra eo amin’ny sehatra politika no votoatin’ity asa- pikarohana ity. Lahatsoratra 65 izay novokarin’i Midi Madagasikara nandritra ny fampielezan-kevitra hifidianana filoham-pirenena tamin’ny taona 2001 no niaingana.

Firaisankinam-pirenena, faritany mizaka tena, filaminana ary fitomboan’ny arin-karena no lohahevitra novoizin’i Ratsiraka sy ireo mpanohana azy. Ady amin’ny fahantrana, fifanajana ary fiovana no lohahevitra naroson’i Ravalomanana sy ireo mpiaradia aminy. Nilaina nofantarina koa anefa ny fomba fijerin’i Midi Madagasikara izay nentina namantarana ny toerana misy azy mihoatra amin’ ireo kandida roa ireo.

Rehefa novakiana mantsy ireo lahatsoratra dia tsapa fa toa niandany tamin’i Ravalomanana ny gazety Midi . Voaporofo fa mitombona ny fanohanana tamin’ny alalan’ity asa-pikarohana ity.

Voateny iaingana: famakafakana vokatra, fampielezan-kevitra, Ratsiraka,

Ravalomanana

4 RESUME

Ce projet de recherche consiste en une analyse de discours politique. Il traite les 65 articles relevés dans le quotidien Midi Madagasikara , parus pendant la campagne électorale dans le cadre de l’élection présidentielle du

16 décembre 2001. Notre objectif était de déceler les éventuelles raisons pour lesquelles l’électorat a voté pour l’un ou l’autre des candidats

Ratsiraka ou Ravalomanana.

Notre approche consiste à identifier les thèmes majeurs des discours des candidats et de leurs partisans tels qu’ils ont été rapportés par le journal. Par ailleurs, nous avons procédé à l’analyse du point de vue du quotidien à travers les mêmes articles afin de déterminer la position du journal par rapport aux deux candidats.

Les discours de Ratsiraka et ses partisans sont essentiellement axés sur l’unité nationale et les provinces autonomes, la paix sociale et la croissance

économique. Ceux de Ravalomanana et ses supporters mettent l’accent sur la lutte contre la pauvreté et prônent le respect et le changement. Le point de vue de Midi Madagasikara se penche plutôt pour Ravalomanana.

Mots clés : analyse de discours, campagne électorale, Ratsiraka, Ravalomanana

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………………1

1. Ratsiraka’s and Ravalomanana’s discourse………………………………………………8 1.1 The candidates’ discourse as reported in Midi ………………………………8 1.1.1 Research methodology……………………………………………………..8 1.1.2 Corpus processing…………………………………………………………..11 1.1.3 Selected keywords………………………………………………………….13 1.2. The major topics in Ratsiraka’s discourse…………………………………16 1.2.1 National unity………………………………………………………………… 18 1.2.2 Autonomous provinces……………………………………………………20 1.3. The major topics in Ravalomanana’s discourse………………………. 21 1.3.1 Poverty…………………………………………………………………………….26 1.3.2 Respect…………………………………………………………………………...27

2. The discourse of the candidates’ supporters as reported in Midi ………….30 2.1 The main participants………………………………………………………………….30 2.1.1 Political figures and forces backing Ratsiraka……………….30 2.1.2 Political figures and forces backing Ravalomanana………40 2.2 The major topics in the discourse of Ratsiraka’s partisans……….48 2.2.1 Social peace…………………………………………………………………….50 2.2.2 Economic growth…………………………………………………………….52 2.3 The major topics in the discourse of Ravalomanana’s supporters .56 2.3.1 Denigration……………………………………………………………………..57 2.3.2 Change…………………………………………………………………………….58

3. Midi ’s views on Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana ………………………………………63 3.1 Midi ’s discourse related to Ratsiraka………………………………………….64 3.1.1 Corruption……………………………………………………………………….68 3.1.2 Irresponsibility………………………………………………………………..70 3.2 Midi ’s discourse related to Ravalomanana………………………………….80 3.2.1 New face………………………………………………………………………….91

6 3.2.2 Victim………………………………………………………………………………93 3.3 Midi ‘s discourse related to both candidates……………………………….94 3.3.1 The similarities……………………………………………………………..109 3.3.2 The differences……………………………………………………………..110 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………….……113 Bibliograhic references………………………………………………………………………………117 Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………………………126

7 INTRODUCTION

Presentation of the subject and its interest

Despite a few research projects, Madagascar’s political life remains poorly explored. As Roubaud (Roubaud 22) states: ‘La morphologie politique de Madagascar est encore largement inexploitée.’ (Madagascar’s political morphology is still poorly explored). Thus, we have thought it interesting to conduct a research work on part of Madagascar’s political history by working on the output of an act of communication produced in the 2001 presidential campaign as reported in Midi Madagasikara 1. Hence the title of this dissertation: The discourse around the presidential campaigns of Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana as seen in Midi Madagasikara

(2001) .

To look upon the scope 2 of our work, we have consulted several works such as the research projects 3 that have been recently achieved 4.

Compared with these, the originality of ours lies in its way of conducting a discourse analysis which, according to Maingueneau 5, is at the crossroads of human sciences. We have to be aware of Madagascar’s political history

1 The first national daily newspaper was created in 1983 by Marthe Andriambelo: Midi Madagasikara : Midi en quelques mots , http://www.midi-madagasikara.mg/ --> , 26 June 2004. 2 We can have a look at our bibliographic references to find out the works that we were able to consult. 3 Lovasoa Michelle Bodovoahangy Rabary, dissertation ‘Maîtrise’ of Journalism entitled L’Express de Madagascar et les élections présidentielles du 16 décembre 2001, defended on January 2004, University of Antananarivo. 4 Hajanirina Tolojanahary Rakotozafy, dissertation ‘Maîtrise’ of Public law and Political sciences entitled La vie politique malgache sous la troisième république, defended on Octobre 2002, Catholic Instutite of Madagascar (Institut Catholique de Madagascar). 5 Dominique Maingueneau, L’analyse du discours , Paris : Hachette, 1991, cover page : l’analyse de discours politique est un ‘Véritable carrefour des sciences humaines…’.

which enables us to undertake the political discourse analysis under consideration. None of the previously consulted works is based on a discourse analysis. Indeed, analysts of political discourse in Madagascar are scarce, as Rakotozafy (Rakotozafy 64) asserts : ‘Il est à déplorer que les analystes de discours politiques sont infiniment rares à Madagascar.’

(We deplore the fact that political discourse analysts are extremely scarce in Madagascar).

Second, our research is original in that it concerns the discourse on the discourse of the two main contenders of the presidentials, Didier Ratsiraka 6 and Marc Ravalomanana, whereas the above-mentioned dissertations deal with political events in Madagascar. However, our dissertation is also a contribution to Madagascar’s political history.

Six candidates 7 - all males - had registered for the 16 December 2001 election, but we are interested only in the two frontrunners. They are our targets as the former was an incumbent president and the latter became president in 2002. To be more precise, Ratsiraka was the only President of the second Republic (1975-1992). He was re-elected in 1996 although he was not expected to be so once ousted by the 1991 popular movement 8. In other words, the political atmosphere was tense as people had enough of

Ratsiraka. Thus, Ratsiraka was president for the second time for he was

6 From now on, we will refer to Didier Ratsiraka and Marc Ravalomanana as Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana. 7 Daniel Rajakoba, Patrick Rajaonary, Didier Ratsiraka, Marc Ravalomanana, Herizo Razafimahaleo and Albert Zafy were the candidates that ran for the 2001 presidency according to Midi Madagasikara of 22 November 2001. 8 ‘Les gens en avaient assez de la gabegie, du népotisme, (…) Devant le phénomène de décadence et de dictature, une soif de changement et de renouveau se faisait sentir profondément au sein de la majorité silencieuse.’, Ferdinand Deleris, Madagascar 1991-94 dans l’œil du cyclone , Cahier n°1, Paris : L’Harmattan, 1994, pp 13-14.

elected for another five-year term in the third Republic which was officially inaugurated on 27 March 1993 9. In the 2001 presidential election,

Ratsiraka was running for the sixth time 10 . As far as Ravalomanana 11 is concerned, he is viewed as a newcomer as compared to Ratsiraka because he was running for presidency for the first time, and – as far as we know - did not belong to any political party till the 2001 presidential campaign.

Certainly, Ravalomanana is a new political figure as he was mayor of

Antananarivo only from 1999 to 2001.

The research material

As one may expect, several data could be analysed such as the oral discourse held by the candidates during the campaign, to mention an example of oral production. We could also have studied another kind of written discourse, the slogans. In fact, our attention was paid to

Ratsiraka’s and Ravalomanana’s slogans, at the beginning of our research project. However, they proved not to be so interesting to be studied since unexpectedly, there are not many of them. As a result, we have chosen to work upon a daily bilingual French-Malagasy newspaper, although it is mostly French-written, Midi Madagasikara 12 , which ‘predicts 13 a clear victory for Ravalomanana, but fears President Ratsiraka and his party may

9 US Library of Congress, Constitution and Institutions of governance: Government and Politics , http://countrystudies.us/madagascar/27.htm -->, 24 April 2004. 10 1975, 1981, 1989, 1992, 1996. We can have a look at Midi Madagasikara of the 22 November 2001. 11 Madanews, Site de soutien de la candidature de Marc Ravalomanana : Annonce de la candidature de Marc Ravalomanana à Imerinkasinina à la présidence de la république malagasy , http://www.ravalomanana.com/ -->, 27 April 2003. 12 From now on we will refer to Midi Madagasikara as Midi . 13 Press reports and afrol archives, Opposition candidate leads Malagasy poll, http://www.afrol.com/html/News2001/mad009_elections3.htm -->, 27 April 2003.

try to organise an “electoral hold-up”. Midi has managed to report the presidential campaign held in the North, South, East and West of

Madagascar. Another reason why we have chosen Midi is that it is the most widely distributed and the most popular newspaper. As of 7 December

2001, it published 34,956 copies against 10,852 for L’Express de

Madagascar , 50,675 for Gazetiko , and 8,500 for Tribune . Gazetiko , which is used to report items of news, is unilingual: it only uses Malagasy. The third reason for our choice is that Midi ’s readers are likely to be bilingual and educated people. Thus, we can assume that Midi is careful about the reports and arguments it presents. Furthermore, Midi might not only be its readers’ spokesman but also might influence the latter so that they are likely to change their mind when voting.

As a result, conducting such research brings another view about both candidates – a view that may be different from those that could be found either in books, or in magazines, or in other newspapers, or on the internet.

The research objective and the corpus

Before setting our objective, we will refer to historical facts. On 25

January 2002 14 , the HCC – La Haute Cour Constitutionnelle (The High

Constitutional Court) – declared that Ratsiraka had won 40.89% of the votes, against 46.21% for Ravalomanana. These results being questioned by Ravalomanana’s supporters, a general strike was called on 28 January

14 AFP, Madagascar: la Cour suprême met en cause les résultats présidentiels , http://lamako.free.fr/articles.php?id=746 , 19 juillet 2006.

2002. Eventually, a recount was made and Ravalomanana 15 was declared winner of the presidentials on 22 February 2002.

Since we decided to work on a research material that is likely to influence the public, our main objective is to tackle the possible reasons why the electorate has voted for either candidate, as can be detected in

Midi . In order to attain this objective, we will first determine the themes of the discourse contained in Midi . As the views of both candidates can also be of help, an analysis of the latter’s discourse will be conducted. In a second stage, an analysis of the views of both candidates’ partisans will be carried out. Moreover, on reading Midi ’s articles, we had the impression this newspaper is in favour of Ravalomanana. Since this impression has been eventually confirmed, we thought it fruitful to know Midi ’s views on both candidates.

Like any research work, this project has its limits. It is limited to one daily bilingual newspaper, Midi among others 16 . This newspaper is meant for some social categories of the population: those who can buy it and read

French for the discourse is in French. It must be pointed out that unlike officials in many African countries, both candidates delivered their speeches in Malagasy. As a matter of fact, we are not certain that the journalists have reported the candidates’ discourse faithfully nor translated it correctly into French. As only one article - written by one of Midi ’s

15 Le zébu francophone, La crise politique 2002: Chronologie rapide depuis la crise des élections présidentielles , http://www.lezebufrancophone.org/madagascar/crise2002.php , 19 juillet 2006. 16 See Appendices.

5 journalists who reports items of information - is in Malagasy, we have excluded it from our selected data.

Our corpus is made up of 65 articles dealing with Ratsiraka and

Ravalomanana between 26 November 2001 and 14 December 2001. For indeed, the presidential campaign took place at this period of time. Other articles such as messages supporting such or such candidate will not be analysed. In order to reach our objective, we are going to consider the articles of six 17 journalists. The discourse to be analysed is then that of Val

Andriamahaitsimiavona (Val A.), one of Midi ’s political editor, has written

19 articles. Stéphane Jacob, the editing director, has designed 4 articles.

Christian Rivo Rakotonirina (r.r), a former political editor who has formulated 10 articles. Zo Rakotoseheno, the publishing director and chief editor at the same time, has given an account of the campaign under consideration by 15 articles. Dominique Ramiandrisoa (Dominique R.), another political editor, has produced 4 articles. Olivier Rasamizatovo

(R.O), Midi ’s head of political department, has designed 13 articles. These

65 articles will form the discourse whose analysis we are going to carry out.

Structure of the dissertation

To reach our objective, the first part of our work will consist in approaching the candidates’ discourse as reported in Midi , by determining the major themes of it. In a second stage, we will study the discourse of

17 We had a phone conversation with Stéphane Jacob to confirm that item of information on 9 February 2004. But since August 2005, we have noticed that some of Midi ’s articles have been written by Rivo Christian Rakotonirina.

6 their supporters – whether they are political figures or associations. The third part will address Midi ’s comments so that we have an idea of this paper’s views.

Such a structure of our dissertation will hopefully provide us with an answer to our main research question: why the electorate voted for

Ravalomanana.

7 1. Ratsiraka’s and Ravalomanana’s discourse

1.1 The candidates’ discourse as reported in Midi

1.1.1 Research methodology

After considering many documents related to discourse analysis, several methods and/or approaches could be adopted. Discourse analysts usually select both the research methodology and the elements to be analysed according to their objective(s). Instance of them is Harris‘s discourse analysis which consists in working on a set of sentences comprising words to be analysed, hence the expression méthode des termes-pivots (pivotal-word method) used by Maingueneau (Maingueneau

1991: 71) to refer to it. It can be used for determining the meaning of words.

As for Pêcheux (Maingueneau 1991: 91), discourse analysis has to take into account the producer’s social status and his ideological politics as well as the latter’s conditions of production. In addition, the relationship between addressers and addressees can be detected, hence Austin’s and

Searle’s pragmatic (Catherine Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2001: 9-48) approach.

To put it another way, it is possible to determine the intention of the producer and the effect of her productions on the receiver.

Another type of discourse analysis is the one which uses lexical statistics (Maingueneau 1991: 48-70). This approach can be conducted for written as well as for transcribed oral discourse. As for our research methodology, our objective being to detect the themes addressed by

Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana in their discourse reported by Midi , to find out

8 Midi ’s views, we have thought it appropriate to select the words which are likely to attain this objective. We are going to deal mainly with lexical words and repeated segments which are meaningful by themselves, e.g nation. It must be pointed out that grammatical or functional words, e.g the , are considered meaningless. Acronyms are to be considered only when we address the political forces and the key political figures backing

Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana. We are going to call our selection keywords, i.e lexical words and segments of a discourse which have been selected according to certain criteria.

The one criterion we have chosen is the frequency of lexical items and repeated segments that are meant to show the themes of the discourse.

For indeed, the rate at which the keywords are repeated enable us to memorise 18 them. Moreover, basing the selection on the number of occurrences reduces our subjectivity. Accordingly, we do not take into consideration the words and segments whose frequency is one. We thus assume that the chosen lexical items and repeated segments represent the themes of the discourse.

With a view to studying the candidates ‘discourse in Midi , we have thought it appropriate to analyse the keywords in context. In fact, context analysis enables us to comprehend 19 what is said about the candidates’ themes, as well as what is said in Midi ’s comments. As a result, the

18 ‘La mémorisation d’un discours étant ainsi tributaire de systèmes répétitifs, la volonté de faire enregistrer dans la mémoire de l’autre, acte politique par excellence, est par là susceptible d’être atteinte à travers l’étude du dénombrable.’ : Maurice Tournier, Séminaire de lexicométrie , Universidade Aberta, 12-16 décembre 1988. 19 ‘CONTEXTE : 1. Ensemble du texte qui entoure un élément de la langue (mot, phrase, fragment d’énoncé) et dont dépend son sens, sa valeur.’ : Georges-Elia SARFATI, Dire, Agir, Définir : Dictionnaires et langage ordinaire , Paris : L’Harmattan, 1995, p.96.

statistical approach has been inspired from Tournier 20 who calls it lexicométrie (lexicometrics) to have a list of the frequent used items. It consists in studying the lexical elements within their contexts. We are going to use a software 21 called Lexico which was first conceived in 1990 for political discourse analysis.

The 65 articles produced by Midi between 26 November 2001 and 14

December 2001 are among the discourses held on the discourses of

Ratsiraka’s and Ravalomanana’s. In other words, this production is part of the 2001 presidential campaign as it is bound to reveal the characteristics of a propaganda. Propaganda is meant to identify and show publicly the challengers’ weaknesses or to have the general public agree with the propagandist’s ideas (Razafimpahanana 22 : 115). As for Miller (p.104 in

Tchakhotine), he calls the former ‘poison device’, and the latter ‘virtue device’. In fact, after being influenced by the discourse, the electorate is likely to vote for the candidate whose ideas they agree with. It must be pointed out that out of 100 voters, around 90 will probably be manipulated and only 10 will not 23 (Mc Laurin). This phenomenon is called psychological operations – abbreviated into PSYOPS – by Mc Laurin24 .

20 Maurice Tournier, Séminaire de lexicométrie , Universidade Aberta : Portugal, 12-16 décembre 1988. 21 By the ‘Laboratoire de Lexicométrie et Textes Politiques’ of the ‘Ecole Normale Supérieure de Fontenay-Saint-Cloud’ in France. 22 p.125: ‘mettre à nu les fautes de l’adversaire, ses faiblesses’ ou ‘amener le grand public à épouser les idées du propagandiste’ Bertin Razafimpahanana, Changement de régime politique à Madagascar , Antananarivo : La Librairie Mixte, 1993, p.115. 23 ‘De plus, selon cet auteur (Tchakhotine), environ 10% de la population (les ‘actifs’) ne seraient pas susceptibles à être influencés par la propagande. (...) Par contre, il note que 90% de la population sont susceptibles à la propagande (les ‘passifs’)… : attention- span.net, Modèle de Tchakhotine, PSYOPS , http://www.attention- span.net/psyops/psyops3.htm -->, 09 July 2004. 24 Op.cit : http://www.attention-span.net/psyops/psyops1.htm --> 9 juillet 2004.

As far as our work is concerned, we are going to find out the themes contained in the supposed 25 discourse of Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana’s in order to get some information about the possible reasons why the

Malagasy people was going to vote for such or such candidate on the one hand. On the other, we are going to discover Midi ’s views as on reading the articles, we have the impression that Midi is in favour of Ravalomanana. At first glance, the articles are composed of the candidates’ discourse, of that of the leading political figures, associations and of Midi .

1.1.2 Corpus processing

A computer programme has been designed within the framework of lexicometrics. We are going to present our corpus which has been processed with Lexico 2. Although Lexico 7 has just been produced, Lexico

2 has proved to be adequate to the purpose of our work. To provide details, there are rules to be observed when using this software. Only abbreviations and acronyms are written in capital letters. Proper names are in capital letters only in the initials. Two or more words are hyphenated when they are meant to designate one object, person or notion. For example, the keywords Didier Ratsiraka and Marc Ravalomanana have become Didier-Ratsiraka and Marc-Ravalomanana. These are the most used rules for the purpose of our analysis.

Once we have processed our 65 articles with the Segmentation programme, we have obtained 4,719 forms occurring 23,858 times.

Another result provided by the Segmentation programme is the hierarchical

25 The candidates have held their speeches in Malagasy, but Midi has tried to translate the reported discourse in French.

11 index. It provides a list of the frequency of items composing the discourses, in descending order. In addition, we have used the ST1.07 – another application 26 of Lexico – which provides a list of the repeated segments. A segment is a succession of words. It is thus a sequence which is composed of more than one element. Here are the lexical words - written in italics - followed by their frequencies (F) that are used to designate

Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana:

Table 1: Keywords related to the candidates’ names, full names and other designations

Ratsiraka F Ravalomanana F Ratsiraka 59 Ravalomanana 42

Didier-Ratsiraka 58 Marc-Ravalomanana 101 Amiral (Admiral) 23 - - président -candidat maire -candidat (candidate president) 13 (candidate mayor) 2 maire-d-Antananarivo (Antananarivo mayor) 3 président-en-exercice maire de la capitale (incumbent president) 11 (mayor of the capital) 2 président -sortant (outgoing president) 5 - - candida t de Tiako -i- Madagasikara candidat de l'AREMA (candidate of Tiako i (candidate of AREMA) 4 Madagasikara) 15 Deba 27 (Head of the band) 1 - - TOTA L 175 TOTAL 165

Table 2: Other keywords related to either Ratsiraka or Ravalomanana

Keywords Ratsiraka Ravalomanana F il (he) 46 88 134 candid at (candidate) 17 47 64

26 ST1.07 provides the segments that have been repeated at least twice in the corpus hence the term repeated segments. 27 A nickname given by a famous singer Rossy.

lui (him) 12 22 34 ce dernier (the latter) 2 9 11

In table 1, although Midi uses 8 lexical items to refer to Ratsiraka against 6 lexical words to mention Ravalomanana, the difference between the total of the lexical items is not really significant. However, if we consider only the two candidates’ names and full names, Ravalomanana surpasses Ratsiraka: Ratsiraka and Didier-Ratsiraka occurred 117 times,

45% against 28 Ravalomanana and Marc-Ravalomanana which are mentioned 143 times, 55%. Ravalomanana is viewed as Ratsiraka’s main challenger as he ‘gets publicity by being the target of attacks by all candidates 29 ’. Accordingly, all of Ravalomanana’s contenders enabled him to be Ratsiraka’s foremost rival though initially, the public opinion 30 had the impression there was an objective alliance of the five candidates against

Ratsiraka.

1.1.3 Selected keywords

Our first keywords - which are italicised in our dissertation – are the candidates’ names since while referring to them Midi uses Ratsiraka , Didier

Ratsiraka , Ravalomanana , Marc Ravalomanana . In addition, other designations are noticed when Midi talks about Ratsiraka and

Ravalomanana: candidate president and candidate mayor. Indeed, during

28 The total number of the names and full names are 260. Out of 260 names and full names, 117 of which constitute 45% whereas 143 constitute 55%. 29 Press reports, R. Marcus and afrol archives; Madagascar: Temperature rising in Malagasy election campaign , http://www.afrol.com/News2001/mad008_elections2.htm -- >, 09 December 2001. 30 Midi of 8 December 2001 : ‘Au début de la campagne électorale, l'opinion avait eu l'impression de s'attendre à une alliance objective entre les candidats contre le président Ratsiraka.’

13 the 2001 presidential campaign, Ratsiraka was president 31 and

Ravalomanana was Antananarivo mayor. As for their political parties,

Ratsiraka belongs to the AREMA 32 whereas Ravalomanana founded the

TIM 33 - hence the segments candidat de l’AREMA (candidate of AREMA) and candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara (candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara).

As far as Ratsiraka is concerned, he promoted himself Admiral (Revel: 154-

172) when he was President of the Republic. Ratsiraka is referred to as

Amiral (Admiral) by the journalists because before being elected president for the first time on 15 June 1975, Ratsiraka became a naval officer in

1962. Being appointed military attaché to the Malagasy embassy in Paris in

1970, Ratsiraka became ministry of foreign affairs in 1972 at General

Gabriel Ramanantsoa’s command. The power was transferred to Colonel

Richard Ratsimandrava 34 on 5 February 1975. Five days later,

Ratsimandrava was assassinated; a Military Directoire was formed changing to Supreme Revolutionary Council whose president is Ratsiraka.

Lieutenant Commander Didier Ratsiraka became Head of the State.

Obviously, Amiral (Admiral) refers to him.

Before being mayor, Ravalomanana was the owner of the most powerful agribusiness in Madagascar – TIKO - but he resigned as manager

31 Ratsiraka’s term expired on 09 February 2002 so that we called him the incumbent president during the political event. 32 AREMA - founded in 1975 by Ratsiraka - stands for Antoky ny REvolisiona MAlagasy (Vanguard of the Malagasy Revolution) changing to Andry sy Rihana Enti-MAnavotra an’I MAdagasikara (Pillar and Structure for the Salvation of Madagascar) in 2001 : Roberto Ortiz de Zárate, Leaders of Madagascar (Republic of Madagascar / to 1975, Malagasy Republic) , http://www.terra.es/personal2/monolith/madagasc.htm -->, 06 March 2004 33 Tiako I Madagasikara (I love Madagascar). 34 Us Library of Congress, Independence, the First Republic, and the Military Transition, 1960-75, http://countrystudies.us/madagascar/4.htm -->, 26 April 2004.

14 and chairman of the board. Ravalomanana is also the vice-president 35 of the FJKM36 – the reformed church of Madagascar. Now for the first time ever in Africa, a businessman 37 is President of the Republic. Considering his previously stated responsibility, Ravalomanana is a businessman, a man of the reformed church and a politician of Madagascar at the same time.

Apart from the previously-mentioned designations, the lexical item candidat (candidate) occurring 113 times in the 65 articles could also assist us to reach our objective. Since French is a gender-marked language, we have taken in consideration candidat (candidate) in the singular as all the candidates are males. In the articles, when it is written au candidat (to the candidate) or le candidat (the candidate), it could refer to either Ratsiraka or Ravalomanana according to the context. Our next choice is the repeated segment ce dernier (the latter), occurring 14 times in our corpus (see table

2). Table 2 also gives a detailed account of the personal pronouns il (he) and lui (him). Both pronouns may refer to either Ratsiraka or

Ravalomanana.

Since our research project focuses on Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana, let us start with their supposed productions. Indeed, both of them have tried to hold a discourse that is as attractive as possible to be elected president.

35 L’Express de Madagascar of 28 August 2004, Midi Madagasikara dated 30 August 2004: Ravalomanana had been elected in 2000, was re-elected in 2004 for a new four-year term. 36 Fiangonan’ny Jesoa Kristy eto Madagasikara (the reformed church of Madagascar). 37 Press reports and afrol archives , Madagascar: Opposition candidate leads Malagasy poll, Afrol News , http://www.afrol.com/html/News2001/mad009_elections3.htm -->, 21 November 2004.

As Marcellesi states, power is the objective of political discourse 38 . In the framework of our work, we are going to study those which are meant to reveal the themes of the candidates’ discourse in order to learn more about the arguments presented by both candidates to be elected.

1.2 The major topics in Ratsiraka’s discourse Here is part of the 65 articles which is related to Ratsiraka that we have found interesting to deal with for it could reveal the main topics:

Keywords Contexts Amiral (Admiral) « c'est une marque de l' unité nationale », a fait remarquer l' Amiral qui a insisté sur le « fihavanana » le « fifankatiavana », comme le prônait la chanson de JEAN-KELY-SY-BASTA, un véritable hymne à l'unité et à la solidarité nationales. (‘It’s a sign of national unity’, the Admiral has remarked. He has given special importance to ‘fihavanana’ (kinship) and ‘fifankatiavana’ (love) which were also the themes of JEAN-KELY-SY- BASTA’s song that has been considered as a genuine hymn to national unity and solidarity.)

ce dernier (the latter) encore une fois, ce dernier a souligné la nécessité de préserver l' unité nationale et de l'environnement. sans oublier de prôner la continuité « puisque les efforts entrepris commencent à porter leur fruits ». il a réaffirmé ainsi sa disposition à continuer l'œuvre qu'il a commencée. (Once again, the latter has underlined the necessity for preserving national unity and environment without forgetting to recommend continuity as ‘the undertaken efforts start to bear fruits.’ Thus, he has confirmed that he is at the country’s disposal to carry on what he has begun.)

Didier- « le choix de Fenoarivo-atsinanana illustre également l'autonomie des Ratsiraka provinces, synonyme de décentralisation effective et définitive », a tenu à dire Didier-Ratsiraka qui a suivi sa campagne hier, à Antsiranana. l'autonomie des provinces était d'ailleurs le leitmotiv de tous les intervenants et de presque toutes les banderoles en attribuaient la paternité au présid ent -en -exercice. (‘The choice for Fenoarivo atsinanana

38 p.119: ‘La finalité du discours politique est le pouvoir.’ J.B. Marcellesi, ‘L’Analyse du discours à entrée lexicale (ADEL) : principes théoriques et méthodologiques’, in C.Kerbrat- Orecchioni et M. Mouillaud dir, Le discours politique , 2 è édition, Lyon : Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1984.

16 il (he) encore une fois, ce dernier a souligné la nécessité de préserver l'unité nationale et de l'environnement. sans oublier de prôner la continuité « puisque les efforts entrepris commencent à porter leur fruits ». il a réaffirmé ainsi sa disposition à continuer l'œuvre qu' il a commencée. il , c'est le président de la république qui ne s'est pas étalé longuement en raison de la contrainte temps. (Once again, the latter has underlined the necessity for preserving national unity and environment without forgetting to recommend continuity as ‘the undertaken efforts start to bear fruits.’ Thus, he has confirmed that he is at the country’s disposal to carry on what he has begun. He, it’s the President of the Republic who has not talked for a long time due to time constraint.)

The selection dealing with Ratsiraka forms our first subcorpus that we are going to process with lexico 2 again to obtain the forms having the highest frequency. We have got the following results that are meant to hint at the themes of Ratsiraka. (F) stands for frequency.

Table 3: Hierarchical index 1.2

Lexical items F Lexical items F unité (unity) 4 fruits (fruits) 2 nationale (national) 3 nécessité (necessity) 2 autonomie (autonomy) 2 oeuvre (work) 2 continuer (to go on) 2 oublier (forget) 2 continuité (continuity) 2 provinces (provinces) 2 disposition (disposal) 2 porter (to bear) 2 efforts (efforts) 2 préserver (to preserve) 2 prôner (to strongly 2 environnement (environment) 2 recommend)

Table 4: Repeated Segments 1.2

Repeated Segments F l unity (the unity) 4 l unité nationale (the national unity) 3 l autonomie des provinces (the provinces’autonomy) 2

Table 3 and 4 are complementary. Unity ( unité ) is accompanied by the adjective nationale (national) three times, hence the repeated segments

unité nationale (national unity). Autonomy ( autonomie ) is followed by des provinces twice in our first subcorpus . From the above tables, we notice that Ratsiraka advocates for national unity ( unité nationale ) and autonomy of the provinces (autonomie des provinces ). National (nationale ) unity

(unité) and autonomie (autonomy) are among the forms having the highest number of occurrences.

1.2.1 National unity

First, Ratsiraka’s main concern is national unity. Only a lexical word separates the keyword Amiral (Admiral) from the repeated segment unité nationale (national unity). As for ce dernier (the latter), two lexicons are set between it and unité nationale (national unity). We can assume that

Ratsiraka will take care of national unity once elected. In fact, Ratsiraka - who might be re-elected president - is right when mentioning it in his discourse as it is enshrined in Article 44 of the 1998 Constitution 39 : the

President of the Republic guarantees the indivisibility of the Republic.

To Ratsiraka’s mind, the fact that all governors 40 of the six provinces 41 attended the beginning of Ratsiraka’s campaign, held in Fenoarivo

Atsinanana, is defined as a sign of national unity. We can say that

Ratsiraka tries to look upon Madagascar as one, the same as the

39 ‘Il (Le Président de la République) est le garant de l’indivisibilité de la République.’ 40 The governors are replaced by the President of the Special Representative - PDS (Président de Délégation Spéciale) since Ravalomanana’s presidency in 2002. 41 Under Ravalomanana’s regime, we refer to regions rather than provinces. The 22 regions are implemented under the 2004-001 law of 11 June 2004.

language 42 is only and one. Also, it might mean that the Malagasy people is with him for it is represented by those governors. As a matter of fact, each governor is likely to be the representative of a province from which an/some ethnic group(s) originate(s). Ratsiraka has to handle with care that national unity as ‘the executive branch revolves around the côtier/central 43 highlands distinction’, according to the US Library of

Congress. As the people not living in Antananarivo outnumbers 44 the

Merina, the French colonisers have introduced the policy of ethnic-based division 45 – divide and conquer or divide and reign. It is implicitly thought that Madagascar’s Head of State has to originate not from Antananarivo.

Ratsiraka - who is Betsimisaraka - could vouch for the unity.

As far as the way in which Ratsiraka expresses his theme, he has used almost the officials of that time to support him. It seems that they agree on backing the incumbent president because sometimes, there is complicity between the incumbent authorities and the incumbent president 46 . To

42 ‘Bien que les dialectes existent dans certaines régions, l’unité de la langue malgache est bien réelle.’ (Although there are the dialects in some regions of Madagascar, the Malagasy language unity is surely real.) : Eric Revel, Madagascar l’île rouge : les remords d’un président déchu Didier Ratsiraka , Collection le Nadir, Paris : Balland, 1994, p.97. 43 US Library of Congress, Governement and Politics : Constitution and Institutions of governance, http://countrystudies.us/madagascar/27.htm -->, 24 April 2004. 44 Antananarivo’s and Antsirabe’s populations is 1 346 600 ; whereas Antsiranana, Fianarantsoa, Toamasina, Mahajanga, Toliara comprise 1 616 700 people : L’emploi, le chômage et les conditions d’activité dans les sept grandes villes de Madagascar: premiers résultats de l’enquête emploi urbain 2000 , Madio édition, février 2001. 45 François Roubaud, Identités et transition démocratique : l’exception malgache? , France : L’Harmattan, 2000, p. 63 : ‘Rappelons qu’il existe à Madagascar une règle tacite, jamais officiellement formulée, selon laquelle un candidat merina ne peut pas devenir président de la République.’ 46 p.27: ‘Les autorités locales sont parfois les complices du candidat du parti au pouvoir …’ Bemaso, Fraudes et manipulations électorales à Madagascar : Cas de l’élection Présidentielle du 16 décembre 2001 , Antananarivo : Jurid’Ika, Tsipika, 2002.

19 illustrate this, Pierrot Rajaonarivelo 47 has listed Ratsiraka’s assets at

Fenoarivo Atsinanana such as the fact of being the champion for preserving national unity, the father of the autonomous provinces 48 . Then, Ratsiraka has taken the floor asserting that it is not easy to be the leader of the country. Ratsiraka may mean that thanks to his positive image, he – himself - is able to manage the country. In addition, he realises the importance of presidency. With a view to being president, Ratsiraka has tried to fulfill part of the supreme law on mentioning national unity by two

Malagasy words: fihavanana (kinship) and fifankatiavana (love). To put it another way, Ratsiraka has incited Malagasy people to feel kinship, to love one another for we share the same values.

1.2.2 Autonomous provinces

We are going to talk about Ratsiraka’s second theme which is autonomous provinces. When Ratsiraka dealt with the lexical item autonomie (autonomy), he wanted to talk about that of the 6 provinces. He has mentioned that Fenoarivo Atsinanana is an example of an autonomous province. Autonomy of the provinces (autonomie des provinces) appears twice in our subcorpus . Ratsiraka has explained why he has chosen

Fenoarivo Atsinanana for the beginning of his campaign. To him, Fenoarivo

Atsinanana is a good example of an autonomous province although it is not a province but is included in the autonomous province of Toamasina.

According to Ratsiraka’s ideas about the autonomous provinces - which are

47 AREMA’s national secretary, Vice-Prime Minister in charge of the budget and the development of the autonomous provinces. 48 In March 1998, Malagasy voters approved a revised Constitution - which is one of the rights that the President of the Republic possesses: Article 142 of the 98-001 Constitution – comprising the autonomous provinces conception.

20 organised in local governments - comprise the regions and the municipalities. When the 1998 Constitution talks about autonomy, it mainly refers to the autonomy of administration, finance and justice of a province 49 . It is worth mentioning that for the time being, the provincial autonomy becomes decentralisation and devolution whose programme name is Programme National de Décentralisation et de Déconcentration 50

(National Programme of Decentralisation and Devolution) abbreviated into

PN2D. Ratsiraka would like to reveal his ability to implement the autonomy of the provinces. However, there is a bias when he has taken only

Fenoarivo to illustrate his success. Anyway, the other five-year term in office should have been used for the implementation as his partisans 51 have asserted.

In terms of the skill used in Ratsiraka’s discourse, he has not debased himself while showing his qualities to be re-elected. On the contrary, he has valued 52 himself to be the only capable candidate as he has ruled the country for over 23 years. After dealing with the discourse related to

Ratsiraka, we are going to tackle those that are connected with

Ravalomanana.

49 Article 126 of the 98-001 Supreme Law : ‘Les provinces autonomes sont des collectivités publiques dotées de la personnalité juridique ainsi que de l’autonomie administrative et financière.’ 50 Midi dated 14 December 2005. 51 Among of them are José Andrianoelison, Emile Tsizaraina, Fanavaozam-pirenena: Midi of 22 November 2001, 14 December 2001. 52 Maingueneau calls ‘face positive, qui correspond à la « façade » sociale, à l’image valorisante de soi qu’on s’efforce de présenter à l’extérieur’ in p.24, Analyser les textes de communication , Paris : Nathan/VUEF, 2002.

21 1.3 The major topics in Ravalomanana’s discourse

Here is part of the 65 articles related to Ravalomanana that is meant to depict the topics contained in to find out the possible reason why part of the electorate voted for him:

Keywords Contexts le candidat (the candidate) le candidat a invité, dans l'esprit du pacte républicain, ses concurrents et ses partisans à faire preuve d'un minimum de respect , et à ne pas verser dans la provocation. « je ne dénigrerai jamais mes adversaires, ce n'est pas dans mes intentions. je n'ai pas le temps pour cela. pour moi, beaucoup de travaux doivent être entrepris pour le bien du pays. je m'y attelle puisque partout je me rends compte du désastre causé par la pauvreté », a-t-il déclaré. (Within the framework of the republican pact, the candidate has invited his opponents and partisans to show a minimum of respect, not to opt for provocation. ‘I will never denigrate my challengers, it’s not my aim. I don’t have time for that. In my opinion, a lot of work must be carried out for the sake of the country. I am going to buckle down to the relevant task since wherever I go, I realise the disaster produced by poverty’ he has asserted.)

sur l'emploi, par exemple, le candidat soutient que «l'amélioration de conditions de travail par l'instauration d'un minimum de salaire vital, entre autres, constitue, depuis toujours, l'une des revendications syndicales. de nouvelles orientations pour répondre aux aspirations de la population s'avèrent aujourd'hui cruciales ». (For example, in terms of job, the candidate has said that ‘one of the trade unions’ requirements is to improve working conditions by bringing in a minimum of vital salary among others. It’s confirmed that to fulfil the population ‘s aspirations, new measures must be took.)

Ravalomanana le candidat Ravalomanana n'a pas manqué d'inviter le peuple à accomplir son devoir dans le calme et dans la sérénité. « malgré les provocations et les autres entraves, restez calmes et vigilants », a-t-il souligné. (Candidate Ravalomanana has not missed to invite the Malagasy people to do its duty with calm and serenity. ‘Despite the provocations and other hindrances, be calm and vigilant’, he has underlined.)

Ravalomanana a annoncé qu'il ne fera rien pour les déstabiliser mais qu'il fera tout pour ceux qui n'ont rien puissent avoir leur part de soleil. « nous ne demanderons rien aux riches mais nous allons essayer de relever le niveau de vie des pauvres pour qu'ils accèdent eux aussi au bien-être », a-t-il dévoilé. (Ravalomanana has declared that he will not destabilise the rich but for the poor, he will make the impossible for its sunshine. ‘We are not going to ask the rich but we are going to try to improve the living standard of the poor so that the latter could also access to well-being,’ he has revealed)

Marc- (…) Marc-Ravalomanana a encore une fois invité ses adversaires à Ravalomanana faire de respect . « nous vous respectons. respectez-nous. nous ne répondons pas à vos provocations. nous vous en remettons à dieu », a-t-il dit (…) [Once again, Marc Ravalomanana has invited his challengers to respect one another. ‘We respect you. So, respect us. We do not retaliate your provocations. God will.’, he has said (…)]

« les autres provinces méritent de connaître le même développement qu’Antananarivo. je suis prêt à faire sortir le pays de la pauvreté, et pour cela, j'ai besoin de vous, des Malgaches responsables qui aspirent à vivre décemment dans le respect des droits de l'homme et dans l'esprit de vaincre la pauvreté », a déclaré Marc-Ravalomanana. (Like that of Antananarivo, the other provinces deserve the same development. I am ready to keep safe the country from poverty. For that, I need you to be the Malagasy people responsible for who aspires to live decently while respecting human rights, in the framework of fighting poverty’, Marc Ravalomanana has declared.)

toujours à propos de distribution équitable des richesses dont regorge la Grande-île, il devait étonner son auditoire en annonçant que « désormais, nous investirons notre argent à Madagascar, contrairement à ce qui se passe aujourd'hui où tous ceux qui réalisent des bénéfices dans ce pays les transfèrent à l'extérieur ». le développement rapide appelle cette nouvelle pratique si l'on en juge par ce discours de Marc-Ravalomanana. (Again, as far as the equitable distribution of richness – which the big island needs - is concerned, he should have amazed his audience on asserting that ‘in contrast with the past, we are to invest our money in Madagascar starting from today. In fact, those who make profits in this country transfer them abroad.’ Rapid development policy will require that practice if we refer to the discourse of Ravalomanana.) il (he) le candidat Ravalomanana n'a pas manqué d'inviter le peuple à accomplir son devoir dans le calme et dans la sérénité. « malgré les provocations et les autres entraves, restez calmes et vigilants », a-t-il souligné. (Candidate Ravalomanana has not missed to invite the Malagasy people to do its duty with calm and serenity. ‘Despite the provocations and other hindrances, be calm and vigilant’, he underlined.)

« je ne dénigrerai jamais mes adversaires, ce n'est pas dans mes intentions. je n'ai pas le temps pour cela. pour moi, beaucoup de travaux doivent être entrepris pour le bien du pays. je m'y attelle puisque partout je me rends compte du désastre causé par la pauvreté », a-t-il déclaré avant de donner quelques grandes lignes de son programme touchant notamment la sécurité, la santé, l'éducation, la construction de routes, etc. Marc-Ravalomanana préconise ainsi l'apaisement et s'écarte de ces méthodes politiciennes qui, à la fin du compte, ne profitent pas à leurs auteurs. (‘I will never denigrate my challengers, it’s not my aim. I don’t have time for that. In my opinion, a lot of work must be carried out for the sake of the country. I am going to buckle down to the relevant task since wherever I go, I realise the disaster produced by poverty’, he has asserted before revealing some important lines of his schedules which are especially about safety, health, education, roads building and so

23 on. Thus, Marc Ravalomanana strongly advocates for peace and he avoids using politicking methods which in the end, do not work in the favour of its authors.)

envers les fortunes déjà établies, Ravalomanana a annoncé qu'il ne fera rien pour les déstabiliser mais qu'il fera tout pour ceux qui n'ont rien puissent avoir leur part de soleil. « nous ne demanderons rien aux riches mais nous allons essayer de relever le niveau de vie des pauvres pour qu'ils accèdent eux aussi au bien-être », a-t-il dévoilé. (in front of the acquired fortune, Ravalomanana has claimed that he will not destabilise the rich but for the poor, he will make the impossible for its sunshine. ‘We will not ask the rich, but we are going to try to improve the living standard of the poor so that the latter could also access to well-being,’ he has revealed)

…..This selection dealing with Ravalomanana forms our second subcorpus that we are going to process with lexico 2 like that of Ratsiraka. We have obtained the following results that are meant to suggest us ideas about his themes. (F) represents the number of occurrences.

24 Table 5: Hierarchical index 1.3

Lexical items F Lexical items F rien (nothing) 6 intentions (intentions) 2 pays (country) 5 inviter (to invite) 2 Madagascar pauvreté (poverty) 4 (Madagascar) 2 adversaires (challengers) 3 minimum (minimum) 2 développement (development) 3 niveau (standard) 2 provocations (provocations) 3 nouvelle (new) 2 respect (respect) 3 part (part) 2 accomplir (to carry out) 2 pauvres (poors) 2 auditoire (audience) 2 peuple (people) 2 avoir (property) 2 pratique (practice) 2 bénéfices (nefits) 2 propos (subjects) 2 bien (good) 2 rapide (rapid) 2 bien-être (well-being) 2 relever (to improve) 2

calme (calm) 2 riches (rich) 2 désastre (disaster) 2 richesses (wealth)

déstabiliser (distabilise) 2 sérénité (serenity) 2 devoir (duty) 2 soleil (sunshine) 2 discours (discourse) 2 temps (time) 2 entrave (hindrance) 2 travaux (work) 2 esprit (framework) 2 vie (life) 2 essayer (to try) 2 étonner (to amaze) 2 être (to be) 2 extérieur (outside) 2 Grande-île (Big island) 2

Table 6: Repeated Segments 1.3

Repeated Segments F la pauvreté (the poverty) 7 la Grande-île (the Big island) 2 de respect (of respect) 2

According to tables 5 and 6, Ravalomanana has talked about the poverty ( pauvreté ) of Madagascar. He has also called for respect in the face of his challengers’ provocations. Pauvreté (poverty) occurs 4 times,

25 pays (country) - which is Madagascar - appears 3 times throughout the subcorpus . As for adversaires (adversaries), provocations (provocations), respect (respect) , each has been written 3 times.

1.3.1 Poverty

For Ravalomanana, the 2001 presidential campaign has been the right moment to reveal his awareness of poverty. Thus, he would like to work with the Malagasy people to fight it. Owing to poverty, Ravalomanana’s first promise consists in fulfilling the people’s aspiration for improving the working conditions 53 . Besides, Ravalomanana has planned to free the country from that state by the richness’ equitable sharing between the poor and the rich, by the same development for all provinces. Some asserts that

Ravalomanana was a good mayor 54 whilst referring to his deeds.

Consequently, his rapid development policy is based on Ravalomanana’s recognition for the economic situation of the island 55 , and the people’s aspirations.

As a matter of fact, propaganda is successful when the user of the language achieves to determine the people’s need and acts in that way

(Razafimpahanana: 128). Therefore, the discourse related to

Ravalomanana could be viewed as promises (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2001: 9-

48) since they are acts to be carried out in the future.

53 According to Ravalomanana, one of the trade-unions enquiries is the minimum vital salary founding: Midi of 31 November 2001. 54 ‘The Antananarivo Mayor had done very well in rural districts as well, 'Midi Madagascar' analysed’: Press reports and Afrol archives , Madagascar: Opposition candidate leads Malagasy poll, Afrol News , http://www.afrol.com/html/News2001/mad009_elections3.htm -->, 27 April 2003. 55 Marc Ravalomanana a cité entre autre la pauvreté et l’insécurité qui touchent la majorité de la population. : Madanews, Annonce de la candidature de Marc Ravalomanana à Imerinkasinina, Site de soutien de la candidature de Marc Ravalomanana à la présidence de la république malagasy, http://www.ravalomanana.com/ -->, 27 April 2003.

26 1.3.2 Respect

Despite the different provocations which Ravalomanana defines as lack of respect, he has remained calm and invited his addressers, his challengers to respect one another. During the 2001 campaign, one of

Ravalomanana’s main concerns is respect which is repeated 3 times throughout the selected articles. Ravalomanana defines – the item respect

- as the human rights fulfilment, the fact of not denigrating the contenders, the international norms’ achievements apart from its proper meaning: polite behaviour towards somebody or something. Indeed, words are polysemous. It is also interesting to point out the rhythm of respect in

Marc-Ravalomanana a encore une fois invité ses adversaires à faire de respect. ‘Nous vous respectons. Respectez-nous. (…)’ (Once again, Marc-

Ravalomanana has invited his rivals to respect each another. We respect you, so respect us.) To retaliate against the provocation, Ravalomanana calls for peace on repeating the idea of respect by the lexical item respect itself, by others such as calme (calm) or sérénité (serenity).

As a strategy of communication, Ravalomanana would like to keep repeating his idea to be memorised so that the electorate would be influenced and vote for him (Tournier 1988: 40). Ravalomanana does not have time for denigration; he has other fish to fry. Furthermore,

Ravalomanana has committed himself to fulfil his promises by the use of the subject personal pronoun je (I) which occurs 9 times in our second subcorpus . However, he expects the co-operation of Malagasy people for their implementation by having recourse to nous (we), also appearing 9

27 times. Yet, Benveniste (Maingueneau 1991: 109) thinks that ‘NOUS ne s’agissait pas à proprement parler d’un pluriel, mais d’un je amplifié (JE+ d’autres)’ [(WE do not necessarily refer to the plural, rather it emphasise the importance of I (I+others)]. It must be pointed out that Ratsiraka has formulated the former once and has never worded the second in the selection under consideration.

If we try to draw a comparative approach to Ratsiraka’s and

Ravalomanana’s themes, both of them refer to their previous experiences for the former was candidate president, the latter was a candidate mayor.

To give more presicions, like Ratsiraka 56 in the 1980’s, Ravalomanana has talked about restoring equal economic growth. Thus, there is similarity in the policy to be adopted by the candidates. Only, Ratsiraka had his way to refer to the poor whom he calls the proletariat: the most important thing is not to make the rich poor but to improve the proletariat’s living standard.

The difference in their discourse lies in the participants. In other words,

Ratsiraka has worked with his staff whereas Ravalomanana has made the promises himself. Ratsiraka has not really mentioned new topics as far as his schedule for the coming term is concerned. Rather, he would like to convince the audience that he has united the nation, made the autonomous provinces so that he did not want to interrupt his achievements. For this

56 ‘L’essentiel ce n’est pas d’appauvrir ceux qui sont déjà riches, mais d’améliorer le niveau de vie des masses prolétariennes ’’ Armand MARA, Le Ratsirakisme un défi …, Antananarivo: CNAPMAD, 1986.

28 reason, Midi refers to Ratsiraka’s regime 57 as continuity which is here the fact of not stopping or changing Ratsiraka’s deeds. In his turn,

Ravalomanana symbolises change since the Malagasy people has heard about the rapid development strategy for the first time, to erase poverty.

To go further, we are going to learn more about each candidate’s partisans.

57 ‘Continuation’ (continuation): ‘prolongement, action de poursuivre ce qui a été commencé’ (an act or state of continuing), ‘Solution de continuité’ (solution of contuinuité) : ‘rupture de la continuité’ (rupture of continuity) : Michel Voirol, Barbarismes et compagnies , France : Centre de formation et de perfectionnement des journalistes, 1993, p.26.

29 2. The discourse of the candidates’ supporters as reported in Midi

2.1 The main participants

2.1.1 Political figures and forces backing Ratsiraka

Apart from the supposed productions of the candidates, Midi has also managed to report and translate into French - since they were held in

Malagasy - the supposed 58 discourse of the political figures and forces supporting Ratsiraka or Ravalomanana. The supposed discourses of the candidates’ supporters contain the possible reasons for the choice for a particular candidate. They are worth studying to find out the themes of the discourse. Like that of the candidates, their arguments may incite the electorate to vote for such or such candidate. Before tackling the themes, we are going to learn more about the users of language, i.e the key political parties, associations and figures that have been involved in backing Ratsiraka or Ravalomanana. We assume that those partisans are important when their acronyms and/or names are frequently (Tchakhotine

131) used by Midi so that like that of the candidates, these forces and personalities are easy to remember. Thus, we have excluded the acronyms and names whose number of occurrence equals one from our selection. To proceed in that way, we are going to address the relevant passages. Here is part of Ratsiraka’s partisans’ discourse which will constitute our third subcorpus :

58 We do not know if Midi has reported it faithfully and translated it into French correctly.

30 Keywords Contexts Amiral la principale raison évoquée pour le soutien à l' Amiral , est « la continuité (Admiral) des efforts effectués et des résultats enregistrés au cours de ces dernières années ». (…) « il est nécessaire et légitime de soutenir le président-en- exercice pour la poursuite de ces succès » professe le président de ce comité qui tiendra des meetings à travers les 6 arrondissements de la capitale, afin de convaincre la population à voter pour la continuité. (The main reason why the Admiral is supported is that ‘we would like him to continue with the carried out efforts, the recorded results during the last years.’ (…) ‘It’s both essential and legitimate to back the incumbent president so that these successes will be carried on’, the president of teachers and administrators committee has declared. In order to persuade the inhabitants of Antananarivo to vote for continuity, the president holds meetings in the 6 roundings of the capital.)

l' Amiral a eu droit à un accueil pareil préparé minutieusement par l'homme fort du sud, qui a déclaré haut et fort qu’ « il n'est pas logique qu'un candidat qui ne compte pas d'élus (maires, députés, sénateurs, conseillers-provinciaux...) donc qui n'a pas de base, puisse prétendre à la victoire ». (The Admiral has a right to deserve such meticulously organised welcome by the strong man of the South who has claimed that ‘it’s not logical if a candidate who has not enough political background, i.e has no basic political knowledge (being mayor, a Member of Parliament, senator or adviser on the level of the provinces) feels like being president.’)

MAFAMI a voulu marquer d’une pierre blanche, son passage à Ambatolampy avant-hier, en présentant une brochure exposant les raisons du soutien de l'association à Amiral qui remplit « les critères exigés pour un président de la république, entre autres, grande expérience de la conduite des affaires nationales ; maîtrise des relations internationales ; confiance des bailleurs de fonds ; respectueux de toutes les confessions existantes et des valeurs malgaches ; soucieux de l'unité nationale. » (The day before yesterday, MAFAMI has given particular quality to its campaign at Ambatolampy by presenting a pamphlet which conveys the reasons for the support of the Admiral. For indeed, in MAFAMI’s opinion, the Admiral fulfils the required criteria to be the President of the Republic. Instances of them are his considerable experience of national affair’s management, the fact of having master over international relations, the trust in Ratsiraka by the World Bank, the fact of respecting all existing confession and the Malagasy values and Ratsiraka’s anxiety about national unity.’) candidat (candidate) mais c'est à chacun de contenir ses troupes ! nous, nous suivons la consigne de notre candidat , qui est, je répète, un partisan de la paix. et à ce titre, nous savons jusqu'où nous pouvons aller, et nous savons où nous arrêter pour ne pas dépasser la ligne rouge... (But it’s the responsibility of each committee to educate its members! As for us, we follow the instructions of our candidate, who is – I repeat it again – a partisan of peace. And therefore, we know from where to where we can go, from where to where we have to stop in order not to surpass limits…) président- candidat le président de la république n'a d'ailleurs eu de cesser, de nous demander (candidate de faire mieux et vite, rapporte-t-elle. avant de réitérer que « la stabilité president) est un gage de la crédibilité de Madagascar sur le plan international ». ceci expliquant cela, elle appelle les Tananariviens et les électeurs de tout le pays qui « ont l'avenir du pays entre les mains, à voter et à faire voter en

31 faveur du président-candidat Didier-Ratsiraka. (The President of the Republic has not ceased to ask us to work better and fast, Lila Ratsifandrihamanana has reported, before stating that ‘stability guarantees Madagascar’s credibility in front of foreigners.’ This explains the following gesture: she calls for the inhabitants of Antananarivo and the electorate of the country who ‘can rely on Ratsiraka for their future life, can vote for and can make the others vote for their candidate president Didier Ratsiraka.) président- en-exercice le sénateur sus-nommé de citer notamment les taux de réussite au CEPE (incumbent et au BEPC, respectivement de l'ordre de 72% et de 51%, pendant l'année president) scolaire précédente. « il est nécessaire et légitime de soutenir le président- en-exercice pour la poursuite de ces succès » professe le président de ce comité qui tiendra des meetings à travers les 6 arrondissements de la capitale, afin de convaincre la population à voter pour la continuité. (The above mentioned-senator has especially talked about the success rates of the CEPE’s and BEPC’s holders which have respectively achieved 72% for the former, and 51% for the latter. ‘It’s both essential and legitimate to back the incumbent president so that these successes will be carried on’, the president of teachers and administrators committee has declared. In order to persuade the inhabitants of Antananarivo to vote for continuity, the president holds meetings in the 6 administrative districts of the capital.)

l'autonomie des provinces était d'ailleurs le leitmotiv de tous les intervenants et de presque toutes les banderoles en attribuaient la paternité au président-en-exercice . « les autres candidats cachent mal leur intention de remettre en cause ces nouvelles structures, gage du développement régional », a déclaré José-Vianey (For indeed, autonomy of the provinces has been the leitmotiv of all the users of language, and almost of the banners have claimed that the incumbent president is its father. ‘The other candidates have difficulty in hiding their intention to debate over this new structure which is, according to José Vianey, a pillar of regional development.’)

le président d’honneur de MAFAMI et non moins directeur-général de l'ENAM, qui est à Madagascar ce que l'ENA est à la France, de réaffirmer que si son association soutient le président-en-exercice , c'est en raison de son programme et parce qu’ « il symbolise l'unité nationale, la stabilité et l'autonomie des provinces » (The Honorary President of MAFAMI and not least, the Managing Director of ENAM - which is the equivalent of ENA in France – has re-asserted that if his association is in favour of the incumbent president, it’s because of his schedules and because ‘he symbolyses national unity, stability and provinces’autonomy.’)

« la province de Toliara tient beaucoup à l'autonomie pour laquelle Monja- Jaona et Laha-Gaston ont lutté avec conviction. nous n'accepterons pas qu'un autre subtilise l'héritage qu'ils ont laissé au prix de leur vie». (‘The province of Toliara attaches great importance to its autonomy for which Monja Jaona and Laha Gaston had fought with conviction. We will not accept that other candidate nicks this heritage.)

32 souveraineté nationales. ce qui n'est pas, ajoute-t-il le cas du candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara. (In José Vianey’s opinion, ‘embracing the idea of provinces’ autonomy after Ratsiraka is viewed as a pure electoral populism.’ In fact, Ratsiraka is its father, only President Ratsiraka is the best guarantor for the development of autonomous provinces, according to the RAM movement. It also thinks that the incumbent president symbolises national unity and sovereignty, which is not the case for the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara. )

président- « au niveau des équipes de propagande, si provocation il y a, le camp du sortant président-sortant n'y est pour rien ! le président Ratsiraka a toujours (outgoing prôné la paix et l'entente. il s'est toujours montré comme le « president) raiamandreny » capable de maintenir et de respecter cette paix pour le bien de tous. et c'est là, je pense, son atout. il est capable de nous assurer cette paix sociale pour tous, dont il en a fait un de ses objectifs... » (‘As far as the staffs in charge of the propaganda are concerned, if there is provocation, it has nothing to do with the part of the outgoing president. President Ratsiraka always strongly recommends peace and consensus. He always behaves as a ‘raiamandreny’ capable of maintaining and respecting this peace for the sake of everyone. And, I think, this is his asset. He can guarantee the social harmony for everyone. It is part of his objectives…’)

«il s'agira de mettre cette performance au service de l'autonomie », a expliqué ce membre de la cellule communication du candidat Didier- Ratsiraka. il a également un deuxième argument pour voter son champion en rappelant que «le président-sortant reste toujours un précurseur inégalé ». et d'égrener les illustrations : antennes paraboliques devenues aujourd'hui une banalité, les universités par faritany, les usines créées durant la politique de l'investissement à outrance, etc ». (‘It is about implementing the economic performance in the field of autonomy », Andrianoelison – a member of candidate Didier Ratsiraka’s communication cell – has explained. He has also presented as second reason why one has to vote for his champion. Ha reminds that ‘the outgoing president always remains an unequalled precursor.’ By way of illustrations, he has mentioned that now, parabolic aerial becomes ordinary; each province has its university. Factories have been built during the all out investment and so on.) Ratsiraka le sénateur Iavilisy-Yolande, après avoir assisté à un meeting organisé à Marofinaritra par l'association «vehivavin-Antalaha», avant-hier, affirme que « les électrices d'Antalaha roulent pour le candidat Didier-Ratsiraka. » (After attending a meeting organised by the ‘Women of Antalaha’ Association at Marofinaritra, senator Iavilisy Yolande has asserted that ‘the female electorate of Antalaha is going to vote for candidate Didier Ratsiraka.’)

au niveau des équipes de propagande, si provocation il y a, le camp du président-sortant n'y est pour rien ! le président Ratsiraka a toujours prôné la paix et l'entente. il s'est toujours montré comme le « raiamandreny » capable de maintenir et de respecter cette paix pour le bien de tous. et c'est là, je pense, son atout. il est capable de nous assurer cette paix sociale pour tous, dont il en a fait un de ses objectifs... (‘As far as the staffs in charge of the propaganda are concerned, if there is provocation, it has nothing to do with the part of the outgoing president. President Ratsiraka always strongly recommends peace and consensus. He always behaves as a ‘raiamandreny’ capable of maintaining and respecting

33 this peace for the sake of everyone. And, I think, this is his asset. He can guarantee the social harmony for everyone. It is part of his objectives…’) en effet, si le gouvernement a pris sur lui la responsabilité de cette croissance, rien n'a été dit sur sa distribution. ce à quoi, José- Andrianoelison apporte une précision selon laquelle, « le prochain quinquennat du président Ratsiraka servira à le faire ». techniquement, la redistribution de la croissance suivra le rythme de la mise en place de l'autonomie des provinces (…) en matière de projet de développement économique et social. « il s'agira de mettre cette performance au service de l'autonomie », a expliqué ce membre de la cellule. (Indeed, if the government is said to be the institution responsible for this economic growth, no word has been said about its sharing, that is what José Andrianoelison would like to talk more. He has added: ‘the next five- year term in office will serve for the economic growth implementation.)

« il faut faire gagner le président Ratsiraka au premier tour », déclarent les partisans de l'Amiral qui comptent œuvrer dans ce sens (28-11-01) [‘We must make Ratsiraka win at the first ballot’, Ratsiraka’s partisans - who work in that way - have declared (28-11-06)]

« nous allons donné 80% pour ne pas dire 100% au président Ratsiraka », a assuré le maire de Fenoarivo-atsinanana, dimanche, lors du coup d'envoi de la campagne électorale. (‘We are going to elect Ratsiraka at 80% in order not to say at 100%’, Fenoarivo atsinanana mayor has ensured during the beginning of the campaign which took place on Sunday.) en tout cas, pour le PDS de Toamasina et non moins, président de la fédération des entités et groupement de soutien au candidat Ratsiraka , Tsizaraina-Emile, « il faut éviter de disperser les voix ». (After all, for the PDS of Toamasina and not least, the president of the federation and groups supporting Ratsiraka called Tsizaraina Emile, ‘we must not scatter the poll.’)

« il faut faire gagner le président Ratsiraka au premier tour pour éviter les problèmes et désagréments d'un second tour et pour que nous puissions passer les fêtes de fin d'année tranquillement », a ajouté Pierrot- Rajaonarivelo (‘We must make president Ratsiraka win in the first ballot to avoid the issues and troubles of the second poll. Also, we would like to see the new year (2002) with calm’, Pierrot Rajaonarivelo has added.) selon Lila-Ratsifandrihamanana, le président Ratsiraka qui a hérité de pareille situation, s'est efforcé de participer activement aux différents rendez-vous internationaux afin que la Grande-île puisse retrouver sa place dans le concert des nations. « cela a permis de retrouver la confiance de la communauté internationale et tout particulièrement des bailleurs de fonds, de participer à l'élan international face à la mondialisation, à la lutte contre le sida et le terrorisme. » (According to Lila Ratsifandrihamanana, although Ratsiraka has borne the international backers sanctions, he has made an effort to take part actively in different international meetings. Thus, the Big island can re-win its place in conjunction with nations. ‘This enables us to re-gain the international community trust particularly the financial backers, to take part in globalisation, to fight against AIDS and terrorism.’)

« mamintsika ny fandriampahalemana ». littéralement, « nous tenons à la paix ». c'est le slogan du parti de la colombe, qui est convaincu que « le

34 président Ratsiraka est gage de paix et de stabilité ». « si d'aventure, il venait à être élu, je crains que Marc-Ravalomanana ne puisse assurer ni la sécurité, ni la paix, ni stabilité dans le pays », déclare le numéro un de l'AKFM (ex KDRSM). (‘Mamintsika ny fandriampahalemana.’ Literally,’ we long for peace.’ It is the slogan of the dove’s party which is convinced that ‘president Didier Ratsiraka is a guarantor of peace and stability.’ ‘If Ravalomanana is going to be elected by chance, I think that he cannot ensure safety, peace or the stability of the country’, has said the number one of the AKFM (former KDRSM).)

« le président Ratsiraka n'est ni le candidat ni le président d'une seule province », ne cesse de réitérer José-Vianey dont les tournées électorales ne se limitent pas non plus à son fief naturel du littoral est. le fait qu'il soit originaire de Toamasina, ne l'empêche nullement de mener campagne dans les autres faritany, comme c'était récemment le cas à Fianarantsoa », a tenu à faire remarquer l'autre José. Andrianoelison de son prénom. (President Ratsiraka is neither the candidate nor the president of a province ‘, José Vianey – whose electoral campaign surpasses the Eastern part of the littoral - does not cease to say so. The fact that he comes from Toamasina does not prevent him from conducting his campaign in other provinces such as Fianarantsoa’, José Andrianoelison would like to point out.)

Didier- Ratsiraka « Didier-Ratsiraka n'est pas le président ni le candidat d'une seule province », rappelle Falitiana-Randriamialisoa de MAFAMI. (‘Didier Ratsiraka is neither the president nor the candidate of a province’, Falitiana Randriamialisoa of MAFAMI would like to remind.)

Didier-Ratsiraka n'est pas le président ni le candidat de la seule province de Toamasina, encore moins d'une tribu déterminée. (Didier Ratsiraka is not the president or the candidate of the province of Toamasina, worst, he is not the president of a determined ethnic group.)

en réponse à ceux qui doutent sur la réalité de la croissance à 6-7%, tant vantée par le gouvernement, il n'hésite pas à qualifier de performance ce chiffre, compte tenu du l'état du pays en 1997, au moment où Didier- Ratsiraka entamait son mandat. (For those who do not believe in the 6 to 7% economic growth, so praised by the government, Andrianoelison does not hesitate to qualify it as an achievement with regards to the economic state of the country in 1997 when Didier Ratsiraka started his term in office.)

« il s'agira de mettre cette performance au service de l'autonomie », a

35 expliqué ce membre de la cellule communication du candidat Didier- Ratsiraka . (‘It is about implementing the economic performance in the field of autonomy », Andrianoelison – a member of candidate Didier Ratsiraka’s communication cell – has explained.) il (he) au niveau des équipes de propagande, si provocation il y a, le camp du président-sortant n'y est pour rien ! le président Ratsiraka a toujours prôné la paix et l'entente. il s'est toujours montré comme le « raiamandreny » capable de maintenir et de respecter cette paix pour le bien de tous. et c'est là, je pense, son atout. il est capable de nous assurer cette paix sociale pour tous, dont il en a fait un de ses objectifs... (‘As far as the staffs in charge of the propaganda are concerned, if there is provocation, it has nothing to do with the part of the outgoing president. President Ratsiraka always strongly recommends peace and consensus. He always behaves as a ‘raiamandreny’ capable of maintaining and respecting this peace for the sake of everyone. And, I think, this is his asset. He can guarantee the social harmony for everyone. It is part of his objectives…’)

le président d’honneur de MAFAMI et non moins directeur-général de l'ENAM, qui est à Madagascar ce que l'ENA est à la France, de réaffirmer que si son association soutient le président-en-exercice, c'est en raison de son programme et parce qu’ « il symbolise l'unité nationale, la stabilité et l'autonomie des provinces » (The Honorary President of MAFAMI and not least the Managing Director of ENAM - which is the equivalent of ENA in France – has re-asserted that if his association is in favour of the incumbent president, it’s because of his schedules and because ‘he symbolyses national unity, stability and provinces’autonomy.’)

d'après lui, « pareille déclaration faite sur le tard, n'est que pur clientélisme électoral ». parce qu' il en est le père, nul autre que le président Ratsiraka ne constitue de meilleure garantie pour le développement de l'autonomie provinciale, selon le RAM. un mouvement qui estime également que le président-en-exercice symbolise l'unité et la souveraineté nationales. ce qui n'est pas, ajoute-t-il le cas du candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara. (In José Vianey’s opinion, ‘embracing the idea of provinces’autonomy after Ratsiraka is viewed as a pure electoral populism.’ In fact, Ratsiraka is its father, only president Ratsiraka is the best guarantor for the development of the autonomous provinces, according to RAM movement. It also thinks that the incumbent president symbolises national unity and sovereignty, which is not the case for the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara. ) lui (him) en réponse à ceux qui doutent sur la réalité de la croissance à 6-7%, tant vantée par le gouvernement, il n'hésite pas à qualifier de performance ce chiffre, compte tenu du l'état du pays en 1997, au moment où Didier- Ratsiraka entamait son mandat. « il lui faut un autre mandat pour continuer ce succès », dit l'ancien ministre à qui incombe apparemment la mission d'effacer les maladresses du régime. (For those who do not believe in the 6 to 7% economic growth, so praised by the government, Andrianoelison does not hesitate to qualify it as an achievement with regards to the economic state of the country in 1997 when Didier Ratsiraka started his term in office.)

36 quinquennat du président Ratsiraka servira à le faire ». (Indeed, if the government is said to be the institution responsible for this economic growth, no word has been said about its sharing, that is what José Andrianoelison would like to talk more. He has added: ‘the next five-year term in office will serve for the economic growth implementation.)

To get the highest number of occurrences (F), we have processed our selection with lexico 2 and have come into the following results:

Table 7: Political figures and forces supporting Ratsiraka Figures

Figures F Repeated Segments F

José - 4 ce à quoi José -Andria noelison apporte une précision 2 Andrianoelison selon laquelle (that is what José Andrianoelison would like to talk more) Pierrot - 2 - - Rajaonarivelo Falitiana – 2 le président d’honneur de MAFAMI et non moins de l’ 2 Randriamialisoa (The Honorary President of MAFAMI and not least, the) José -Vianey 2 autonomie a expliqué ce membre de cellule 3 (autonomy has explained this member of the cell)

Forces

Forces F Repeated Segments F

MAFAMI 5 3 de MAFAMI RAM 3 autonomie provinciale selon le RAM un mouvement 3 qui estime également que (provinces’autonomy according to RAM which also thinks that) de réaffirmer que son association soutient le 2 président-en-exercice (to re-assert that his association backs the incumbent president) AKFM (ex 2 - KDRSM) parti de la 2 est le slogan de la parti de la colombe qui est 2 colombe convaincu (is the slogan of the dove party whici convinced that)

José Andrianoelison is viewed as Ratsiraka’s first key political figure according to our process: José-Andrianoelison has the highest number of

37 frequency. To give more precision, he was one of the presidential advisers, a member of Ratsiraka’s communication cell in the 2001 presidential campaign. He was also the head 59 of Ratsiraka’s delegation during the

2002 negotiations. Observers think that Andrianoelison is the spiritual son of Ratsiraka. According to the Malagasy diaspora’s meeting 60 held in Paris in July 2005, like the other former supporters of Ratsiraka, Andrianoelison is afraid to go back to the country due to the case of Azaly Ben Marofo 61 who was arrested once joining Madagascar.

Our second key political figure is Pierrot Rajaonarivelo. Rajaonarivelo was the Vice-Prime minister in charge of the budget and the development of the autonomous provinces. He is also the national secretary of AREMA

Now, being the Honorary President of the Association 62 pour l’Intérêt et la

Défense de l’Unité nationale de Madagascar (Association for the Interest and the National Unity Defence of Madagascar) - abbreviated into ASSIDU

Madagascar - Rajaonarivelo forms an opposition 63 to Ravalomanana and his government. He has declared that he is going to run for the 2006 presidential election.

During the 2001 presidential campaign, Falitiana Randriamialisoa was the honorary president of MAFAMI. Both Randriamialisoa and the association have been supporting Ratsiraka. For indeed, MAFAMI is seen as

59 Jem Madagascar, Madagascar: Ratsiraka et ses proches quittent l'île pour les Seychelles , http://www.bethel-fr.com/afficher_info.php?id=3567.2 , 15 juillet 2006. 60 Madagate , Diaspora malgache:La peur de rentrer au pays , http://www.madagate.com/MyNews/read_comment.php3?id_news=835 , 16 juillet 2006 61 A former Secretary of the State in the field of public safety during Ratsiraka’s regime. 62 ASSIDU Madagascar, Madagascar : L’opposition a son site, http://www.ASSIDU- madagascar.org ou http://www.ASSIDU-madagascar.com , 16 jullet 2006. 63 Pierrot Rajaonarivelo, Fiarahabana-Firariantsoa , http://www.pierrot- rajaonarivelo.org/malagasy.php , 16 juillet 2006.

38 one of the prominent associations backing Ratsiraka: the acronym is repeated 5 times throughout our third subcorpus . It stands for Mpianatra,

Mpampianatra, Mpandraharaha, Maintimolaly Avy amin’ny

Faritanin’Antananarivo Miray (An association of students, teachers, investors, and seniors from Antananarivo).It was founded in 1980. For its

25 years, MAFAMI has planed to enrich its activities by taking part in the economic development of Madagascar apart from its previous socio-cultural activities and humanitarian aids according to its president, Jean Laurent

Rakotoarison 64 .

José Vianey who is the national president of the movement called RAM is our third key political figure. He and the movement have been in favour of Ratsiraka. RAM stands for Rassemblement pour l’Avenir de Madagascar

(Assembling for the Future of Madagascar). With his movement, Vianey is among the opponents of Ravalomanana’s regime. He would like to establish a government of transition 65 .

The last political force of our selection is AKFM, former known as AKFM-

KDRSM whose symbol is a dove, hence the phrase the party of the dove. It was founded in 1958, is viewed as a communist party66 by the Africa

Centre. Its national president is Gisèle Rabesahala who has favoured

Ratsiraka in the 2001 presidential campaign. AKFM, Antokon’ny

64 Herimanda R., Tribune, le journal en ligne: MAFAMI, engagé pour le développement économique, http://www.madagascar-tribune.com/index.php?JOURNAL=679&RUB=55, 15 juillet 2006. 65 R.O, RAM. Le mouvement de José Vianey a ses « maux » à dire sur le dialogue entre le pouvoir et l’opposition recommandé par le S.G. de l’ONU, Kofi Annan. Des conditions préalables au dialogue , http://www.madagate.com/MyNews/read_comment.php3?id_news=1574 , 15 julllet 2006. 66 The Africa Centre, Communist Party, Madagascar (AKFM) , http://institutions.africadatabase.org/data/i16142.html -->, 15 juillet 2006.

39 Kongresin’ny Fahaleovantenan’i Madagasikara means the Congress Party for the Independence of Madagascar. Its main mission 67 is to fight for national independence, democracy, peace and social progress.

We expect the occurence of AREMA in our subcorpus since it is the political party of Ratsiraka. However, we cannot find it in our selection.

Thus, we have a nullax. However, AREMA 68 - was founded by Ratsiraka in

1975 - standing for Antoky ny REvolisiona MAlagasy (Vanguard of the

Malagasy Revolution) changing to Andry sy Rihana Enti-MAnavotra an’I

MAdagasikara (Pillar and Structure for the Salvation of Madagascar) in

2001. We are going to tackle the key political figures and forces supporting

Ravalomanana.

2.1.2 Political figures and forces backing Ravalomanana

Part of the supposed 69 discourse of the partisans of Ravalomanana enables us to learn more about the political forces and personalities involved in his 2001 presidential campaign. It will form our fourth subcorpus .

Keywords Contexts candidat (candidat) malgré les actes de dénigrement contre lui, « Ravalomanana reste le meilleur candidat », soutient le KMMR (14-12-01) hier au Hilton-Madagascar, le comité de soutien et Tiako-i- Madagasikara en dénonçant les actes de dénigrement contre le candidat Ravalomanana ont tiré la conclusion selon laquelle ce dernier demeure le meilleur candidat le plus redouté et

67 L’Express de Madagascar, AKFM, http://www.lexpressmada.com/article.php?id=16706&r=6&d=2003-11-10 , 15 juillet 2006. 68 Ortiz de Zárate, Leaders of Madagascar (Republic of Madagascar / to 1975, Malagasy Republic) , http://www.terra.es/personal2/monolith/madagasc.htm -->, 06 March 2004. 69 The discourse is described supposed as we do not know if Midi has reported it faithfully and translated it into French correctly. It was delivered in Malagasy.

40 redoutable dans cette course à l'élection présidentielle. « l'acharnement contre lui constitue une preuve de faiblesse de la part de ses concurrents », ont-ils souligné. (In spite of the discredit on him, ‘Ravalomanana remains the best candidate, the KM.M.R advocates (14-12-01) (Yesterday, at Madagascar Hilton, the support committee of Ravalomanana and Tiako-i-Madagasikara (I love Madagascar) which have strongly criticised the discredit on candidate Ravalomanana, have concluded that the latter remains the best candidate. He is the feared and the dreaded in this presidentials. ‘relentlessness against him forms weakness evidence of his frontrunners’, they emphasised) candidat de Tiako-i- Madagasikara (candidate Louisette-Raharimalala a attendu la veille de la clôture de la of Tiako-i-Madagasikara ) propagande pour sortir de son silence. « le pays a besoin de changement, et ce n'est pas Ratsiraka qui pourrait apporter la solution », déclare le député de Bekily qui roule pour Marc- Ravalomanana, même si elle ne participe pas à sa campagne. pour elle, le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara est en train de faire de grands sacrifices et le peuple ne doit pas le laisser seul. (Louisette Raharimalala has waited for the eve of the campaign closing date to express her opinion. ‘The country needs change, it’s not Ratsiraka who can find out solutions’ Bekily Member of Parliament stated. Even if she does not take part in Ravalomanana’s electoral campaign, she favours him. For her, the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara is sacrificing himself and the Malagasy people must not leave him alone.) ce dernier (the latter) hier au Hilton-Madagascar, le comité de soutien et Tiako-i- Madagasikara en dénonçant les actes de dénigrement contre le candidat Ravalomanana ont tiré la conclusion selon laquelle ce dernier demeure le meilleur candidat le plus redouté et redoutable dans cette course à l'élection présidentielle. « l'acharnement contre lui constitue une preuve de faiblesse de la part de ses concurrents », ont-ils souligné. (Yesterday, at Madagascar Hilton, the support committee of Ravalomanana and Tiako-i-Madagasikara (I love Madagascar) which have strongly criticised the discredit on candidate Ravalomanana, have concluded that the latter remains the best candidate. He is the feared and the dreaded in this presidentials. ‘relentlessness against him forms weakness evidence of his frontrunners’, they emphasised)

Ravalomanana malgré les actes de dénigrement contre lui, « Ravalomanana reste le meilleur candidat », soutien le KMMR (14-12-01) hier au Hilton-Madagascar, le comité de soutien et Tiako-i- Madagasikara en dénonçant les actes de dénigrement contre le candidat Ravalomanana ont tiré la conclusion selon laquelle ce dernier demeure le meilleur candidat le plus redouté et redoutable dans cette course à l'élection présidentielle. « l'acharnement contre lui constitue une preuve de faiblesse de la part de ses concurrents », ont-ils souligné. (In spite of the discredit on him, ‘Ravalomanana remains the best candidate,

41 the KMMR advocates (14-12-01) (Yesterday, at Madagascar Hilton, the support committee of Ravalomanana and Tiako-i-Madagasikara (I love Madagascar) which have strongly criticised the discredit on candidate Ravalomanana, have concluded that the latter remains the best candidate. He is the feared and the dreaded in this presidentials. ‘relentlessness against him forms weakness evidence of his frontrunners’, they emphasised)

« tout ce qui a été dit sur Ravalomanana reste et demeure des calomnies pour le couler ». « une stratégie qui n'a pas profité à ses concepteurs car il y a eu un effet contraire » ont-ils analysé. (‘What has been said about Ravalomanana remains a slander used not to make him president.’ ‘It’s a strategy which does not work in favour of its brain since there has been adverse effect.)

Louisette-Raharimalala a attendu la veille de la clôture de la propagande pour sortir de son silence. « le pays a besoin de changement, et ce n'est pas Ratsiraka qui pourrait apporter la solution », déclare le député de Bekily qui roule pour Marc- Ravalomanana , même si elle ne participe pas à sa campagne. (Louisette Raharimalala has waited for the eve of the campaign closing date to express her opinion. ‘The country needs change, it’s not Ratsiraka who can find out solutions’ Bekily Member of Parliament stated. Even if she does not take part in Ravalomanana’s electoral campaign, she favours him. For her, the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara is sacrificing himself and the Malagasy people must not leave him alone.)

Marc-Ravalomanana réussite les représentants du KMMR (comité de soutien) dans les provinces ont pris successivement la parole en mettant l'accent sur la réussite de Marc-Ravalomanana désormais symbolisant l'unité nationale. comme par exemple le SG du GRAD-ILOAFO, Herimanana-Razafimahefa qui résume : « le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana a tracé les perspectives d'avenir pour un développement rapide de tous les Malgaches… » (Success. The representatives of the KMMR have took the floor one by one on laying stress upon Marc Ravalomanana’s success in provinces.) From now on; he symbolises national unity. For example, the general secretary of GRAD-ILOAFO, Herimanana-Razafimahefa sums up that: ‘candidate Marc Ravalomanana has outlined perspectives on the future for a rapid development of the whole Malagasy people….’)

il a ainsi suggéré, pour commencer, l'assainissement de la ville comme il l'a fait dans la capitale de Madagascar une fois élu maire-d-Antananarivo. durant ce meeting de Toliary, le conseiller-provincial Thierry-Raveloson, neveu de l'épouse du chef-de-l'état actuel a déclaré publiquement son soutien à l'endroit de Marc-Ravalomanana. (Thus, to start with, Ravalomanana has suggested the sanitation improvement of Toliary, like he has done for the capital of Madagascar once being Antananarivo mayor. During his meeting at Toliary,

42 Thierry Raveloson – the adviser of the province and a nephew of the current Head of the State’s wife - has publicly expressed his support for Marc Ravalomanana.) verdict pour le président du TEZA, « les alliés de Didier-Ratsiraka ont peurs ». « ce sont des prédateurs qui veulent monopoliser la richesse du pays et qui sont prêts à aller jusqu'à provoquer le tribalisme. Marc-Ravalomanana n'a jamais brandi son ethnie comme raison de sa candidature. sa déclaration à Imerinkasinina était claire : il veut accélérer le développement de Madagascar. il veut surtout restaurer la solidarité nationale », a-t-il poursuivi. (Verdict. According to the president of TEZA, ‘the allies of Didier Ratsiraka are afraid of Ravalomanana.’ ‘They are predators who would like to have the control of the largest part of Madagascar’s wealth. For that, they are ready to provoke tribalism. However, Marc Ravalomanana has never mentioned his ethnic origin for the reason for his registration. His speech held at Imerinkasinina was clear: he would like to fasten the development of Madagascar. He would like especially, to restore national solidarity’, he went on.)

« jamais il n'a autant été question de listes électorales, en somme, d'élections », fait-il remarqué. il, c'est Manandafy- Rakotonirina qui reste confiant, quant aux chances de Marc- Ravalomanana. « on a fait le plein partout où l'on est passé », a-t-il rapporté. (It has never been a matter of electoral lists, or elections’, he has noticed. He, it is Manandafy Rakotonirina who remains confident of Ravalomanana’s luck to be elected) pragmatisme expliquant l'ascension sur le plan social et économique de Marc-Ravalomanana , le président du MFM de souligner que « la capacité d'entreprise n'est pas tributaire de la formation académique, mais que la création de race d'entrepreneurs relève d'autres choses ». si le rôle des karana dans le domaine de la production se limite à « la méthode artisanale », pour le chef de file des rouges et expert, TIKO est synonyme de « méthode ultramoderne, avec l'introduction notamment, des techniques hollandaise, danoise et américaine ». (Pragmatism. While explaining Marc Ravalomanana’s social and economic courses, the president of MFM has underlined that ‘to manage a firm does not depend on academic training, it is up to something else’. If the producing methode of the karana remains traditional, TIKO is synonymous with (ultramodern method painted with the introduction of Dutch, Danish and American techniques.’, in the head of the red and expert ‘s opinion) revenons sur le plan politique, Manandafy d'expliquer que « la force de Marc-Ravalomanana , c'est son pragmatisme devant le peuple et sa crédibilité auprès des bailleurs de fonds ». avant d'ajouter que, « c'est l'impératif d'efficacité qui va primer, reléguant au second plan, le débat sur la structure de l'état » le programme d'investissement public (PIP) reste toutefois incontournable pour Manandafy, qui veut éviter par contre que

43 les dés soient pipés pour le scrutin de dimanche. (Back to the field of politics, Manadafy has explained that « Marc- Ravalomanana’s strengths are his pragmatism before the people and his credibility in the eyes of the financial backers.’ Before adding that ‘efficiency is the first asset followed by the second one which is the debate over the State’s structure. However, Public Invest Programme (PIP) cannot be neglected for Mananadafy who thinks that everything is done for the election held on Sunday.) il (he) pour le président du TEZA, « les alliés de Didier-Ratsiraka ont peurs ». « ce sont des prédateurs qui veulent monopoliser la richesse du pays et qui sont prêts à aller jusqu'à provoquer le tribalisme. Marc-Ravalomanana n'a jamais brandi son ethnie comme raison de sa candidature. sa déclaration à Imerinkasinina était claire : il veut accélérer le développement de Madagascar. il veut surtout restaurer la solidarité nationale », a-t-il poursuivi. (According to the president of TEZA, ‘the allies of Didier Ratsiraka are afraid of Ravalomanana.’ ‘They are predators who would like to have the control of the largest part of Madagascar’s wealth. For that, they are ready to provoke tribalism. However, Marc Ravalomanana has never mentioned his ethnic origin for the reason for his registration. His speech held at Imerinkasinina was clear: he would like to fasten the development of Madagascar. He would like especially, to restore national solidarity’, he went on.) lui (him) le comité de soutien a démontré sa grande capacité à mobiliser sur la population d'Antananarivo et les représentants des provinces sont venus en masse pour exprimer leurs désirs de changement profond. le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana vient d'entamer le combat décisif pour l'alternance ; nous sommes derrière lui , tous ensemble, de tout notre cœur et tout énergie, pour un Madagascar prospère. » bref, pour un premier meeting de grande envergure, ce fut une réussite pour le candidat qui poursuivra en dehors d’Antananarivo et périple pour les 20 jours qui suivent. (The committee of support has displayed its ability to move the population of Antananarivo and the representatives of the provinces. They came massively to express that they long for radical change. Candidate Ravalomanana has just come to initiate struggle with alternation; altogether, we back him with our heart and energy or a prosperous Madagascar’. To sum up, for a first meeting on a huge scale, it was a success for the candidate who is going to go on outside Antananarivo and his tour for the following 20 days.)

malgré les actes de dénigrement contre lui, « Ravalomanana reste le meilleur candidat », soutient le KMMR (14-12-01) hier au Hilton-Madagascar, le comité de soutien et Tiako-i- Madagasikara en dénonçant les actes de dénigrement contre le candidat Ravalomanana ont tiré la conclusion selon laquelle ce dernier demeure le meilleur candidat le plus redouté et

44 redoutable dans cette course à l'élection présidentielle. (In spite of the discredit on him, ‘Ravalomanana remains the best candidate, the KM.M.R advocates (14-12-01) (Yesterday, at Madagascar Hilton, the support committee of Ravalomanana and Tiako-i-Madagasikara (I love Madagascar) which have strongly criticised the discredit on candidate Ravalomanana, have concluded that the latter remains the best candidate. He is the feared and the dreaded in this presidentials. ‘Relentlessness against him forms weakness evidence of his frontrunners’, they emphasised.)

In order to obtain the number of occurrences (F) of our political figures and forces, we have processed our selection with lexico 2, which makes us draw the following tables.

Table 8: Political figures and forces backing Ravalomanana Figures

Figures F Repeated Segments F

Manandafy - 3 - Rakotonirina - Louisette 2 - Raharimalala -

Forces

Force s F Repeated Segments F

Tiako -I- 5 le comité de soutien et Tiako -I-Madagasikara 4 Madagasikara (I (the committee of support and I love Madagascar) love Madagascar) KMMR 4 le KMMR (14 -12 -01) hier au Hilton -Madagascar le 3 comité de soutien (The KMMR, the committee of support was at Madagascar Hilton yesterday) TEZA 2 pour le président du TEZA "les alliés du Didier - 2 Ratsiraka ont…" (For the president of TEZA; ‘the allies of Didier-Ratsiraka are…’) "les alliés de Didier -Ratsiraka ont peurs" 2 (the allies of Didier-Ratsiraka are afraid)

Manandafy Rakotonirina has been a fervent supporter of Ravalomanana during the 2001 presidential campaign. From 2002 till now, he is one of the

45 special advisors of Ravalomanana. Rakotonirina is the head and founder of the MFM standing for Mpitolona ho amin'ny Fanjakan'ny Madinika

(Movement for the Progress of Madagascar). The main objective of the party – founded in 1972 - is to defend the proletariat 70 , i.e the class of ordinary people who earn money by working, especially those who do not own property. For some observers, the party is used to deposing 71 the

Presidents of Madagascar 72 . However, it has never achieved to lead the country. MFM is also a member of the KMMR of 2001. Before talking the political forces, let us learn more about the second key political figure favouring Ravalomanana in the 2001 presidential election.

Louisette Raharimalala is the national president of MAVANA which was an association supporting Ravalomanana in 2001. In 2002, MAVANA has become a political party whose head is Raharimalala. She was a Member of

Parliament in 2002. MAVANA stands for MAdagasikara VAnona No

Asandratra (We praise Madagascar for its development). The same year,

MAVANA has embraced 73 the sustainable and rapid development project of

Ravalomanana. It has also acknowledged that his regime is legitimate.

With her party, Raharimalala has been a member of a political platform, whose objective consists in re-valuating political parties in Madagascar. In

70 Afrique Express, Manandafy, la tête pensante de Ravalomanana ?, http://www.afrique- express.com/archive/AUSTRALE/madagascar/madagascarbio/246manandafy.htm -->, 17 juillet 2006. 71 J.R , Mfm de Mandandafy Rakotonirina: Trente trois années de lutte…, 17 juillet 2006 72 Didier Ratsiraka, Philibert Tsiranana, Albert Zafy. 73 L’Express de Madagascar , Nouveau parti politique , http://www.lexpressmada.com/article.php?id=6852&r=6&d=2002-10-14 -->, 17 juillet 2006.

46 the platform’s opinion, Ravalomanana has publicly described the opposition as evil 74 . Currently, Raharimalala is in opposition to Ravalomanana.

As for Tiako-I-Madagasikara (I love Madagascar), it is Ravalomanana’s political party which has its networks abroad. For instance, Tiako-I-

Madagasikara France 75 has three main objectives: to communicate information, to analyse them and to present any kind of projects that are related to the development of Madagascar. There has been a committee favouring Ravalomanana in 2001 presidential campaign.

Known as the Support Committee of Marc Ravalomanana abbreviated into KMMR in 2001, it changes into Komity 76 Miaro ny Marina sy ny Rariny

(Committee for the Defence of the Legal and Legitimate) in 2003.

According to its members, Ravalomanana spoils the national unity as he thinks that Madagascar is his own property. To be more precise, the initial

KMMR became an opposing committee to Ravalomanana in 2003. Now, it seems that we do not hear from it anymore.

TEZA, a political party whose head is Moxe Ramandimbilahatra is our last force supporting Ravalomanana. It is among the presidential circles.

Even if TEZA is for the reform of the electoral code, it is still in favour of

Ravalomanana for the 3 December 2006 election in Tribune ’s mind77 .

74 Eugène R., Leader Fanilo – Mavana – Fihavanantsika: Non à la diabolisation de l’opposition !, http://www.madagascar-tribune.com/index.php?JOURNAL=419&ART=6761 -->, 17 juillet 2006. 75 Fanantenandrainy Ratsimbazafy, Tiako-I-Madagasikara, http://www.w3c.org/TR/1999/REC-html401-19991224/loose.dtd ">, 17 juillet 2006. 76 Tribune dated 5 May 2003. 77 Tribune dated 26 April 2006.

47 2. 2 The major topics in the discourse of Ratsiraka’s partisans

To find out the main themes of the supposed discourse of Ratsiraka’s partisans, we have processed the third subcorpus with lexico 2 to obtain a list of the frequency number of the themes. By theme, we mean de ce dont l’énoncé montre qu’il parle (what utterances are talking about) (Sarfati

68). In the framework of our work, themes represent the reasons why part of the electorate has voted for Ratsiraka. The following tables show them with their frequency (F).

48 Table 9: Hierarchical Index 2.2

Lexical items F Lexical items F paix (peace) 16 souveraineté (sovereignty) 3 autonomie (autonomy) 11 succès (success) 3 faire (to do) 7 capitale (capital) 2 stabilité (stability) 7 chiffre (figures) 2 communication 2 pays (country) 6 (communication) unité (unity) 6 confiance (trust) 2 assurer (to ensure) 5 convaincre (to convince) 2 croissance (growth) 5 distribution (sharing) 2 développement (development) 5 effet (effect) 2 performance (performance) 5 état (State) 2 voter (to vote) 5 éviter (to avoid) 2 gage (pledge) 4 fandriampahalemana (peace) 2 gouvernement (government) 4 faritany (province) 2 Malgaches (malagasy people) 4 gagner (to win ) 2 province (province) 4 moment (time) 2 provinces (provinces) 4 nécessaire (necessary) 2 Madagascar (Madagascar) 3 place (place) 2 Toamasina (Toamasina) 3 population (population) 2 continuité (continuity) 3 poursuite (continuation) 2 entente (agreement) 3 précision (precision) 2 garantie (guarantee) 3 qualifier (to term) 2 maintenir (to maintain) 3 quinquennat (the fifth) 2 mandat (term in office) 3 réalité (reality) 2 nationale (national) 3 réaffirmer (to re -assert) 2 objectifs (objectives) 3 réitérer (to insist) 2 père (father) 3 retrouver (to find again) 2 provocation (provocation) 3 réponse (to answer) 2 raiamandreny (father) 3 république (republic) 2 raison (reason) 3 responsabilité (responsibility) 2 respecter (to respect) 3 sécurité (safety) 2 service (service) 3

Table 10: Repeated Segments 2.2

Repeated Segments F l autonomie (autonomy) 11 la paix (peace) 8 de l autonomie (of the autonomy) 7 l unité (unity) 6 l unité nationale (national unity) 6 paix et (peace and) 6 autonomie des provinces (autonomy of the provinces) 6

49 cette paix (this peace) 6 autonomie" a expliqué ce membre de cellule [(…) autonomy’ has explained this member of the cell] 5 la paix et (peace and) 4 l autonomie des provinces (the provinces’ autonomy) 4 de la croissance (of growth) 3 le pays (the country) 3 la continuité (continuity) 3 la stabilité (stability) 3 à voter (to vote) 3 nous tenons à la paix (we long for peace) 3 du pays (of the country) 3 de participer (to take part in) 2 de réitérer (to emphasise) 2 la stabilité et l'autonomie des provinces (stability and provinces’autonomy) 2 les Malgaches (the Malagasy people) 2

Throughout the third subcorpus , paix (peace) and autonomie

(autonomy) are the most repeated items. 4 different repeated segments comprise the form paix (peace). 5 types of repeated segments have been formed by the item autonomie . According to our process, peace and autonomy have to be the themes of Ratsiraka’s partisans supposed discourse as reported in Midi.

2.2.1 Social peace

Peace (paix) physically appears 16 times in the selection related to the supporters of Ratsiraka. Moreover, stabilité (stability), entente

(agreement), fandriampahalemana - the Malagasy word for peace - echo to the idea of harmony. The people in favour of Ratsiraka such as

Rabesahala 78 , Rakotomavo 79 , Randriamialisoa 80 , and

78 Gisèle Rabesahala is the head of AKFM ( Antoko Kongresin’ny Fahaleovantenan’ny Madagasikara ) political party (The congress party for the independence of Madagascar) also called ‘parti de la colombe’ by Midi since it is represented by a dove. 79 Pascal Rakotomavo was the campaign director of Ratsiraka in 2001. 80 Falitiana Randriamialisoa was the honorary president of MAFAMI association in 2001.

50 Ratsifandrihamanana 81 think that their candidate symbolises peace hence the designation raiamandreny 82 . They assume that if Ratsiraka is not going to be re-elected president, violence will come as Ratsiraka is the President of Madagascar not of one province; he represents Madagascar despite the fact that the choice (Roubaud: 14) for the President is strongly painted with ethnic connotation. No wonder if his supporters assert that their candidate is the guarantee of unité nationale (national unity) which is a segment repeated 3 times in our third selection. Actually, Ratsiraka’s partisans try to make the impossible for Ratsiraka’s victory for two main reasons 83 : to avoid the probable problems and disorder 84 that we are bound to face, to see the New Year (2002) in peace. In other words, if

Ratsiraka is not going to be elected, there will be disorder. Certainly, this is an anticipation 85 to the 2002 crisis as Ratsiraka and his staff have neither accepted to compare the electoral reports nor to recognise Ravalomanana as the elected president. The supporters of Ratsiraka would like to keep their candidate president because they are afraid of change. In fact, there is complicity (Bemaso: 27) between the incumbent authorities and the candidate president. Without change, stability and security will come.

81 Lila Ratsifandrihamanana was the head of Fanavaozam-pirenena group in 2001. 82 Ray aman-dreny is the biological parent whereas raiamandreny is not. Rather, raimanadreny is used to designate those who lead in different fields such as religion and politics: Régis Rajemisa-Raolison, ‘Rakibolana Malagasy’, Fianarantsoa: Ambozontany, 1985. 83 Midi of 28 November 2001. 84 Due to the diverse results, Ravalomanana and his supporters asked to collate the records related to the election results. Their demand has never been fulfilled hence the political conflict as both candidates remain our presidents. http://www.gazetynety.org/article.php3?id_article=200&var_recherche=2001+presidentia l+campaign -->, 27 avril 2003. 85 Jean Chesneaux, ‘Pour une culture politique du temps : quel dialogue entre passé, présent, avenir ?’, Futuribles , n°234, septembre 1998, p.59 : ‘Le futur est donc par excellence la figure du temps politique, celle où s’inscrit notre capacité d’anticipation…’.

51 2.2.2 Economic growth

From the previously-mentioned selection, autonomie des provinces

(provinces’ autonomy) remains one of the main concerns. Provinces’ autonomy ( autonomie des provinces ) occurs 6 times in our corpus. As we have noticed that Ratsiraka and his supporters have the same views as far as autonomy of the provinces is concerned, we are to address the other possible reason for his election. A lexical element which can be a theme and sum up the other matters of the partisans’ supposed discourse is croissance (growth). Like autonomie des provinces (provinces’autonomy), la croissance (the economic growth) appears three times. In our context, we would like to lay stress mainly on Ratsiraka’s success according to their backers. Ratsiraka’s partisans would like him to be re-elected president in order to carry on Ratsiraka’s achievements in education for instance. To give some precisions, the most obvious result is the CEPE’s and BEPC holders tolls increase. To some teachers 86 , administratives who are members of Antananarivo scholar circumscription, Ratsiraka takes care of the Malagasy pupils. Ratsiraka is not selfish – in that field – for he himself, is eager to learn everything (Revel: 159). Besides, Ratsiraka is viewed as the father of the autonomous provinces so that we, Malagasy people still need him. One of his partisans states that the autonomous provinces need their founders to be implemented 87 . The 6.7% economic growth rate, achieved in 2001, is not a dream to Andrianoelison – a member of

86 They have been grouped in ‘herin’ny mpanabe sy mpandraharaha tsy miverin-dalana’ Force of the teachers and administratives longing for continuity. 87 Midi dated 27 November 2001.

52 Ratsiraka’s communication cell. Indeed, it was carried out by Ratsiraka and his staff. Thus, another five-year term is needed to implement that success as it must affect the whole country. According to Ratsiraka’s partisans, their candidate is a unique precursor. For example, he has enabled the women of Antalaha to work so that part of the latter has voted for him. Let us learn more about the way in which Ratsiraka’s supporters have given their ideas.

MAFAMI 88 – an association of students, teachers, investors, and seniors from Antananarivo - has made clear its reason for the choice for the

Admiral at Ambatolampy on 8 December 2001. To MAFAMI, Ratsiraka meets all the criteria to be president. It is said that Ratsiraka is used to conducting national matters. He has master over international relationship.

To put it another way, Ratsiraka deserves to be re-elected as he was president, is president and will be president. Ratsiraka’s supporters take advantage of the situation as the other candidates, including

Ravalomanana, is not experienced enough according to Jean André Soja, a senator belonging to AREMA, who backs Ratsiraka. It is not logical that a candidate who has not enough political background hopes for presidency 89 .

Therefore, Ratsiraka’s partisans identify and show publicly one of

Ravalomanana’s weaknesses even if Ravalomanana thinks that ‘It is not going to be easy to learn how to run a country while also courting political support, but Marc Ravalomanana has incredible energy and is brimming

88 Midi dated 22 November 2001: ‘Mpianatra, Mpampianatra, Mpandraharaha, Maintimolaly Avy amin’ny Faritanin’Antananarivo Miray’. 89 Midi dated 17 December 2001.

53 with ideas 90 .’ To José Vianey, the head of RAM which is a movement in favour of Ratsiraka, has claimed that Ratsiraka’s challengers including

Ravalomanana, might argue over the autonomous provinces which Vianey views as a guarantee of the regional development. Vianey goes on accusing Ravalomanana of using populism when the candidate of the civil society talks about having the 6 provinces of Madagascar autonomous.

Accordingly, the attitudes of Ratsiraka’s partisans might spoil

Ravalomanana’s public image while enhancing Ratsiraka’s. After all,

Maingueneau (Maingueneau 2002: 24) calls positive side the valued image that we are trying to show publicly. It represents one of the social communication’s features. What is more, the fact of lessening a candidate’s image - which Miller (Tchakhotine: 345) terms poison device - is part of a propaganda. Owing to this, the electorate is going to vote for the candidate whose ideas convince it more.

On analysing the discourse pertaining to the fans of Ratsiraka, their production prompts us to say that the latter provides synonyms to continuity and peace. Certainly, it is reckoned that synonyms are used to avoid repetition of words. But in our case, the supporters of Ratsiraka have had recourse to synonyms in order to repeat, to emphasise, and especially to instil the notion of paix and continuité to the voters. Instances of these are poursuite de ces succès (to carry on these successes), mettre cette performance au service de l’autonomie (to implement this achievement for

90 Alastair Leithead, Madagascar is at a turning point in its history, BBC NEWS: Madagascar leader rolls his sleeves up , http://www.vitelcom.mg/index.php?m1=a&m2=2&m3=0 -->, 25 July 2002.

54 the autonomy of the provinces), le développement de l’autonomie provinciale (the development of the autonomous provinces) or la redistribution de la croissance (the re-allocation of the 6.7% economic growth). In our context, continuity could be summed up by the phrase le prochain quinquennat (the next five-year term in office of Ratsiraka). As far as peace is concerned, apart from stability, agreement and security, it seems that the people in favour of Ratsiraka mean their candidate is the sole guarantee for national unity that is peace. After all, the voters could approve the concept of a candidate by the repetition 91 , the redundancy of those opinions so that the electorate is likely to be manipulated and vote for him. Tournier (Tournier 1985: 155-187) calls sloganisation this strategy. Another technique adopted by the supporters of Ratsiraka is the use of the verb falloir translated into to have to which is the equivalent of must. This impersonal verb expresses necessity and/or compulsory hence the sentences il faut faire gagner le président Ratsiraka au premier tour

(One must have Ratsiraka president in the first round.) or il faut éviter de disperser les voix » (one must avoid scattering the ballot.). Namely, the people backing Ratsiraka order the Malagasy people to vote for Ratsiraka.

91 Gerd Wotjak, ‘Les stéréotypes dans le langage du texte politique’, in C. Kerbrat - Orecchioni et M. Mouillaud dir, Le discours politique , 2è édition, Lyon : Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1984, 43-55.

55 2.3 The major topics in the discourse of Ravalomanana’s supporters

The people who back Ravalomanana have their ideas for behaving so.

Not only the fourth subcorpus provides the key political figures and forces of Ravalomanana, but it also conveys the themes that are meant for revealing the reasons why part of the voters has elected Ravalomanana as president. After processing it with lexico 2, the following tables display the needed elements where (F) stands for frequency:

Table 11: Hierarchical Index 2.3

Lexical items F Lexical items F dénigrement (denigration) 7 accélérer ( to fasten) 2 meilleur (best) 7 aller (to go) 2 Madagascar (Madagascar) 4 apporter (to bring) 2 pays (country) 4 capacité (ability) 2 conclusion (conclusion) 4 ethnie (origin) 2 redoubtable (formidable) 4 méthode (method) 2 acharnement (relentles sness) 3 monopoliser (to monopolise) 2 changement (change) 3 people (people) 2 dévellopement (development) 3 peurs (afraid) 2 concurrents (challengers) 3 pragmatisme (pragmatism) 2 part (part) 3 prêts (ready) 2 faibless e (weakness) 3 provinces (provinces) 2 plan (plan) 3 provoquer (to provoke) 2 preuve (evidence) 3 raison (reason) 2 réussite (success) 3 restaurer (to restore) 2 besoin (need) 3 richesse (wealth) 2 silence (silence) 2 solution (solution) 2 soli darité (unity) 2 tribalisme (tribalism) 2

Table 12: Repeated Segments 2.3

Repeated Segments F Repeated Segments F les actes de 7 Ravalomanana reste le meilleur candidat 3 dénigrements contre (Ravalomanana remains the best candidate) (the acts of discredit on) le meilleur candidat 7 a jamais brandi son ethnie comme raison de 2 (the best candidate) (has never mentioned his ethnic origin as a reason for..)

56 de changement 3 et ce n’est pas Ratsiraka qui pourrait apporter 2 (of change) la solution (it’s not Ratsiraka who can find out de Madagascar 3 lesolutions) peuple 2 (of Madagascar) (Malagasy people) à provoquer le tribalisme 2 (to incite tribalism)

2.3.1 Denigration

Ravalomanana seems to stand the worst criticism of his challengers.

The acts of discredit on Ravalomanana occurs seven times throughout our selection. The main theme of the criticism is Ravalomanana’s origin even though he has never thought it as a reason for his registration. For indeed,

‘the executive branch revolves around the côtier/central 92 highlands distinction’, according to the US Library of Congress. As retaliation, according to his supporters, Ravalomanana remains the best since the challenger’s strategy is termed as a strategy close to the ground. It is so as it enhances Ravalomanana’s image rather than spoiling it. For instance,

Ratsiraka’s partisans address the tax exemption allocated to TIKO, and they call Ravalomanana a dishonest businessman since he has not paid it yet, to the supporters of Ratsiraka’s mind. At this point, we notice a lack of integrity of that piece of information for Ratsiraka’s backers do not give details about the fact hence their use of disinformation 93 or lie. If that item of information is confidential, neither Ratsiraka nor Ravalomanana allows it to be spun. On the other hand, if one party has decided to reveal it, it should have been detailed for the readers in order to make it authentic.

92 US Library of Congress, Governement and Politics : Constitution and Institutions of governance, http://countrystudies.us/madagascar/27.htm -->, 24 April 2004. 93 www.attention-span.net/psyops.psyops.htm , Techniques de manipulation des masses , www.deepsound.net/ha/psyops.html#17, 21 November 2005.

57 Accordingly, Ravalomanana’s image has more chance to be altered.

However, because of the disinformation which is here characterised as a media lie 94 , it does not prevent change in the image of Ravalomanana.

Besides, it is said to show weaknesses of the challenger. The other strategy adopted by is the retaliatory actions or retrospectives of Ravalomanana’s backers. They carry on enhancing Ravalomanana’s positive image while asserting that Ravalomanana remains the best candidate (le meilleur candidat ), despite the fact that Ratsiraka’s fans disparage Ravalomanana.

This attitude is thought of to result in adverse effect according to the supporters of Ravalomanana. Similarly, the Revue de l’Océan Indien

(Rakotomalala: 11) has formulated that no need to denigrate

Ravalomanana; he benefits from the aura of the population. Victimising him will work especially in his favour since in politics, the Malagasy people’s choice is dictated by its heart.

2.3.2 Change

We have asserted that Ratsiraka has had recourse to his cronies 95 and equipments to be re-elected president whereas Ravalomanana has made his discourse in the shape of promises. Nevertheless, Ravalomanana’s supporters have their explanations for acting so. Rakotonirina – head of

MFM, the party for the development of Madagascar - states that

Ravalomanana is a man who thinks about solving problems in practical and sensible way rather than having fixed ideas or theories: Ravalomanana is

94 Op.cit: www.deepsound.net/ha/psyops.html#17, 21 November 2005. 95 Mamy Rakotomalala, ‘Présidentielle, la démocratie de l’argent’ ; Revue de l’Océan Indien , 223, décembre 2001, p.10 : ‘(…) il (Ratsiraka) pourra bel et bien gagner ne serait- ce que de justesse! Puisqu’il a tout en main : le système entier, l’administration et l’argent, déclare Francisque Ravony, en février 2001.’

58 pragmatic. No wonder if the lexical words, changement (change), développement (development), réussite (success) and solution (solution) are used by his supporters to characterise their candidate. Although the item pragmatisme (pragmatism) occurs only twice in the fourth subcorpus, it speaks volume since it summarises the above-mentioned idea. In fact, the item pragmatisme has relationship with Ravalomanana as no lexical item separates the major keyword Marc-Ravalomanana from it. An instance of this is Ravalomanana’s electoral campaign at Toliary where it was reported that he has been aware of the isolation of that province so that he has suggested its development by starting with its sanitation improvement.

Not only does Ravalomanana try to fulfil people’s expectations but also he reacts to the situation without being asked to. In that case, Ravalomanana borrows Tchakhotine‘s model of propaganda 96 which consists in doing what is required in order to meet human beings’ impulses. For instance, Toliary sanitation may achieve the material satisfaction, the parental love of the inhabitants of Toliary. By equipping Toliary, the people of that province might have the impression that they are going to be taken care of by the future president who is viewed as a parent – raiamandreny 97 . In fact, the intention of Ravalomanana is proved by his deeds at Antananarivo. This might be one of the reasons for Raveloson, favouring Ravalomanana, even though he is a nephew of Ratsiraka’s spouse. What is more, Ravalomanana

96 attention-span.net, Modèle de Tchakhotine, PSYOPS , http://www.attention- span.net/psyops/psyops3.htm -->, 09 July 2004. 97 Ray aman-dreny are the biological parents whereas raiamandreny are not. Rather, raimanadreny is used to designate those who lead in different fields such as religion and politics: Régis Rajemisa-Raolison, Rakibolana Malagasy , Fianarantsoa: Ambozontany, 1985.

59 is a man of action rather than debate as Austin (Kerbrat-Orecchioni: 9-48) and Searle say to keep promises means to carry out actions, although a speech of passionate eloquence (Roubaud: 256) is reported as one of the main characteristics that Malagasy politicians should possess. Like

Ravalomanana, his supporters address the rapid development or the development velocity. With reference to these facts, it can be inferred that the growth of Madagascar depends on the change in the ways its politicians work: solutions to problems must be immediately followed by actions not only discourse. No wonder if Raharimalala – a member of parliament – has said: the country 98 needs change, and it is not Ratsiraka who could find out the solutions. Even in 1991 – when a political crisis rose – the Malagasy people (Deleris: 39) was determined not to go back in order to oust

Ratsiraka as president; deep change was needed, Ratsiraka had to leave the office. Both Raharimalala and Ramandimbilahatra99 acknowledge that the election of Ratsiraka is not the key for Madagascar as the latter cannot bring solutions. It is said that Ratsiraka has cornered our wealth and has incited tribalism. Yet, Ratsiraka 100 recognises that if he grows rich, it is only thanks to donors, it is never due to corruption. These Ravalomanana’s supporters debase publicly weak points of Ratsiraka though he asserts that he has always protected 101 himself to avoid criticism. In fact, in order to

98 Midi of 14 December 2001. 99 Moxe Ramandimbilahatra, head of the political party TEZA, who favours Ravalomanana. 100 « Si je me suis enrichi c’est uniquement grâce à des dons, jamais par la corruption. » : Eric. Revel, Madagascar l’île rouge : les remords d’un président déchu Didier Ratsiraka , Paris : Balland, 1994, p.130. 101 Op.cit : p.169 : « J’ai toujours mis un point d’honneur à ne pas prêter le flanc à la critique. »

60 make Ravalomanana president on rejecting Ratsiraka, the fans of

Ravalomanana use Miller’s and Razafimpahanana’s strategy 102 .

On conducting a comparative study of the discourse related to

Ratsiraka’s and Ravalomanana’s supporters, we can say each staff has had a go at showing the values of his candidate by mentioning his experience in the past. At the same time, the partisans of each candidate have looked down the rival of his candidate. But the difference lies in the role of the partisans under considerations. Ratsiraka’s are immediately seen as troublemakers by threatening and brainwashing either the other candidates or the voters; Ravalomanana’s are happy with retaliating by valuing their candidate while subtly unsettling the readers psychologically 103 . There are als differences in the repetition of each discourse. The repetition characterising the discourse related to the partisans of Ratsiraka are not the same to the redundancy in the productions of Ravalomanana’s supporters. They are the repetitions of the same lines on consulting different keywords: candidat and ce dernier denote the same lines for example, which may lead to the psychological unsettling of the addresser.

In other words, on listening or reading the same message every day, some voters would assimilate it, which might influence over their way of thinking.

In short, Ratsiraka’s supporters outnumber Ravalomanana’s hence the variety of the repeated forms used by Ratsiraka’s staff. But both kinds of

102 Clyde Miller, The process of persuasion , in Serge Tchakhotine dir Le viol des foules , 3è édition, Paris : Gallimard, 1952, p.345 ; p.125: ‘mettre à nu les fautes de l’adversaire, ses faiblesses’ ou ‘amener le grand public à épouser les idées du propagandiste’ ; Bertin Razafimpahanana, Changement de régime politique à Madagascar , Antananarivo : La Librairie Mixte, 1993. 103 Midi dated 21 March 2006.

61 repetitions are termed sloganisation (Tournier 1985: 85) which is the use of repeating precise idea and repeated segments.

62 3. Midi ’s views on Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana

Our third part consists in grasping Midi ’s views on finding out what it is said in part of the 65 articles about Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana. It seems that on reading them, we have the impression that Midi is in favour of

Ravalomanana. What should be established at the very outset is that this analysis is based upon the six journalists’ opinions viewed as one, Midi ’s, for they all work for the same newspaper. However, we have separated the comments of the producers – that are meant to reveal Midi ’s views – from the reported events. In most cases, Midi gives its opinions after reporting facts by signalling words such as ainsi (thus), bref (in brief), repeated 22 times and 12 times, in the articles produced between 26 November 2001 and 14 December 2001. Midi also has recourse to the repeated segment en effet (indeed) – occurring 6 times - in order to depict its viewpoints. What is more, Midi ’s views are painted with adjectives that are used to describe the substantives to which they are related. Other means to spot Midi ’s views is to refer to most of the titles that the journalists have worded for the articles. In fact, the previously mentioned methodology is meant to show Midi ’s position with regards to Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana.

Journalists are to highlight 104 their personal comments from reported facts by designing them at the end of an article or better, by circling or formulating them in a complementary article for instance. But what are said in these comments?

104 Charte professionnelle des journalistes et des éditeurs de presse de Madagascar : ‘Les commentaires personnels du journaliste doivent être clairement distingués des faits rapportés. Ils sont, par exemple, rassemblés à la fin d’article ou, mieux, placés dans un encadré ou un article complémentaire.’

63 3.1 Midi ’s discourse related to Ratsiraka

Here are the selected keywords within their contexts which are meant to show Midi ’s viewpoints:

Keywords Contexts Amiral (Admiral) ainsi, le candidat Didier-Ratsiraka bénéficierait de la contribution de ses partisans (sénateurs, députés, ministres, opérateurs économiques, simples particuliers, gouverneurs, élus locaux, etc.) qui, ayant tiré profit de son régime, ont le sentiment de vouloir lui renvoyer l'ascenseur. c'est la raison pour laquelle le budget de campagne de l' Amiral serait le fruit de toutes les participations de ses « camarades », entre autres. (Thus, candidate Didier- Ratsiraka would benefit from the contribution of his partisans including senators, Members of Parliaments, economic operators, private citizens, governors, local governments and so on. They have took advantage of his regime and they feel to lift Ratsiraka to be re-elected. That’s why the budget for the campaign of Ratsiraka would be the fruit of his comrades’ contribution, among others.)

Chiffres le mandat de l’ Amiral aurait été également entaché de ces conflits internes de ses propres partisans. La guéguerre politique entre les partisans de Pierrot-Rajaonarivelo, ceux de Tantely-Andrainarivo, et évidemment ceux d’Iavoloha. A mettre dans la liste ces multiples irrégularités à chaque élection, les plus manifestes étant celles des communales de 1999. ce fut un mandat où on parlait beaucoup de chiffres qui ne collaient pas avec la réalité. (…), des chiffres dont la signification ne se reflètent pas sur le terrain. (Figures. The Admiral’s term should have been painted with internal conflicts between his own partisans. These are the squabbles between the supporters of Pierrot Rajaonarivelo and that of Tantely Andrainarivo, and obviously Iavoloha’s squabble. Multiple irregularities seen at each election, especially that of 1999 - on communal level – is the most obvious one. It was a term when we have talked much about economic results which do not reflect reality.)

candidat (candidate) ainsi, le candidat Didier-Ratsiraka bénéficierait de la contribution de ses partisans (sénateurs, députés, ministres, opérateurs économiques, simples particuliers, gouverneurs, élus locaux, etc) qui, ayant tiré profit de son régime, ont le sentiment de vouloir lui renvoyer l'ascenseur. c'est la raison pour laquelle le budget de campagne de l'Amiral serait le fruit de toutes les participations de ses « camarades ». entre autres . (Thus, candidate Didier Ratsiraka would benefit from the contribution of his partisans including senators, Members of Parliaments, economic operators, private citizens, governors, local governments and so on. They have took advantage of his regime and they feel to lift Ratsiraka to be re-elected. That’s why the budget for the campaign of Ratsiraka would be the fruit of his comrades’ contribution, among others.) président-en- exercice à mettre dans la liste ces multiples irrégularités à chaque élection, les plus (incumbent manifestes étant celles des communales de 1999. ce fut un mandat où on president) parlait beaucoup de chiffres qui ne collaient pas avec la réalité. (…), des

64 chiffres dont la signification ne se reflètent pas sur le terrain. en tout cas, pas encore. bref, le président-en-exercice sera de nouveau jugé par le peuple décembre prochain. et il sera également jugé sur la performance de l'administration, sous sa direction, sur l'organisation de l'élection présidentielle du 16 décembre. (Multiple irregularities in each election are among Ratsiraka’s corruption. The most remarkable one is the 1999 municipals. It was a term in office in which we have talked about results that did not reflect realities. (…), results whose meanings do not have reflect on everyday life. Anyway, it is still not the case. In brief, the incumbent president will be assessed by the Malagasy people in next December. And he will be assessed by his achievement in the administration of Ratsiraka which will take care of the 16 December presidentials)

Didier- Ratsiraka ainsi, le candidat Didier-Ratsiraka bénéficierait de la contribution de ses partisans (sénateurs, députés, ministres, opérateurs économiques, simples particuliers, gouverneurs, élus locaux, etc) qui, ayant tiré profit de son régime, ont le sentiment de vouloir lui renvoyer l'ascenseur. c'est la raison pour laquelle le budget de campagne de l'Amiral serait le fruit de toutes les participations de ses « camarades ». entre autres. (Thus, candidate Didier Ratsiraka would benefit from the contribution of his partisans including senators, Members of Parliaments, economic operators, private citizens, governors, local governments and so on. They have taken advantage of his regime and they feel to lift Ratsiraka to be re-elected. That’s why the budget for the campaign of Ratsiraka would be the fruit of his comrades’ contribution, among others.)

à l'instar de ses homologues africains, Didier-Ratsiraka souhaiterait sans doute rester au pouvoir le plus longtemps possible. son dernier mandat aurait été connu par le mise en place d'un verrouillage à outrance en faveur de l'AREMA et au détriment de ses alliés (…) une censure déguisée dans les médias publics, une part trop grande aux entreprises familiales, des problèmes fonciers à n'en plus finir, etc. [(Like Ratsiraka’s African mates, Didier Ratsiraka would like to stay as long as possible in office. His last term has been known by the excess bolting for the sake of the A.RE.MA and his allies (…) A censorship in disguise of the public media, a too large part for the familial firms, land issues and so on (…)]

élection libre à la lumière des déclarations et des thèmes de campagne développés par les équipes de Didier-Ratsiraka , d'Albert-Zafy et dans une certaine mesure de Herizo-Razafimahaleo, on a la nette impression que la panique s'empare des esprits. d'où ces réactions épidermiques non contrôlées qui se traduisent par des actions insensées et souvent irresponsables. (Free election. After hearing the discourses and the electoral campaign themes of the staff of Didier Ratsiraka, Albert Zafy and Herizo Razafimahaleo, we have the neat impression that they are haunted by fear. Hence the kneejerk and uncontrolled reactions seen via nonsense and irresponsible actions.)

Ratsiraka les coups bas contre Ravalomanana continuent (08-12-01) c'est la grande question que se posent bon nombre d'observateurs. au début de la campagne électorale, l'opinion avait eu l'impression de s'attendre à une alliance objective entre les candidats contre le président Ratsiraka . (Low punches against Ravalomanana keep existing (08-12-01).

65 It is the great question that most observers ask. At the beginning of the electoral campaign, public opinion has the impression that there was an objective alliance between the candidates and president Ratsiraka.)

les candidats Zafy, Ratsiraka et Razafimahaleo se ménagent et mènent le même combat tous contre Ravalomanana . les choses se clarifient après deux semaines de campagne. et on comprend pourquoi trois candidats sur six n'ont pas signé le pacte- républicain proposé par la société civile. il s'agit de ceux là mêmes qui utilisent actuellement les plus viles méthodes politiques de dénigrement et de diffamation pour abattre un adversaire d’un autre trempe. (Candidates Zafy, Ratsiraka and Razafimahaleo agree on getting into fight against Ravalomanana. Everything gets clearer after two weeks of campaign. And, we understand why the three candidates had not signed the republic pact suggested by the civil society. Now, they are using the vilest political method of discredit and debasing to knock down an adversary of different scale.) il (he) primo, Marc-Ravalomanana entend promouvoir sérieusement le milieu rural, son statut d'investisseur dans le secteur agroalimentaire ne passant pas inaperçu. tandis que pour Didier-Ratsiraka, il avait toujours occupé durant des années, par exemple, en y posant des barrages. (First, Marc Ravalomanana feels like promoting seriously rural areas. His status as a food investor cannot be neglected. As for Didier Ratsiraka, he has took care of it for years by for instance, establish hydraulic barrages.)

ce sera une épreuve de taille pour ce militaire dans la mesure où il s'attend à nouveau à un « jugement » du peuple, contre un bilan diversement apprécié. 22 ans à la tête du pouvoir, il a connu des hauts et des bas, les plus malheureux avec la période dure de son socialisme à outrance, son échec en 1991 et 1992 sur fond de bain de sang après la grande marche d'Iavoloha, et certainement ses promesses électorales non tenues. l'Amiral Ratsiraka sera pour la cinquième fois jugé par son comportement sur le plan politique. (It will be a great trial for this military who is going to wait for another trial conducted by the Malagasy people in spite of diverse assessed results. Being the president of Madagascar for 22 years, he has known the ups and downs. But the most miserable period is that of radical, extravagant socialism and his failure in 1991 and 1992 painted with the blood bath followed by the big walk of Iavoloha. Certainly, we cannot forget the unfulfilled electoral promises. The Admiral will be trialled for the fifth time by his behaviour in politics.)

bref, le président-en-exercice sera de nouveau jugé par le peuple décembre prochain. et il sera également jugé sur la performance de l'administration, sous sa direction, sur l'organisation de l'élection présidentielle du 16 décembre. cette administration qui prônait le « zéro erreur » aura certainement un quelconque note non loin de son propre objectif. (In brief, the incumbent president is going to be re-assessed by the Malagasy people in next December. He will also be assessed considering his administration performance which strongly recommends ‘zero error’. It will have a certain mark which will be in accordance with his own objective.)

Didier-Ratsiraka a, quant à lui, fait également un tabac, toute proportion gardée, à Fenoarivo-atsinanana où il a harangué une foule estimée à quelques six mille âmes, d'après des témoins. (As for Didier Ratsiraka, he

66 has made a big hit at Fenoarivo atsinanana where he was welcomed by a huge crowd of 6.000 around according to witnesses.) lui (him) ainsi, le candidat Didier-Ratsiraka bénéficierait de la contribution de ses partisans (sénateurs, députés, ministres, opérateurs économiques, simples particuliers, gouverneurs, élus locaux, etc) qui, ayant tiré profit de son régime, ont le sentiment de vouloir lui renvoyer l'ascenseur. c'est la raison pour laquelle le budget de campagne de l'Amiral serait le fruit de toutes les participations de ses « camarades ». entre autres. (Thus, candidate Didier- Ratsiraka would benefit from the contribution of his partisans including senators, Members of Parliaments, economic operators, private citizens, governors, local governments and so on. They have took advantage of his regime and they feel to lift Ratsiraka to be re-elected. That’s why the budget for the campaign of Ratsiraka would be the fruit of his comrades’ contribution, among others.)

en effet, si le gouvernement a pris sur lui la responsabilité de cette croissance, rien n'a été dit sur sa distribution. ce à quoi, José- Andrianoelison apporte une précision selon laquelle, « le prochain quinquennat du président Ratsiraka servira à le faire ». (In fact, if the governement is the institution responsible for this growth, nothing has been said about its sharing. By the same token, José Andrianoelison would like to provide details about: ‘the next five-year term in office will serve for its implementation.’)

To obtain the lexical items’ number of occurrences, we had to process our fifth subcorpus with lexico 2. We have obtained the following results:

Table 13: Hierarchical Index 3.1

Lexical items F Lexical items F Lexical items F partisans 6 profit 4 mesure 2 (partisans) (profit) (measure) chiffres 5 raison 4 mettre 2 (results) (reason) (to implement) ascenseur 4 régime 4 organisation 2 (lift) (regime) (organisation) budget 4 renvoyer 4 outrance 2 (budget) (to lift) (extravagant) camarade s 4 sénateurs 4 performance 2 (comrades) (senators) (performance) contribution 4 sentiment 4 politique 2 (contribution) (feel) (politics) élus 4 vouloir 4 réalité 2 (the elected) (to want) (reality) fruit 4 administration 3 signification 2 (fruit) (administration) (meaning) gouverneurs 4 nouveau 2 (governors) (again)

67 mandat 4 peuple 2 (mandate) (people) ministres 4 direction 2 (ministers) (direction) opérateurs 4 impression 2 (operators) (impression) participations 4 irrégularités 2 (taking part in) (irregularities) particuliers 4 liste 2 (private citizens) (list)

Table 14: Repeated Segments 3.1

Repeated Segments F le candidat Didier -Ratsiraka bénéficierait de la contribution de ses partisans (Thus, candidate Didier-Ratsiraka would benefit from the contribution of his partisans) 4 le président-en-exercice sera de nouveau jugé (the incumbent president will be re-assessed) 2 les plus manifestes étant celles des communales de 1999 (the most obvious is that of 1999 on communal level) 2 des chiffres dont la signification ne se reflètent pas sur (results which do not reflect reality) 2 sur l organisation de l élection présidentielle du 16 décembre 2001 (as far as the organisation of the 16 December 2001 presidentials is concerned) 2

3.1.1 Corruption

According to rumours which are not founded but seldom gratuitous 105 , are classified as informal communication; each member of Ratsiraka’s staff has to pay fees for his position. As one might expect, that gesture forms a corruption for it is not a fair money resource 106 : president has no right to collect money from officials as a price of their position. In our context, the lexical items which may hint at this notion is contribution (contribution) and participation (participation). The fact that Midi assumes some

105 Midi dated 10 December 2001. 106 Lalàna 2004-030 momba ny ady amin’ny kolikoly : ‘Fakam-bola tsy ara-dalàna : ataon’ny olona nametrahana fahefam-panjakana na nampiandraiketina asam-panjakana ka manao fakam-bola tsy ara-dalàna.’

68 authorities – who back Ratsiraka – have contributed to the budget of

Ratsiraka’s campaign – could be viewed as an evidence approving that rumour. As a matter of fact, Rakotomavo 107 acknowledges that campaign needs financing: it is not a secret; we have called in our members.

Although Midi ’s assertion is an assumption since it has recourse to the conditional present tense bénéficierait (would benefit from), it could influence the readers not to vote for Ratsiraka. From 28 April 2006 on, no rumour 108 could be reported, the use of conditional tense is proscribed.

Ratsiraka’s regime is suspected of corruption when Ratsiraka has been making colossal fortune behind Malagasy people’s back according to

Razafimpahanana 109 . Indeed, it is said that Ratsiraka has cornered wealth 110 with his families and cronies, although Ratsiraka (Revel: 130) says if he becomes rich, it is only thanks to donors, it is never due to corruption. That is why, according to Midi 111 , like his African mates,

Ratsiraka would like to remain president as long as possible. Yet, authorities 112 have the mission to work for peace, for the development of the country. Consequently, they are ultimately accountable to their people.

107 Midi dated 13 December 2001. 108 From 28 April 2006 on, no rumour is allowed to be reported. Conditional tense is proscribed as 105 journalists – among of them are Midi ’s – have approved and signed the Professional Chart of Madagascar’s Journalists and Press editors: L’Express de Madagascar of 2 May 2006. 109 ‘ L’équipe du Président Ratsiraka est soupçonnée de corruption, de malversation, de bâtir une fortune colossale sur le dos du peuple.’ : Bertin Razafimpahanana, Changement de régime politique à Madagascar , Antananarivo : La Librairie Mixte, 1993, p.118. 110 Lalàna 2004-030 momba ny ady amin’ny kolikoly : ‘Fahazoan-karena tsy ara-dalàna : ataon’ny mpiasam-panjakana na olom-boafidy tsy afaka manome fanamarihana araka ny tokony ho izy ny fitomboan’ny fananany mihoampampana raha ampitahaina amin’ny fidiram-bolany ara-dalàna. ’ 111 Midi dated 13 December 2001. 112 Jean Geli, ‘ La Démocratie’, Changer la société , Série politique, D’ djamena : CEFOD, 1994, p.21-22 : ‘Toutes les autorités ont reçu la mission de travailler pour la paix et le développement du pays. C’est pourquoi ils doivent rendre des comptes.’

69 Power 113 must not be focused on the hands of a person or even on the hands of a group.

Other aspects of corruption are the figures related to the elections results and the national economic growth reported by Midi . Instances of these are denoted by Midi during the 2001 presidential campaign. Each election has been fraudulent: no wonder if Zafy has complained about the

1997 election’s irregularities 114 . In the subcorpus dealing with Midi ’s views on Ratsiraka, we have 2 occurrences of the lexical element irregularités In other words, the results of the elections have been manipulated. Similarly, in terms of economy, Midi thinks that the reported figures do not reflect reality although Andrianoelison 115 has viewed the 6.7% growth as an achievement. In power, Ratsiraka and his staff think they are allowed to control these figures. In that case, another kind of corruption arises, which is the abuse of power. Civil servants 116 and officials alike assess situation by providing official results - even if they are false – in order to make profit. After addressing corruption, we are going to deal with irresponsibility.

3.1.2 Irresponsibility

In Midi ’s views, Ratsiraka and his supporters are characterised as irresponsible when they do not think enough about the effects of what they

113 p. 31 : ‘Le pouvoir ne doit pas être concentré entre les mains d’un homme ou d’un groupe même s’ils sont élus par le peuple (…)’ : Op.cit. 114 Midi of 28 November 2001. 115 Midi dated 13 December 2001. 116 Lalàna 2004-030 momba ny ady amin’ny kolikoly: ‘Fanararaotana amin’ny fisahanana asa: ataon’ny mpiasam-panjakana iray amin’ny fanaovana sora-panjakana tsy ara-dalàna mba hahazoana tombontsoa tsy tokony ho azo.’

70 have done. Multiple irregularities 117 in each election are instances of that notion. Oddly enough, Ratsiraka and two candidates 118 have gone into action against Ravalomanana because they have been afraid of him to be elected president. Midi terms Ratsiraka’s political methods of denigrating and slandering as the vilest. They are also called coups bas (low punches) by Midi . Out of 5 occurrences of the word dénigrement (denigration), 4 of them are in relation with Ratsiraka (see Table 11). To illustrate, Midi has reported one of Ravalomanana’s partisans statement: Ratsiraka utilise 119 ses prédateurs pour dénigrer Ravalomanana (Ratsiraka uses his predators to denigrate Ravalomanana).

Furthermore, Ratsiraka does not show a feeling of responsibility when he and his cronies are afraid of free and transparent election according to

Midi . Indeed, after a fair election, opponents often require political transition 120 . Besides, Ratsiraka and his partisans have granted ethnic sense 121 to the 2001 presidential election. In that case, Ratsiraka seems to embrace the côtier/highland 122 policy in his campaign: if a côtier is elected president, it is understood that a Merina will fill the position of the Prime-

Minister, and vice versa. Indeed, as reported in Midi, Ratsiraka has asked his Merina partisans not to vote for a Merina candidate. No wonder if

117 Midi dated 13 December 2001. 118 ‘Didier Ratsiraka, Albert Zafy et Herizo Razafimahaleo livrent le même combat contre Marc Ravalomanana au cours d'une campagne électorale (…)’ : Midi of 8 December 2001 119 Moxe Ramandimbilahatra’s assertion : Midi of 7 December 2001. 120 ‘Cette organisation (3FN) insiste sur la mise en place d’une transition avant toute consultation populaire (…).’ : L’Express de Madagascar of 28 March 2006. 121 Mamy Rakotomalala, ‘Présidentielle, la démocratie de l’argent’, Revue de l’Océan Indien , 223, décembre 2001, p.17 : ‘Des rivalités politico-ethniques des années 1940- 1950 est née une sorte d’entente tacite qui veut que la présidence de la République revienne à un Côtier (…).’ 122 U.S. Library of Congress, Constitution and Institutions of governance, Governement and Politics , http://countrystudies.us/madagascar/27.htm -->, 24 April 2004.

71 Razanamasy 123 asserts that we are going to elect a President of the

Republic, not a mayor of a community or a governor of a region. Thus, there is no need to talk about ethnicity.

Considering Midi ’s views, it draws a negative portrait of Ratsiraka even though there is hardly written evidences which have been reported with the reported facts. We expect more founded information as soon as possible since according to Maingueneau (Maingueneau 2002: 20-22), one of the rules characterising discourse is always to provide maximum of information, new information. A discourse could be effective by observing these laws: exhaustivity and informativité . At the same time, media – among of them are newspapers – should know more freedom as At times the Government pressures 124 the media to curb its coverage of certain events and issues and journalists practice self-censorship. However, journalism 125 is the fourth estate with civic objective: it is a democratic means for people to criticise, reject and reverse decisions (unfair, unjust, illegal and sometimes even criminal) against innocent people. It also denounces violation of human rights. What is more, Ramonet recommends journalism as the fifth estate 126 in order to pit a civic force against this new coalition of rulers which are mainly the International Monetary Fund, the

World Bank and the World Trade Organisation which embody globalisation.

123 Midi dated 6 December 2001. 124 Afrol archives, CIA, CountryWatch, Terra, UN, U.S. Department of State ; AFROL Government profiles : Madagascar , http://www.afrol.com/Countries/Madagascar/gov_profile.htm -->, 20 April 2003. 125 Ignacio Ramonet, Le Monde Diplomatique: Set the media free , http://mondediplo.com/2003/10/01media-- >, 11 April 2006. 126 Op.cit : http://mondediplo.com/2003/10/01media-- >.

72 3.2 Midi ’s discourse related to Ravalomanana

In terms of politics, Ravalomanana is a newcomer for he was running for presidency for the first time. As far as we know, he did not belong to any political party till the 2001 presidential campaign. The new face belongs to the civil society 127 . It is the candidate who introduces himself as a businessman, a fervent Christian and a successful mayor at the same time. Midi confirms that viewpoint by commenting upon it by the following selection:

Keywords Contexts candidat l'effet se répand partout (candidate) Ravalomanana à la conquête du sud-est (01-12-01) partout où il va, le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana rassemble à sa grande joie une foule immense. l'effet Ravalomanana n'est pas un mythe comme certains l'affirment. ceux qui regardent tous les soirs à 19h la chaîne de télé MBS le constate bien. ces derniers jours, le candidat est allé sillonner la région sud-est de la Grande-île. (The effect spreads everywhere. Ravalomanana conquers the South-East (01-12-01). Wherever he goes, candidate Marc Ravalomanana gathers a huge crowd proudly. Ravalomanana’s effect is not a myth as some people assert. Those who are used to looking at MBS TV channel, every night at 7p.m, have noticed it. These last days, the candidate has gone to the South-East region.)

abusivement les autres animosités montrées à l'encontre du candidat Ravalomanana proviennent d'autres foyers. hier, par exemple, David-André-Silamo, pro-Zafy, n'a pas mâché ses mots pour fustiger ce dernier sur les ondes de radio-Antsiva, presque oubliant son principal adversaire d'avant qu'est Didier-Ratsiraka, tandis que sur celles de radio-ACEEM, Lalatiana-Ravololomanana s'est égalée en critiquant Marc-Ravalomanana de long en large. (Abusively. The other hostility towards candidate Ravalomanana comes from other clan. For example, David André Silamo – a pro Zafy – does not hesitate to beat the latter on Antsiva radio while alsmot forgetting his main challenger who is Didier Ratsiraka. On ACEEM radio, Lalatiana Ravololomanana behaved so on commenting upon him yesterday.)

les adversaires de Marc-Ravalomanana pensent donc pouvoir augmenter leur cote de popularité avec cette méthode. entre temps, le candidat victime ne perd pas son temps à répliquer ni à tomber dans le piège de la polémique. une attitude qui désarçonne horriblement ses ennemis. Marc-Ravalomanana reste serein et semble montrer qu'il ne se mesurera pas contre ceux qui n'ont pas

127 Midi of 1 December 2001.

73 son gabarit dans cette course à l'élection présidentielle. (Marc Ravalomanana’s challengers think that they are able to increase their fame with this method. By the same time, the victim candidate does not have time either to retaliate or to fall in the polemical trap. It is an attitude that his frontrunners cannot stand. Marc Ravalomanana remains calm and seems to show that he will not compete with those who do not possess his size in this presidentials.) restant toujours souriant, décontracté, le candidat de Tiako-i- Madagasikara est plutôt intéressé par le bien qu'il apporte aux habitants de ces localités qu'il a visitées que par les attaques à lui adressées. pour Marc-Ravalomanana, c'est la volonté de sauver le pays qui importe face à d'autres paramètres. (Always smiling and relaxed, the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara is rather interested in the well-being that he will provide with the inhabitants of the localities ha has visited rather in the offences against him. For Marc Ravalomanana, what matter is the will to save the country.)

à dire vrai, tout est affaire, pour cette clique, de défendre, coûte que coûte, sa situation et ses intérêts qu'à aucun moment, le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana n’a jamais pourtant menacés. plus encore, ils donnent l'image de ceux qui craignent une élection libre et transparente en évoquant une transition politique, alors que jusqu'à preuve du contraire, ils contrôlent l'administration et, de ce fait même, peuvent librement manipuler les urnes. (In fact, everything is business. To defend at all costs his case and his interests at anytime, candidate Marc Ravalomanana has never threaten someone. More, they show the image of those who are afraid of free and transparent election while mentioning political transition. However, the administration is still at their hands so that they are free to spin the ballots.) ainsi, avant d'entamer la deuxième semaine de campagne, les uns et les autres semblent avoir changé de fusil d'épaule. du moins dans les équipes principaux des candidats. de nouvelles stratégies sont en passe d'être arrêtées après ce qui s'est passé dimanche à Mahamasina. il s'agit de concentrer les tirs sur la personne du candidat Ravalomanana que d'aucuns n'hésitent pas à traîner dans la boue. (Thus, before facing the second week of the campaign some seem to change their target at least, for the members of the principal candidates. New strategies are about to be stopped because of what has happened at Mahamasina on Sunday). It is about focusing shoots at the candidate Ravalomanana whom nobody hesitates to drag through the mug.) et on ne parle plus de ces intox attribuant au candidat Ravalomanana des penchants fascistes. Le plus étonnant dans cette histoire, c’est que les différents états-major de presque tous les candidats utilisent les mêmes mots et les mêmes arguments comme s’ils s’étaient concertés sur la réplique à donner face à la montée irrésistible du maire-d-Antananarivo . (And we do not address anymore the brainwashing dealing with Ravalomanana as a fascist. The most amazing thing is that, the different staffs of almost of the candidate uses the same words and arguments as if they had been gathering the attitude to adopt in the face of Ravalomanana’s irresistible raise of Antananarivo mayor.)

74 candidat de Tiako- à Manakara, Ikongo, Mananjary, Nosy-varika, ou encore à i-Madagasikara Vangaindrano, le « olom-baovao » crée son petit effet, « (candidate of l'hymne » du candidat chanté de façon traditionnelle, la foule Tiako-i- obnubilée par cet homme qui inspire la sympathie, simple et Madagasikara) naturel. Marc-Ravalomanana ayant pris connaissance de la réalité locale, s'étant entretenu avec les « tangalamena », promet de trouver solution aux multiples problèmes auxquels les populations de cette région font face. des populations qui sont trop habituées, pour ne pas dire lasses, à voir un visage sans changement durant des années, sauf peut-être des cheveux grisonnants et des rides partout, s'émerveillent devant le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara. lequel a promis de faire accélérer tout le processus de la lutte contre la pauvreté par sa maturité en matière de gestion sans anarchie. (At Manakara, Ikongo, Mananjary, Nosy-varika, or at Vangaindrano, the ‘new man’ produces his little effect. The candidate ‘hymn’ is sung in the traditional way. The crow is obsessed with this man who inspires sympathy, simplicity and nature. Marc Ravalomanana, being aware of reality, has talked to the ‘tangalamena’. He has promise to find out solutions to multiple issues the population of this region face with. Populations who are to much used to seeing, in order not to say tired of, an unchanged face for years, except greying hair and wrinkles everywhere, are delighted on meeting the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara. He has promised that he is going to fasten all the proceedings related to poverty fight by his mature in the field of management without anarchy.)

Marc-Ravalomanana préconise ainsi l'apaisement et s'écarte de ces méthodes politiciennes qui, à la fin du compte, ne profitent pas à leurs auteurs. restant toujours souriant, décontracté, le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara est plutôt intéressé par le bien qu'il apporte aux habitants de ces localités qu'il a visitées que par les attaques à lui adressées. pour Marc-Ravalomanana, c'est la volonté de sauver le pays qui importe face à d'autres paramètres. (Thus, Marc Ravalomanana recommends for calm and he avoids politicking which does not work in favour of its doer, in the end. Always smiling and relaxed, the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara is rather interested in the well-being that he will provide with the inhabitants of the localities ha has visited rather in the offences against him. For Marc Ravalomanana, what matter is the will to save the country.)

des populations qui sont trop habituées, pour ne pas dire lasses, à voir un visage sans changement durant des années, sauf peut-être des cheveux grisonnants et des rides partout, s'émerveillent devant le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara . lequel a promis de faire accélérer tout le processus de la lutte contre la pauvreté par sa maturité en matière de gestion sans anarchie. célérité, compétence, expérience,...tout cela constitue le cheval de bataille de Marc- Ravalomanana. (Populations who are to much used to seeing, in order not to say tired of, an unchanged face for years, except greying hair and wrinkles everywhere, are delighted on meeting the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara. He has promised that he is going to fasten all the proceedings related to poverty fight by his mature in the field of management without anarchy. Rapidity, competence, experience … all of that form Marc Ravalomanana’s asset.)

ce dernier n’échappe pas non plus à l'épreuve. des graffitis dont on

75 préfère taire les propos lui attribuent diverses qualités. des tracts du même genre se préparent également. du coup, ses adversaires déclarés ne se privent pas de le charger physiquement. ils évitent soigneusement d'attaquer le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara sur ce qu'il a fait mais plutôt sur ce qu'il pourrait faire quand il accéderait à la magistrature suprême. (The latter cannot avoid being talked about by graffiti that we prefer not to reveal its contents though it hints at different qualities. Tracts of the same kind are about to be prepared. At the same time, his declared challengers cannot avoid attacking him physically. They avoid attacking the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara on what he has done but rather, on what he is going to do once elected.)

c'est la raison pour laquelle certaines stratégies, émanant notamment des cercles plus politiques que techniques, tendent à fixer un « ennemi » comme cible principale. ceux qui ont bien suivi les articles des journaux, les déclarations dans les ondes des radios et à l'écran des télévisions de la semaine dernière auraient remarqué une chose : le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana passe comme « l'homme à abattre » (That is the reason why some strategies, thought of especially by political circles than technical ones, tend to fix a ‘rival’ as the main target. Those who have really read newspapers’ articles, have listened to the discourses on radio, have watched TV last week should have notices a thing: candidate Ravalomanana is viewed as the ‘man on the hit’.) ce dernier les autres animosités montrées à l'encontre du candidat (the latter) Ravalomanana proviennent d'autres foyers. hier, par exemple, David-André-Silamo, pro-Zafy, n'a pas mâché ses mots pour fustiger ce dernier sur les ondes de radio-Antsiva, presque oubliant son principal adversaire d'avant qu'est Didier-Ratsiraka, tandis que sur celles de radio-ACEEM, Lalatiana-Ravololomanana s'est égalée en critiquant Marc-Ravalomanana de long en large. (Abusively. The other hostility towards candidate Ravalomanana comes from other clan. For example, David André Silamo – a pro Zafy – does not hesitate to beat the latter on Antsiva radio while alsmot forgetting his main challenger who is Didier Ratsiraka. On ACEEM radio, Lalatiana Ravololomanana behaved so on commenting upon him yesterday.)

les partisans de Marc-Ravalomanana n'ont pas manqué d'éloges à l'endroit de ce dernier qui, en raison surtout de cet avantage, a fait l'objet d'une action concertée de dénigrement. pire, les signes des fraudes en série se profilent. (The partisans of Marc Ravalomanana have spoken in praise of the latter thanks to the assets he has. It makes the others meet in order to discredit Ravalomanana. Worst, a series of fraudulent signs are about to be conducted.)

ce dernier n'échappe pas non plus à l'épreuve. des graffitis dont on préfère taire les propos lui attribuent diverses qualités. des tracts du même genre se préparent également. du coup, ses adversaires déclarés ne se privent pas de le charger physiquement. ils évitent soigneusement d'attaquer le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara sur ce qu'il a fait mais plutôt sur ce qu'il pourrait faire quand il accéderait à la magistrature suprême. (The latter cannot avoid being talked about by graffiti that we prefer not to reveal its contents though it hints at different qualities. Tracts of the same

76 kind are about to be prepared. At the same time, his declared challengers cannot avoid attacking him physically. They avoid attacking the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara on what he has done but rather, on what he is going to do once elected.) maire-d- le plus étonnant dans cette histoire, c'est que les différents états- Antananarivo majors de presque tous les candidats utilisent les mêmes mots et (Antananarivo les mêmes arguments comme s'ils s'étaient concertés sur la réplique mayor) à donner face à la montée irrésistible du maire-d-Antananarivo. (The most amazing thing is that, the different staffs of almost of the candidates use the same words and arguments as if they had been gathering the attitude to adopt in the face of Ravalomanana’s irresistible raise of Antananarivo mayor.)

Ravalomanana l'effet se répand partout Ravalomanana à la conquête du sud-est (01-12-01) partout où il va, le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana rassemble à sa grande joie une foule immense. l'effet Ravalomanana n'est pas un mythe comme certains l'affirment. ceux qui regardent tous les soirs à 19h la chaîne de télé MBS le constate bien. (The effect spreads everywhere. Ravalomanana conquers the South-East (01-12-01). Wherever he goes, candidate Marc Ravalomanana gathers a huge crowd proudly. Ravalomanana’s effect is not a myth as some people assert. Those who are used to looking at MBS TV channel, every night at 7p.m, have noticed it.)

les coups bas contre Ravalomanana continuent (08-12-01) c'est la grande question que se posent bon nombre d'observateurs. au début de la campagne électorale, l'opinion avait eu l'impression de s'attendre à une alliance objective entre les candidats contre le président Ratsiraka. ce n'était qu'une apparence puisque actuellement, en raison de l'ascension fulgurante du candidat Ravalomanana auprès de l'opinion, aussi bien dans la capitale que dans les provinces, les candidats Zafy, Ratsiraka et Razafimahaleo se ménagent et mènent le même combat tous contre Ravalomanana. (Low punches against Ravalomanana keep existing (08-12-01). It is the great question that most observers ask. At the beginning of the electoral campaign, public opinion has the impression that there was an objective alliance between the candidates and president Ratsiraka. It was only an impression since now, because of candidate Ravalomanana’s radical raise in the face of the public opinion either in the capital or in the provinces, candidates Zafy, Ratsiraka et Razafimahaleo agree on getting into fight against Ravalomanana.)

ainsi, avant d'entamer la deuxième semaine de campagne, les uns et les autres semblent avoir changé de fusil d'épaule. du moins dans les équipes principaux des candidats. de nouvelles stratégies sont en passe d'être arrêtées après ce qui s'est passé dimanche à Mahamasina. il s'agit de concentrer les tirs sur la personne du candidat Ravalomanana que d'aucuns n'hésitent pas à traîner dans la boue. (Thus, before facing the second week of the campaign some seem to change their target at least, for the members of the principal candidates. New strategies are about to be stopped because of what has happened at Mahamasina on Sunday). It is about focusing shoots at the candidate Ravalomanana whom nobody hesitates to drag through the mug.)

et on ne parle plus de ces intox attribuant au candidat Ravalomanana des penchants fascistes. le plus étonnant dans cette histoire, c'est que les différents états-major de presque tous les candidats utilisent les mêmes mots et les mêmes arguments comme s'ils s'étaient concertés sur la réplique à donner face à la montée irrésistible du maire-d-Antananarivo. (And we do not address anymore the brainwashing dealing with Ravalomanana as a fascist. The most amazing thing is that, the different staffs of almost of the candidates use the same words and arguments as if they had been gathering the attitude to adopt in the face of Ravalomanana’s irresistible raise of Antananarivo mayor.)

Marc- toutes les régions de l'île sont représentées ici dans la capitale. les Ravalomanana autres provinces méritent de connaître le même développement qu’Antananarivo. je suis prêt à faire sortir le pays de la pauvreté, et pour cela, j'ai besoin de vous, des Malgaches responsables qui aspirent à vivre décemment dans le respect des droits de l'homme et dans l'esprit de vaincre la pauvreté », a déclaré Marc- Ravalomanana . un discours direct, simple, pas trop long et séduisant pour un peuple habitué à des matraquages volubiles. (All of the regions of the island is represented in the capital. Like Antananarivo, the other provinces deserve the same development. I am ready to save the country form poverty. For that, I need you to be a Malagasy responsible for, aspiring to live decently within the framework of the human rights and to fight poverty’, Ravalomanana has said.)

après Manjakandriana, Marc-Ravalomanana a été à Antanifotsy et à Betafo où « l'homme nouveau l'homme de dieu et le sauveur des paysans fut brandi. (…) primo, Marc-Ravalomanana entend promouvoir sérieusement le milieu rural, son statut d'investisseur dans le secteur agroalimentaire ne passant pas inaperçu. (After Manjakandriana, Marc Ravalomanana has been at Antanifotsy and Betafo where ‘the new man, god’s man and the saviour of peasants’ have been heard. (…) First, Marc-Ravalomanana feels like promoting seriously rural area, his food investor statut cannot be neglected.)

à Manakara, Ikongo, Mananjary, Nosy-varika, ou encore à Vangaindrano, le « olom-baovao » crée son petit effet, « l'hymne » du candidat chanté de façon traditionnelle, la foule obnubilée par cet homme qui inspire la sympathie, simple et naturel. Marc-Ravalomanana ayant pris connaissance de la réalité locale, s'étant entretenu avec les « tangalamena », promet de trouver solution aux multiples problèmes auxquels les populations de cette région font face. (At Manakara, Ikongo, Mananjary, Nosy- varika, or at Vangaindrano, the ‘new man’ produces little effect. The candidate’s ‘hymn’ is sung in a traditional way. The crowd is obsessed with this man who inspires sympathy, simplicity and nature. Marc Ravalomanana, being aware of reality, has talked to the ‘tangalamena’. He has promise to find out solutions to multiple issues the population of this region is dealing with. )

78 accélérer tout le processus de la lutte contre la pauvreté par sa maturité en matière de gestion sans anarchie. célérité, compétence, expérience,...tout cela constitue le cheval de bataille de Marc- Ravalomanana. (Populations who are to much used to seeing, in order not to say tired of, an unchanged face for years, except greying hair and wrinkles everywhere, are delighted on meeting the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara. He has promised that he is going to fasten all the proceedings related to poverty fight by his mature in the field of management without anarchy.) placé en tête par les sondages, propulsé au devant de la scène par un phénomène fulgurant, Marc-Ravalomanana semble confirmer une image que ses partisans ont véhiculée depuis : un statut de présidentiable. performance dans le milieu économique, bilan apprécié dans la gestion de la capitale en deux ans seulement, volonté affichée de faire accélérer le développement de Madagascar, etc. (Being on top of polls, seen in front of the scene thanks to the flashing phenomenon, Marc-Ravalomanana seems to confirm the image that his supporters have spread that of having the status of a president. Performance in the economic field, appreciated results in the management of the capital during two years, having the will to fasten the development of Madagascar…) toujours à propos de distribution équitable des richesses dont regorge la Grande-île, il devait étonner son auditoire en annonçant que « désormais, nous investirons notre argent à Madagascar, contrairement à ce qui se passe aujourd'hui où tous ceux qui réalisent des bénéfices dans ce pays les transfèrent à l'extérieur ». le développement rapide appelle cette nouvelle pratique si l'on en juge par ce discours de Marc-Ravalomanana (always in connection with equitable distribution of the richnesses in which the Large- island abounds, his audience might have been astonished by announcing that “from now on, we will invest our money in Madagascar, contrary to what occurs today, those who make profit in this country transfer them outside”. Rapid developement requires this practise if we refer to the discourse of Marc Ravalomanana.)

Mahamasina plein à craquer (26-11-01) c'est de Mahamasina que Marc-Ravalomanana , l'homme neuf, favori des sondages, ému devant cette marée humaine venue le soutenir, a lancé hier à la nation son message rassembleur pour le règne de la droiture et de la justice et pour le développement rapide de Madagascar. simple et concis, son discours n'a pas été long et est allé droit au cœur. il est de ceux qui marquent leur différence par le respect de leurs concurrents. pas de critiques hostiles, pas d'attaques méchantes contre ces derniers alors que certains parmi ceux qui sont dans cette course à la magistrature suprême ne lui rendent pas la pareille, ne le mélangent pas et le prennent pour cible favorite. (Mahamasina cracked (26-11-01). It is at Mahamasina that Marc-Ravalomanana, the new, favorite man of the surveys, moved in front of this great flood of people who comes to support him. Yesterday, he has delivered, to the nation, his gathering message for the reign of uprightness and the justice, for the fast development of Madagascar. Simple and concise, its speech was not long and went right to the heart. He is among the one who differs from others by respecting his challengers. He has never asserts hostile criticisms, malicious attacks against the latter

79 whereas some of them – who are running for the supreme office - do not behave so, rathe they consider him as a favourite target) cette fois-ci, l'histoire ne se répètera pas à cause de la présence de Marc-Ravalomanana dans la cour des grands. le phénomène Ravalomanana dérange en prenant la forme formidable d'un mouvement spontané de solidarité. les candidats qui en subissent les conséquences sont en train de se mordre les doigts. ils ont de la peine à retrouver leur audience au sein de la population. l'image du tierce 96 s'évanouit. la réalité leur est devenue insoutenable. qu'il est difficile d'accepter qu'un homme de la société civile puisse avoir toutes les chances de ravir cette course contre des concurrents expérimentés et des vieux loups de la politique. à quel rang les électeurs placeront ils Marc-Ravalomanana (This time, the History will not be repeated because of the presence of Marc-Ravalomanana in the court of the great. Ravalomanana’s phenomenon disturbs by taking the formidable form of a spontaneous movement of solidarity. The candidates who undergo the consequences are biting the fingers. They have difficulty in finding out their adressees. The 1996 image of the first three candidates will be half dead. Reality becomes unbearable. It is hard to accept a man of the civil society can have the whole luck to be elected versus experienced frontrunners and old wolves of politics. In which position the electorate will rank Marc Ravalomanana?) campagne électorale : tirs croisés contre Marc-Ravalomanana (03- 12-01) si deux candidats voire trios ont su, durant la semaine dernière, occuper d'une manière imposante le monde de la communication, les autres prétendants comptent combler le vide dans les 15 jours à venir. ce « déséquilibre » traduit forcément un phénomène qui pousse certains candidats à se lacer à la tête du peloton. c'est la raison pour laquelle certaines stratégies, émanant notamment des cercles plus politiques que techniques, tendent à fixer un «ennemi » comme cible principale. ceux qui ont bien suivi les articles des journaux, les déclarations dans les ondes des radios et à l'écran des télévisions de la semaine dernière auraient remarqué une chose : le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana passe comme « l'homme à abattre ». (Electoral campaign: shootings crossed against Marc-Ravalomanana (03-12-01). If two candidates even trios achieved to occupy, in an imposing way, the world of the communication during last week, the other applicants intend to fill the vacuum in the 15 days to come. This disequilibrum necessarily means that some candidates cannot be among the top. That is the reason why some strategies, thought of especially by political circles than technical ones, tend to fix a ‘rival’ as the main target. Those who have really read newspapers’ articles, have listened to the discourses on radio, have watched TV last week should have notices a thing: candidate Ravalomanana is viewed as the ‘man on the hit’.)

80 Ravalomanana strongly advocates for peace and he avoids using politicking methods which in the end, do not work in the favour of its authors. Always smiling and relaxed, the candidate of Tiako-i- Madagasikara is rather interested in the well-being that he will provide with the inhabitants of the localities he has visited rather in the offences against him. For Marc Ravalomanana, what matter is the will to save the country.)

prenant la parole, Marc-Ravalomanana a d'emblée rassuré ses partisans en soulignant qu'il « affronte » Antsiranana comme il a « affronté » Toamasina. une manière pour lui de montrer que quand il s'agit de sauver le pays, il ne recule pas. comme il l'a déjà fait ailleurs, Marc-Ravalomanana a encore une fois invité ses adversaires à faire de respect. (While taking the floor, Marc- Ravalomanana has ensured his partisans thet he is oign to face Antsiranana as he has faced Toamasina. It is his way of showing that when he saves the country, he does not go back as he has done elsewhere. Once again, Marc Ravalomanana has called his challengers to respect each other.)

en plus de cet aspect pouvant apparaître comme une « injustice » d'après certains sympathisants de candidats, la compétition est vraiment engagée sur le terrain. le ton est monté de plusieurs crans. les joutes sont devenues provocatrices et les propos acides. le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana figure parmi les plus grands victimes des tirs croisés de ses concurrents et de leurs états-majors. sans doute parce qu'il est le moins bavard mais l'un des mieux cotés, en attendant le verdict des urnes. (Apart from this aspect which can be viewed as an ‘injustice’ according to some partisans of the candidates, the competition is really engaged in the field. The tone brought up of several notches. The jousts became provocative, and the comments became acids. Candidate Marc Ravalomanana is among the biggest victims of the crossed shooting of its competitors and of their staffs. Doubtless because it is the less talkative but better quoted, while awaiting the verdict of the ballot boxes.)

Intervenant sur la TVM, Marc-Ravalomanana s'est mis au dessus de ces polémiques de basse-cour qui ont alimenté ces derniers jours les foyers de ses adversaires. le candidat a invité, dans l'esprit du pacte républicain, et ses concurrents et ses partisans à faire preuve d'un minimum de respect, et à ne pas verser dans la provocation. « je ne dénigrerai jamais mes adversaires, ce n'est pas dans mes intentions. je n'ai pas le temps pour cela. (when Marc- Ravalomananana has delivered a speech on TVM, he has overcome this arguments on the ground which have formed the topics of Ratsiraka’s campaign committee these last days . The candidate has invited, in the spirit of the republican pact, his competitors and his supporters to show a minimum of respect, and not to lapse into the provocation. "I never will denigrate my opponents, this is not in my intention. I have not the time for that.) il (he) l'effet se répand partout Ravalomanana à la conquête du sud-est (01-12-01) partout où il va, le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana rassemble à sa grande joie une foule immense. l'effet Ravalomanana n'est pas un mythe comme certains l'affirment. ceux qui regardent tous les soirs à 19h la chaîne de télé MBS le constate bien. ces derniers jours, le

81 candidat est allé sillonner la région sud-est de la Grande-île. (The effect spreads everywhere. Ravalomanana conquers the South-East (01-12-01). Wherever he goes, candidate Marc Ravalomanana gathers a huge crowd proudly. Ravalomanana’s effect is not a myth as some people assert. Those who are used to looking at MBS TV channel, every night at 7p.m, have noticed it. These last days, the candidate has gone to the South-East region.) les adversaires de Marc-Ravalomanana pensent donc pouvoir augmenter leur cote de popularité avec cette méthode. entre temps, le candidat victime ne perd pas son temps à répliquer ni à tomber dans le piège de la polémique. une attitude qui désarçonne horriblement ses ennemis. Marc-Ravalomanana reste serein et semble montrer qu' il ne se mesurera pas contre ceux qui n'ont pas son gabarit dans cette course à l'élection présidentielle. il reste 15 jours à parcourir et c'est au peuple d'en trancher. le peuple qui va, lui-même, juger, non seulement les programmes, mais également le comportement des candidats. (Marc Ravalomanana’s challengers think that they are able to increase their fame with this method. By the same time, the victim candidate does not have time either to retaliate or to fall in the polemical trap. It is an attitude that his frontrunners cannot stand. Marc Ravalomanana remains calm and seems to show that he will not compete with those who do not possess his size in this presidentials.) avant-hier, Marc-Ravalomanana était à Toliary où une foule immense l'a accueilli depuis l'aéroport jusqu'au bord de la mer. dans son intervention, le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara, étant conscient de l'isolement de Toliary sur le plan de développement depuis toujours, proposa d'y remédier, une fois au pouvoir. il a ainsi suggéré, pour commencer, l'assainissement de la ville comme il l'a fait dans la capitale de Madagascar une fois élu maire-d- Antananarivo. (The day before yesterday, Marc Ravalomanana was in Toliara where a huge crowd welcomed him from the aeroport till the seaside. In his discourse, the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara has been aware of Toliary’s isolation in the field fo development. Once he becems president, he thinks to save it. To start with, he has suggested its sanitary as he has doneonce elected Antananarivo’s mayor.)

Marc-Ravalomanana préconise ainsi l'apaisement et s'écarte de ces méthodes politiciennes qui, à la fin du compte, ne profitent pas à leurs auteurs. restant toujours souriant, décontracté, le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara est plutôt intéressé par le bien qu' il apporte aux habitants de ces localités qu'il a visitées que par les attaques à lui adressées. pour Marc-Ravalomanana, c'est la volonté de sauver le pays qui importe face à d'autres paramètres. comme il l'a affirmé sur TVM, l'expérience, la compétence et l'efficacité demeurent inutiles sans une volonté réelle de patriotisme. (Thus, Marc Ravalomanana strongly advocates for peace and he avoids using politicking methods which in the end, do not work in favour of its authors. Always smiling and relaxed, the candidate of Tiako-i- Madagasikara is rather interested in the well-being that he will provide with the inhabitants of the localities ha has visited rather in the offences against him. For Marc Ravalomanana, what matter is the will to save the country in the face of other parameters. As he stated on TVM, experience, competence and and efficiency are

82 useless without a real will of patriotism) alliance encore une fois, Marc-Ravalomanana dans son intervention, a appelé ses partisans à ne pas répondre aux provocations, tout en interpellant ses adversaires à bien réfléchir sur leur comportement. il a également réitéré que son alliance avec les politiciens qui le soutiennent n'est liée à aucune contrepartie le régime qu'il inspire à mettre en place n'étant pas un régime verrouillé. (Alliance. Once more, Marc Ravalomanana has called his supporters not to reply to the provocations, while reminding his challengers to reflect well on their behaviour, in his intervention. He has also reiterated that the alliance with his partisans is not linked to any compensation. The regime that he inspires to have is not a locked system) prenant la parole, Marc-Ravalomanana a d'emblée rassuré ses partisans en soulignant qu' il « affronte » Antsiranana comme il a « affronté » Toamasina. une manière pour lui de montrer que quand il s'agit de sauver le pays, il ne recule pas. comme il l'a déjà fait ailleurs, Marc-Ravalomanana a encore une fois invité ses adversaires à faire de respect. « nous vous respectons. respectez- nous. nous ne répondons pas à vos provocations. nous vous en remettons à dieu », a-t-il dit, avant de donner un aperçu de son programme sur la construction de routes, la valorisation des produits locaux, l'octroi à chaque citoyen d'une éducation digne de ce nom, etc. (While taking the floor, Marc-Ravalomanana has ensured his partisans that he is going to face Antsiranana as he has faced Toamasina. It is his way of showing that when he saves the country, he does not go back as he has done elsewhere. Once again, Marc Ravalomanana has called his challengers to respect each other. ‘We respect you. So, respect us. We do not retaliate your provocations, God will’, he said. Befor dlivering a survey of his programmes for roads building, valueing local products, providing a decent education for each citizen.) devant l'agressivité de ses adversaires à la prochaine présidentielle, le candidat Ravalomanana ne pouvait pas ne pas répondre. en tournée électorale dans le Vakinankaratra et notamment à Antsirabe, le champion de Tiako-i-Madagasikara a riposté en dévoilant une partie de son programme politique et de gouvernement. au triple « jamais présidentiel » de Fenoarivo- atsinanana, il a opposé la foi dans la victoire, la sagesse des Malgaches est dans le développement rapide. il a ensuite tenu à rassurer certains milieux et groupe d'intérêts locaux et étranger qui pourraient se trouver dans leurs petits souliers en cas de triomphe de Marc-Ravalomanana. pour résumer, ce dernier a fait clairement comprendre qu'il y a de la place pour tout le monde dans ce pays : pauvre gens, richissimes, employés, militaires, étrangers, etc. (in front of the aggressiveness of his opponents to the next presidential, the candidate Ravalomanana had to reply. Visiting Vakinankaratra and notably Antsirabe during his electoral campaign, the champion of Tiako-i-Madagasikara has retorted while unveiling a part of his political programmes and of government. In the face of "never presidential" –repeated three times - at Fenoarivo- atsinanana, he has opposed faith in the victory, the wisdom of the Malagasy is the rapid development. Then, he has re-assured certain social class and some local and foreign interest group alike, they can

83 benefit from the situation once ravalomanana is elected. To summarize, the latter has clearly explained that there is place for everyone in this country: the poor, the rich, the employed, military officers, foreigners, etc.) creuset de l'unité nationale à la classe moyenne, il a assuré qu'il ne piquera rien dans les caisses de l'état tout en soulignant la cleptomanie notoire des dirigeants successifs de la Grande-île depuis son accession à l'indépendance. une incurie à l'origine de la paupérisation de ce pays réputé riche en toute sortes de matières premières et surtout en ressources humaines. à ce sujet, il a promis une gestion transparente des affaires nationales et la clarté sans népotisme ni favoritisme. (Crucible of national unity. To the average class, has has assured that he will not prick nothing in the cash registers of the state while underlining the notorious cleptomanie of the successive leaders of the Big Island since his accession to the independence. An incurie to the origin of poverty of this rich renowned country in all first sorts and especially in human resources. In that field, he has promised a transparent management of the national affairs and nepotism without favoritism. ) pétri de religion, ce candidat a annoncé que son administration sera empreinte de fahamasinana. l'objectif étant de rendre les Malgaches dignes de leur pays et leur dirigeant. aux soldats de la république dont les officiers sont formés à l'académie d'Antsirabe, Ravalomanana s'est ému de leur situation tant matérielle qu'humaine, proche de l'indigence. aussi a-t-il indiqué qu'en d'élection à la présidence, c'est-à-dire en tant que chef suprême des armées, il mettra tout en œuvre pour qu'ils soient dotés d'armements adaptés au contexte actuel dans le but de voir l'armée malgache (…) (Full of religion, this candidate has announced that his administration will be tinged with fahamasinana. The objective being to return the Malagasy worthy of their country and their leader. To the soldiers of the republic whose officers are trained at the academy of Antsirabe, Ravalomanana has felt sympaphy for their material as well as humanity both revealing signs of poverty. Therefore, once electe, i.e being the chief supreme of the army, Ravalomanana is going to work for so that they are endowed with adapted armaments to the current context (…) continuité de l'état la question se pose de savoir où il trouvera l'argent pour tout cela. à l'endroit des bailleurs de fonds traditionnels, précisément le FMI et la Banque-Mondiale, il a fait comprendre que la continuité de l'état sera assurée dans l'exécution des différents accords déjà conclus. (…) comme s' il était déjà dans la peau d'un chef-d-état. pareillement envers les partenaires bilatéraux de Madagascar. envers les fortunes déjà établies, Ravalomanana a annoncé qu' il ne fera rien pour les déstabiliser mais qu'il fera tout pour ceux qui n'ont rien puissent avoir leur part de soleil. (Continuity of the State. A question is asked: where is he going to find out the money for all that. As for the traditional financial backers, more precisely the IMF and the World Bank, he has explained that that the continuity of the State will be assured in the execution of the different agreements already concluded. (…) As if he was in the skin of the Head of the State. Similarly, the situation is the same for bilateral partnership. In front

84 of what has been achieved, he will do nothing to disturb it, but he will do everything for those who have nothing so that they can see sunlight.)

du coup, ses adversaires déclarés ne se privent pas de le charger physiquement. ils évitent soigneusement d'attaquer le candidat de Tiako-i-Madagasikara sur ce qu' il a fait mais plutôt sur ce qu' il pourrait faire quand il accéderait à la magistrature suprême. dans les discours entendus durant les meetings électoraux des différents candidats, les orateurs s'interrogent sur « certains membres de l'entourage de Marc-Ravalomanana, sur son style de campagne agrémentée de discours incantatoires, sur ces gardes du corps étrangers, sur ces pilotes sud-africains, etc » bref, le ton monte. et on est en droit de se demander jusqu'où iront les protagonistes ? (At the same time, his declared challengers cannot avoid attacking him physically. They avoid attacking the candidate of Tiako-i- Madagasikara on what he has done but rather, on what he is going to do once elected.)

simple et concis, son discours n'a pas été long et est allé droit au cœur. il est de ceux qui marquent leur différence par le respect de leurs concurrents. pas de critiques hostiles, pas d'attaques méchantes contre ces derniers alors que certains parmi ceux qui sont dans cette course à la magistrature suprême ne lui rendent pas la pareille, ne le mélangent pas et le prennent pour cible favorite. (Simple and concise, his speech has not been long and has gone straight to the heart. He is among the one who differs from others by respecting his challengers. He has never asserts hostile criticisms, malicious attacks against the latter whereas some of them – who are running for the supreme office - do not behave so, rathe they consider him as a favourite target)

le candidat Marc-Ravalomanana figure parmi les plus grandes victimes des tirs croisés de ses concurrents et de leurs états-majors. sans doute parce qu' il est le moins bavard mais l'un des mieux cotés, en attendant le verdict des urnes. bref, la campagne bat son plein. elle ne sera plus intense à partir de maintenant où l'on entre dans la ligne droite avant l'arrivée. (Candidate Marc-Ravalomanana is one of the victims of the crossed shooting of its competitors and of their staffs. Doubtless because he is less talkative but the better quoted, while awaiting the verdict of the ballot boxes.In brief, the campaign beats in its full. It is not going to be excessive anymore from now where one enters into the upright line before the arrival.) lui (him) pour Marc-Ravalomanana, il faut redéfinir le système de gestion des fonds alloués à l'enseignement, optimiser la formation grâce particulièrement à un recyclage obligatoire des enseignants ainsi qu'à la motivation et la redynamisation de ces derniers. pour lui , l'amélioration du programme d'enseignement comportent des nouveautés notamment dans la détection des génies malgaches par un système d'orientation dès la classe de 6e, le rajout de filières et la mise à niveau du programme d'enseignement selon les réalités locales. (For Marc Ravalomanana, it is necessary to redefine the management system of the allocated funds to the teaching, optimise the teachers’training by particularly, a compulsory recycling of the teachers as well as to the motivation and the redynamisation of the latter. For him, the improvement of the teaching program brings

85 novelties notably in the detection of the Malagasy geniuses by an orientation system starting with 6è. We will add other fields of studies and adjust the teaching programmes to local realities.) restant toujours souriant, décontracté, le candidat de Tiako-i- Madagasikara est plutôt intéressé par le bien qu'il apporte aux habitants de ces localités qu'il a visitées que par les attaques à lui adressées. pour Marc-Ravalomanana, c'est la volonté de sauver le pays qui importe face à d'autres paramètres. comme il l'a affirmé sur TVM, l'expérience, la compétence et l'efficacité demeurent inutiles sans une volonté réelle de patriotisme. (Always smiling and relaxed, the candidate of Tiako-i-Madagasikara is rather interested in the well-being that he will provide with the inhabitants of the localities ha has visited rather in the offences against him. For Marc Ravalomanana, what matter is the will to save the country.) prenant la parole, Marc-Ravalomanana a d'emblée rassuré ses partisans en soulignant qu'il « affronte » Antsiranana comme il a « affronté » Toamasina. une manière pour lui de montrer que quand il s'agit de sauver le pays, il ne recule pas. comme il l'a déjà fait ailleurs, Marc-Ravalomanana a encore une fois invité ses adversaires à faire de respect. (While taking the floor, Marc- Ravalomanana has ensured his partisans thet he is going to face Antsiranana as he has faced Toamasina. It is his way of showing that when he saves the country, he does not go back as he has done elsewhere. Once again, Marc Ravalomanana has called his challengers to respect each other).

Marc-Ravalomanana serait-il l'homme qui dérange ? c'est surtout lui que les autres candidats tirent en ce moment. pourquoi ? chacun d'eux a ses raisons. à l'élection présidentielle de 96, la course se jouait entre trois candidats de poids. (Is Marc Ravalomanana the man who disturb? It is especially him that the other candidates pull in this moment. Why? Each has his reasons. In the 96 presidential election of, the race had been played between three weight candidates). simple et concis, son discours n'a pas été long et est allé droit au cœur. il est de ceux qui marquent leur différence par le respect de leurs concurrents. pas de critiques hostiles, pas d'attaques méchantes contre ces derniers alors que certains parmi ceux qui sont dans cette course à la magistrature suprême ne lui rendent pas la pareille, ne le mélangent pas et le prennent pour cible favorite. (Simple and concise, its speech was not long and went right to the heart. He is among the one who differs from others by respecting his challengers. He has never asserts hostile criticisms, malicious attacks against the latter whereas some of them – who are running for the supreme office - do not behave so, rathe they consider him as a favourite target) il est de ceux qui marquent leur différence par le respect de leurs concurrents. pas de critiques hostiles, pas d'attaques méchantes contre ces derniers alors que certains parmi ceux qui sont dans cette course à la magistrature suprême ne lui rendent pas la pareille, ne le mélangent pas et le prennent pour cible favorite. pour lui , ceux qui ont dirigé ce pays auparavant ont déjà beaucoup fait. qu'il lui revient maintenant de réaliser en peu de temps ce que l'on a

86 fait en quarante ans. un pari qu'il veut gagner avec l'appui de toute la population. (He is among the one who differs from others by respecting his challengers. He has never asserts hostile criticisms, malicious attacks against the latter whereas some of them – who are running for the supreme office - do not behave so, rather they consider him as a favourite target. For him, those who have led this country before have done much. Now; it is his turn to carry out in a short moment what they have done forty years)

After processing the sixth subcorpus with lexico 2, the results can be consulted in the following tables:

Table 15: Hierarchical index 3.2

Lexical items F Lexical items F Lexical items F Lexical items développement alliance pays (country) 14 (development) 6 avoir (property) 4 (alliance) 3 adversaires anarchie (challengers) 12 foule (crowd) 6 capital (capital) 4 (anarchy) 3 gestion compétence anné es faire (to do) 12 (management) 6 (competence) 4 (years) 3 apaisement face (in the critiques (buckling face of) 10 simple (simple) 6 (criticism) 4 down) 3 différence arguments homme (man) 10 temps (time) 6 (difference) 4 (arguments) 3 attaques Madagascar donner (to attaquer (attacks) 9 (Madagascar) 5 give) 4 (attack) 3 concu rrents intéressé expérience auteurs (frontrunners) 9 (interested) 5 (exprerience) 4 (authors) 3 respect favorite chaîne (respect) 9 localité (place) 5 (favourite) 4 (channel) 3 course montrer (to histoire cha ngement (course) 8 show) 5 (history) 4 (change) 3 paramètres changer (to effet (effect) 8 (parametres) 5 hostile (hostile) 4 change) 3 sauver (to pauvreté manière conquête save) 8 (poverty) 5 (manner) 4 (cinquest) 3 populations états -major s volonté (will) 8 (populations) 5 propos (talk) 4 (staff) 3 discours programme (discourse) 7 région (region) 5 (programme) 4 foyers (clan) 3 magistrature souriant (presidency) 7 (smiling) 5 raison (reason) 4 image (image) 3 partisans Grande -île (Big stratégies (partisans) 7 Isaland) 4 (strategies) 4 lutte (fight) 3 Malgaches accélérer (to ailleurs (the Malagasy cible (target) 6 fasten) 4 (elsewhere) 3 people) 3

87 comprendre 2 (to popularité understand) 2 status (status) (popularity) 2 place (place) 2 concentrer (to sympathie 2 focus) 2 (sympathy) fixer (to fix) 2 connaissance système 2 (economic) 2 (system) fonds (money) 2 continuité taire (keep 2 (continuity) 2 silent)) fusil (gun) 2 déclaration techniques 2 (declaration) 2 (technics) fustiger 2 dieu (god) 2 tomber (to fall) 2 gabarit (size) 2 efficacité administration (efficiency) 2 (administration) 2 genre (type) 2 entamer (to adversaires graffitis deal with) 2 (challengers) 2 (graffitis) 2 épaule animosité (shoulder) 2 (hostility) 2 hymne (hymn) 2 intérêts épreuve (test) 2 argent (money) 2 (interest) 2 équipes articles intervention (staffs) 2 (articles) 2 (intervention) 2 attitude intox esprit (spirit) 2 (attitude) 2 (brainwashing) 2 étrangers augmenter (to journaux (foreigners) 2 increase) 2 (newspaper) 2 exemple (instance) 2 bataille (fight) 2 local (local) 2 façon (way) 2 célérité (speed) 2 locaux (locals) 2 provocations fascistes méthode (provocations) 2 (fascists) 2 (methods) 2 qualité polémique (quality) 2 (polemics) 2 moment (time) 2 2 traîner (to 2 tracts (leaflet) drag) monde (world) 2 cercle (circle) 2 unité (unity) 2 chose (thing) 2 question 2 (question) 2 venir (to come) classe (class) 2 régime 2 population (regime) 2 verdict (verdict) (population) 2 répliquer (to comportement observateurs answer) 2 (behaviour) 2 (observers) 2 répondre (to olom -baovao retaliate) 2 cote (level) 2 (new man) 2 2 creuset opinion serein (calm) (crucible) 2 (opinion) 2 sillloner (to 2 patriotisme visit) preuve (proof) 2 (patriotism) 2 situation 2 problème personne (case) (issues) 2 (person) 2 sondages 2 provinces 2 piège (trap) 2

88 (surveys) (provinc es)

Tables 16: Repeated Segments 3.2

Repeated Segments F l homme (the man) 10 le pays (the country) 9 ses adversaires (his challengers) 9 de sauver le pays (to save the country) 8 l effet (the effect) 6 ses partisans (his partisans) 6 la pauvreté (poverty) 5 à faire (to do) 5 le respect (respect) 5 il apporte aux habitans de ces localités (He is going to provide for the inhabiants of these localoties) 5 est la volonté de sauver le pays (is the will to save the country) 5 autres paramètres (other parameters) 5 ses concurrents (his frontrunners) 4 ce pays (this country) 4 une foule immense (a huge crowd) 4 une manière (a way) 4 pas d attaques méchantes contre (no hostile attacks) 4 il est ceux qui marque leur différenc e par le respect (he is one of those who differs from by respect) 4 les ondes (on radios) 4 le développement (development) 4 la capitale (the capital) 4 la Grande-île (the large island) 4 de respect (of respect) 4 de faire accélérer (to make fasten) 4 de Madagascar (of Madagascar) 4 de l état (of the State) 3 de la Grande-île (of the large island) 3 la réalité (reality) 3 la région (the region) 3 à voir un visage sans changements (to see face unchanging change) 3 le développement rapide (rapid development) 3 l effet se répand partout (the effect spreads everywhere) 3 les propos (talk) 3 il a fait mais plutôt sur ce qu'il pourrait faire (what he has done rather ,on what he is going to undertake) 3 des populations qui sont trop habituées (popu lations who are to much used to) 3 est pas un mythe comme certains l'affirment (is not 3

89 a myth as some assert) dans la capitale (in the capital) 3 ses adversaires déclarés ne se privent pas (his declared rivals cannot live without) 3 ses concurrents et (his contenders and) 3 homme qui (man who) 3 de ses adversaires (of his rivals) 2 la compétence et l efficacité demeurent inutiles sans (competence and efficiency remain useless without) 2 la foule o bnubilée par cet homme qui inspir e la (the crowd was obsessed with this man inspiring) 2 la population (population) 2 le candidat victime ne perd pas son temps à (the victim candidate does not have time for) 2 le "olom -baovao" crée son petit effet (the new man creates his effect) 2 l expérience la comp étence et l efficacité (experience competence and efficiency) 2 l image (image) 2 l opinion (opinion) 2 les adversaires de Marc -Ravalomanana (the challengers of Marc Ravalomanana) 2 les autres animosités montrées (the other shown hostility) 2 les déc larations dans les ondes (the declarations hard on radios) 2 des Malgaches (some Malagasy people) 2 et la raison pour laquelle certaines stratégies (that is the reason why come strategies) 2 dans ce pays (in this country) 2 dans l esprit (in the spirit of) 2 dans son intervention (in his intervention) 2 en attendant le verdict des urnes (while waiting for the verdict of the ballots) 2 ne pas répondre (not to retaliate) 2 du programme d enseignement (of teaching programmes) 2 ses partisans à (his partisans to) 2 un phénomène (a phenomenon) 2 comme cible principale ceux (as the main target) 2 "l hymne" du candidat chanté de façon (the ‘hymn’ of the candidate has been sung in a traditional way) 2 n a pas mâché ses mots pour fustiger (he does not hesitate to attack) 2 est pas son gabarit dans cette course (is not the candidate of the same calibre) 2 homme à abattre (man on the hit) 2 homme de (man of) 2

90 3.2.1 New face

In the first two parts of our work, Ravalomanana and his partisans have already talked about fighting poverty, saving the country by rapid development policy. We have also learnt that Ravalomanana has had to bear discredit, brought by his challengers. In order to avoid repetitions, we have opted for new face as a theme. For indeed, homme (man) and the segment l home (the man) are both repeated ten times throughout the selection. Thus, we are going to learn more about the man.

Ravalomanana is regarded as a new face since Midi has given several names in that direction, to refer to him. Homme neuf (new man), homme nouveau (new man), homme des paysans (the peasants’ man), homme de la société civile (the civil society’s man) are among Ravalomanana’s designations. Besides, Ravalomanana seems to look distinguished when he is considered as natural, relaxed, simple and smiling by Midi. Considering these adjectives, the newspaper presents positive image (Maingueneau

2002: 24) of the candidate so that part of the electorate have voted for him.

As far as Ravalomanana’s discourse is concerned, it is termed as concise, direct, short, simple although – according to Midi – the Malagasy people is accostumed 128 to hearing overkill. In Midi ’s mind, the discourse of

Ravalomanana captures the heart. Admittedly, Tournier (Tournier 1985:

155) denotes the propagandist character of a text when it prompts to convey primitive message that is the emotional content of a production

128 Midi of 26 November 2001.

91 before reflexion. The discourse of Ravalomanana forms a danger as it might manipulate the voters. Indeed, most of the Malagasy electorate’s political choice is dictated (Rakotomalala: 11) by the heart. Midi also mentions that on analysing Ravalomanana’s production, the candidate under consideration is not interested in politicking as a strategy used in the

2001 presidential campaign. Rather, he would like to respect the contenders on transmitting assembling messages for the rapid development of Madagascar. That policy has been heard for the first time in 2001. It is meant 129 to carry out as fast as possible the whole undertaken actions in order to improve as quickly as possible Malagasy living standard. Later, it becomes rapid and sustainable 130 .

The fact that the candidate Ravalomanana took part in the 2001 presidential election has had effect on the people interested in politics. The huge crowds of people have been obsessed with Ravalomanana’s look and discourse. In fact, Ravalomanana has promised to accelerate the fight against poverty. Ravalomanana seems to fulfil, at least, the material impulse of the voters. A means to avoid being manipulated is having a good life such as enough salary. Ravalomanana as a phenomenon has also impact on the other candidates. Compared to them, Ravalomanana is viewed as a disturbing man by Midi . To give more precisions,

Ravalomanana is putting a brake on the history of Madagascar 131 : it is probably impossible to have Ratsiraka and Zafy as the candidates of the

129 Midi of 22 November 2001. 130 Sustainable development deals with negotiations between Governments, launching a series of partnership inciting the development of concrete projects : Sommet Mondial sur le Développement Durable (SMDD), Johannesburg, 26 août-04 septembre 2002. 131 Midi dated 1 December 2001.

92 second poll 132 because of his participation. Midi has also asked for

Ravalomanana’s attitudes towards the results of the election: is he going to accept them or not. We know that he has refuted them and recommended to collate 133 the records related to the election results. When

Ravalomanana becomes a feared man, he ends in victim.

3.2.2 Victim

In Midi ’s opinion, victimising Ravalomanana has enabled his challengers to decrease Ravalomanana’s fame in the eyes of the electorate. In other words, the man has undergone attacks (attaques). Attaques occurrs 9 times in our corpus.

At the same time, the other candidates - particularly Ratsiraka,

Razafimahaleo and Zafy – would like to increase their popularity rating.

Thus, they would be dominant in the field of communication. In fact, ‘one of humanity’s most precious rights 134 is the right to communicate freely our thoughts and opinions’ via media for instance. No wonder if Midi does not hesitate to call Ravalomanana the homme à abattre (man on the hit-list), candidat victime (victim candidate), ennemi (enemy) or the cible principal

(main target).

Midi thinks that having Ravalomanana as a victim is termed as an electoral campaign policy. Most of the comments voiced on Ravalomanana

132 Jean Chesneaux, ‘Pour une culture politique du temps : quel dialogue entre passé, présent, avenir ?’, Futuribles , n°234, septembre 1998, p.59 : ‘Le futur est donc par excellence la figure du temps politique, celle où s’inscrit notre capacité d’anticipation et surtout notre capacité.’ 133 Amara Essy, Ibrahima Fall, Didier Ratsiraka, Marc Ravalomanana, Dossier RATSIRAKA ONU (complet) http://www.gazetynety.org/article.php3?id_article=200&var_recherche=2001+presidentia l+campaign -->, 27 avril 2003. 134 Ignacio Ramonet, Le Monde diplomatique : Set the media free , http://mondediplo.com/2003/10/01media-- >, 11 avril 2006.

93 are the same though an objective alliance 135 of the five candidates against

Ratsiraka had been expected at the beginning of the electoral campaign.

The strategy in opposition to Ravalomanana is particularly composed of denigration, comments and intoxication. Qualifying Ravalomanana fascist enables Midi to talk about intoxication. It is about spreading false information 136 . In addition, Midi has noticed that Ravalomanana’s challengers tend to embody attacks against Ravalomanana’s future acts or the implementation of his promises rather against his previous deed. Still, past 137 seems the most present time of the three instances.

Despite the shooting against Ravalomanana, he remains quiet. Midi has found that he is more interested in saving the country from poverty rather than retaliate the attacks. As a result, the journalists think that the offense of Rajakoba, Rajaonary, Ratsiraka, Razafimalahaleo and Zafy has failed since the Malagasy people has leant towards Ravalomanana. It has felt sympathy for and elected him. Midi is not pleased with addressing

Ratsiraka or Ravalomanana alone. It has its views about both candidates too.

3.3 Midi ‘s discourse related to both candidates

In order to draw a comparative approach to Ratsiraka and

Ravalomanana, we are to update our keywords since we are going to deal with Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana at the same time. Our keywords - which

135 Midi of 8 December 2001. 136 www.attention-span.net/psyops/psyops.htm , T echniques de manipulation des masses , www.deepsound.net/ha/psyops.html#17 , 21 November 2005. 137 p.58 : ‘Le passé semble la plus ‘temporelle’ des trois instances du temps (…)’ : Jean Chesneaux, ‘Pour une culture politique du temps : quel dialogue entre passé, présent, avenir ?’, Futuribles , n°234, septembre 1998.

94 are italicised in our dissertation - will be the candidates’ names: Didier-

Ratsiraka et Marc-Ravalomanana occurring 4 times in the 65 articles produced between 26 November 2001 and 14 December 2001. Marc-

Ravalomanana et Didier-Ratsiraka is repeated 3 times throughout the corpus. We are also going to consider the item candidats appearing 64 times. Both ( les deux) and ces deux – occurring 14 and 7 times – are relevant to the purpose of our work. It is worth remembering that the 6 journalists’ viewpoint is viewed as one, Midi ’s, for they all work for the same newspaper. Yet, we have separated the facts from the comments that are meant to depict Midi ’s opinion. The following selection is meant to show Midi ’s views with regards to the similarities and the differences between Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana.

Keywords Contexts Didier-Ratsiraka et Marc- le plus étonnant dans cette histoire, c'est que les différents Ravalomanana (Didier- états-major de presque tous les candidats utilisent les mêmes Ratsiraka and Marc- mots et les mêmes arguments comme s'ils s'étaient concertés Ravalomanana) sur la réplique à donner face à la montée irrésistible du maire- d-Antananarivo. cette attitude atteste, paradoxalement, la thèse selon laquelle, en cas de deuxième tour qui verrait aux prises Didier-Ratsiraka et Marc-Ravalomanana, le premier nommée pourrait bénéficier des consignes de vote des recalés au nom de la cause côtière. (The most amazing thing is that, the different staff of almost of the candidate uses the same words and arguments as if they had been gathering the attitude to adopt in the face of Ravalomanana’s irresistible raise of Antananarivo mayor. Paradoxically, this attitude confirms in case of a second ballot where we will have Didier Ratsiraka et Marc Ravalomanana, the first candidate would benefit from the votes of the losers because of ethnic strife.)

si on se réfère aux sondages, les deux candidats favoris de cette course, Didier-Ratsiraka et Marc-Ravalomanana , qui affirment chacun de leur côté gagner cette élection dès le premier tour, risquent de se retrouver face à face au second tour. on imagine la tension qui existera si le cas se présente. en 97, le duel Zafy Ratsiraka n’a pas dérapé. le perdant s’est soumis au verdict des urnes bien qu’il eût dénoncé l’existence des fraudes et des irrégularités. cette fois-ci, le perdant aura- t-il le même comportement de respect devant les résultats qui seront promulgués ? certes, il n’y a pas de raison de douter de la sagesse des candidats qui se présentent à l’élection

95 présidentielle. (If one refers to polls, the two favorite candidates of this race, Didier-ratsiraka and Marc- ravalomanana, each, of their side, has asserted to win this election in the first turn poll, risk rediscovering itself a face to face in the second ballot. We can fancy at the tension that will exist if that situation will come itself. In 97, the duel Zafy Ratsiraka did not slip. The loser has subjected to the verdict. Then he has complainted about existence of the frauds and irregularities. This time, will the loser have the same respectful behavior in front of the results that will be promulgated? Of course, there is not reason to doubt the wisdom of the candidates runnig for to the presidential election.)

Marc-Ravalomanana et les résultats du sondage sur la présidentielle effectués tout le Didier-Ratsiraka mois de septembre dernier au niveau national par radio- (Marc-Ravalomanana and Antsiva malagasy-communication-service (MCS) montrent une Didier-Ratsiraka) lutte serrée entre les candidats Marc-Ravalomanana et Didier- Ratsiraka , en ce qui concerne le milieu où se trouvent les électeurs. en fait, les deux candidats se disputent les voix des chefs-lieux de faritany (en plus d'Antsirabe) et celles du milieu rural. (The results of the poll on the presidential carried out during last September, on national level, by radio Antsiva malagasy-communication one-service (MCS) show a squeezed fight between candidates Marc-Ravalomanana and Didier- Ratsiraka, considering the place where the voters live. Indeed, the two candidates dispute themselves the voices of the administrative centers of faritany (in addition to Antsirabe) and the one of the rural area.)

par contre, la guerre de communication promise par certains candidats tarde à se manifester. à l'évidence, Marc- Ravalomanana et Didier-Ratsiraka ont pris plusieurs longueurs d'avantage sur leurs poursuivants. ils caracolent en tête des sondages et dominent le terrain médiatique, soit en bien soit en mal. ( On the other hand, the communication war promised by certain candidates delays to be shown. Obviously, Marc Ravalomanana and Didier Ratsiraka have took several advantage compared to their mates. They are the leaders of the polls and dominate the media, which could be viewed as a good or a bad thing.)

Marc-Ravalomanana et Didier-Ratsiraka se présentent comme les deux grands favoris de l’élection présidentielle. ils émergent nettement du lot à en juger par la taille de l'audience qui les accueille dans chaque ville ou village. si l'importance du soutien qu'ils reçoivent un peu partout se concrétise en vote, il n'est pas faux de penser que l'un de ces deux hommes pourrait enlever cette course dès le premier tour. (Marc Ravalomanana and Didier-ratsiraka introduce themselves as the two great favorite of the presidential election. They have been emerging clearly of the batch if we take account of by the number of the audience that welcomes them in every city or town. If the importance of the support that they have received becomes real in the polls, it is not false to think that one of these two men could win in this first ballot.)

96 candidats (candidates) les résultats du sondage sur la présidentielle effectués tout le mois de septembre dernier au niveau national par radio- Antsiva malagasy-communication-service (MCS) montrent une lutte serrée entre les candidats Marc-Ravalomanana et Didier- Ratsiraka, en ce qui concerne le milieu où se trouvent les électeurs. en fait, les deux candidats se disputent les voix des chefs-lieux de faritany (en plus d'Antsirabe) et celles du milieu rural.

ces résultats obtenus par les deux candidats au top de ce sondage traduisent certainement deux raisons. primo, Marc- Ravalomanana entend promouvoir sérieusement le milieu rural, son statut d'investisseur dans le secteur agroalimentaire ne passant pas inaperçu. tandis que pour Didier-Ratsiraka, il avait toujours occupé durant des années, par exemple, en y posant des barrages. (The results showing that Ravalomanana and Ratsiraka form the top mean that Marc Ravalomanana feels like promoting seriously rural areas. His social status as a food investor cannot be neglected. As for Didier Ratsiraka, he has always took care of rural areas by restoring hydraulic barrages for instance. )

7 à 10 millions l'heure de vol pour une campagne en hélico (29-11-01) quatre jours après le début de la campagne électorale, trois candidats émergent du lot pour pouvoir mobilisé les grands moyens, avec cette descente sur terrain à grandes pompes. Marc-Ravalomanana, Didier-Ratsiraka et Herizo- Razafimahaleo, puisqu'il s'agit d'eux, ne lésinent pas sur les moyens selon leurs possibilités respectives. (In the framework of the campaign, one hour flight in an helicon costs 7 to 10 million. Three candidates emerge from the six who are able to use expensive means. This allows them to visit places with ceremony. Marc-Ravalomanana, Didier-Ratsiraka and Herizo- Razafimahaleo, since it is them who are involved in, do not skimp in means according their respective possibility.)

pour Didier-Ratsiraka aussi bien que Marc-Ravalomanana ou encore Herizo-Razafimahaleo, l'utilisation d’hélicos demeure primordiale. l'utilisation de ces appareils volants est pourtant très coûteuse. comme la plupart est louée, les candidats sont obligés de payer entre 7000 FF (un peu moins de 10 millions FMG) par heure de vol par hélicoptère. (For Didier-Ratsiraka as well as Marc-Ravalomanana or again Herizo-Razafimahaleo, the use of helicos remains essential. However, the rent of these flying machines is expensive. For most of them are rented, the candidates have to pay around 7,000 FF (a bit less than 10 millions MGF) per hour, per helicopter.)

en matière de communication toujours, les trois candidats précités sont les seuls pour le moment à occuper les pages des journaux et à faire acte de présence dans l'audiovisuel. ils disposent en même temps d'un support écrit avec leur publication respective. (…) bref, les candidats qui ont de grandes ambitions se dotent forcément de grands moyens. (Always, regarding communication, the three aforementioned candidates are alone, for the moment, to occupy the

97 newspapers’ pages and to be introduced in the broadcasting systems. At the same time, they have at their disposal writing aids with their respective publication (…) In brief, the candidates who have great ambitions have recourse to expensive means inevitably.)

à l'issue d'une semaine de campagne électorale, le climat politique a déjà eu une bonne dose de surchauffe. aussi bien sur le terrain que dans les idées. si deux candidats voire trios ont su, durant la semaine dernière, occuper d'une manière imposante le monde de la communication, les autres prétendants comptent combler le vide dans les 15 jours à venir . (At the end of the first week of the electoral campaign, the political climate is already at its overheating dose either on sites or in ideas. If two candidates, or even three of them, have dominated communication field, the others plan to fill the gap for the coming 15 days.) comment s'annonce le tiercé, et surtout, si deuxième tour il y a, qui le disputeront ? l'opinion se prépare à cette éventualité, quand bien même deux candidats au moins, affirmeraient pouvoir l'emporter au premier tour ! (Who will form the trio, especially, when there will be a second poll? The public opinion prepares itself for this possibility. In fact, at least, two candidates have asserted that they are going to win the election in the first ballot.) ces deux candidats ont décidé, dès le début, d'arroser de spots et de bandes-annonces les radios et les télévisions tandis qu'ils prennent de très larges espaces publicitaires dans les journaux. (At the beginning of the campaign, these two candidates have decided to use advertisements and bande annonces on radios and televisions while they fulfil advertisement pages of newspapers.) d'ailleurs, les plages réservées à la propagande électorale dans les médias publics sont programmées de telle manière que peu d'auditeurs et de téléspectateurs ont encore le courage d'écouter ou de regarder. en outre, le public attend des candidats beaucoup plus des débats contradictoires et non des séries d'auto-promotions. selon les différents responsables de communication, ils préparent leur champion respectif à cette éventualité depuis le début. (Time allotted to presidential campaign is planned so that a few audience is brave to listen to or watch it. Besides, the public opinion expects more contradictory debate produced by the candidates, not their self-promotion. According to the different people responsible for communication, from the beginning, they have prepared their respective champion to face this possibility.) les rumeurs vont bon train et frappent du coup les deux principaux candidats. pour ce qui le concerne, Didier-Ratsiraka fait face à de très forts bruits persistants sur son état de santé. inutile de les reproduire ici car le candidat sortant se charge lui-même de les démentir.(…) à j-11 du scrutin, une telle mise au point semble s'imposer dans la mesure où une attitude d'attentisme ne ferait que gonfler les rumeurs qui ont

98 tendance à s'amplifier ces derniers jours, au détriment des candidats Ratsiraka et Ravalomanana . (Rumors are heard everywhere and hit the two principal candidates. Didier Ratsiraka faces very strong persistent noises on his health state. There is no need to report it here as the outgoing candidate is taking care of it.) la campagne bat son plein. les candidats sillonnent le pays de long en large en divulguant avec parcimonie leur programme, pour des raisons, semble-t-il, de sécurité. cela ne fait pas bien sûr l’affaire de la presse. elle se retrouve quelque peu handicapée dans le suivi sur le terrain de la propagande au quotidien. elle dépend des points de presse et des communiqués des états-majors des candidats dont les directeurs de campagne de certains n’ont pas encore été présentés au public. (The campaign is in full swing. The candidates go everywhere while revealing their schedules sparingly due to lack of safety. Indeed, it is not a good thing for the press. It finds difficulty in following the daily evolution of the campaign, in different places. The press works only with the held press conferences and the discourses produced by the different staffs of the candidates whose directors have not yet been introduced to the public opinion.) enfin, Marc-Ravalomanana a visité Manjakandriana, une région dont sa mère est originaire et où il a été accueilli par de nombreux sympathisants. au total, la campagne de propagande se déroule dans le calme sur l’ensemble du territoire. aux candidats d’en respecter les règles jusqu’au bout pour la victoire de la démocratie ! (At last, Marc- Ravalomanana has visited Manjakandriana from which his mother originates, and where he has been welcomed by numerous sympathisers. In sum, the electoral campaign unfolds with calm in the country. It is the duty of the candidates to observe rules for the victory of democracy.) si on se réfère aux sondages, les deux candidats favoris de cette course, Didier-Ratsiraka et Marc-Ravalomanana, qui affirment chacun de leur côté gagner cette élection dès le premier tour, risquent de se retrouver face à face au second tour. on imagine la tension qui existera si le cas se présente. en 97, le duel Zafy Ratsiraka n’a pas dérapé. (If we refer to the polls, the two favourite candidates of this race are Didier- Ratsiraka and Marc-Ravalomanana. Each of them has stated that he could win the election in the first poll. Thus, we could have a face to face formed by them. We will fancy the tension which will raise if the case occurs. In 1997, the dual Zafy Ratsiraka could not escape from it.) cette fois-ci, le perdant aura-t-il le même comportement de respect devant les résultats qui seront promulgués ? certes, il n’y a pas de raison de douter de la sagesse des candidats qui se présentent à l’élection présidentielle. néanmoins, il est toujours difficile aux gens d’évacuer le sentiment de crainte car il est possible dans cette compétition que les deux candidats qui s’affronteront au second tour se retrouvent autour de 50/50 comme en 96. autrement dit, la faiblesse de

99 l’écart entre le gagnant et le perdant pourrait jouer le plus mauvais des tours à ce pays. mais ne soyons pas pessimistes. (This time, the History will not be repeated because of the presence of Marc-Ravalomanana in the court of the great. Ravalomanana’s phenomenon disturbs by taking the formidable form of a spontaneous movement of solidarity. The candidates who undergo the consequences are biting the fingers. They have difficulty in finding out their adressees. The 1996 image of the first three candidates will be half dead. Reality becomes unbearable.) finalement, tous les candidats disposent d'un programme. comme d'habitude, à pareille élection, les documents à ce sujet circulent dans les rares milieux qui s'y intéressent. et comme par hasard, les programmes se ressemblent à quelques nuances près. c'est sans doute dû au fait que tout est rédigé en accord avec le programme des principaux bailleurs de fonds. (Finally, all the candidates have their programmes. As usual, to similar election, the documents related to this subject circulate in rare institutions which are interested in. And by chance, the programmes are almost similar. Doubtless, they have to be composed in accordance with that of the financial backers.) aucun candidat n'a osé sortir des sentiers battus au point de penser que le document de stratégie de la pauvreté, présenté récemment par le gouvernement, passera en entier sinon en partie avec n'importe lequel des candidats qui sera élu. (No candidate dares to get out of the well-trodden paths since each thinks that the document dealing with the strategies for fighting poverty - which was recently introduced by the government – will form entirely or partially his schedules once elected.)

les candidats et leurs états-majors se posent tous en victimes des coups bas et des abus de leurs adversaires. les AREMA pointent leur doigt accusateur sur les partisans de Tiako-i- Madagasikara de Ravalomanana et réciproquement car ces derniers aussi se plaignent du comportement agressif des AREMA qu'ils croisent à certains endroits. (The candidates and their staffs are all among the victims of low punches and abuses of their challengers. A.RE.MA accuses the partisans of Tiako-i-Madagasikara of Ravalomanana and vice versa, the latter also complain about the agressive behaviour of the A.RE.MA that they have met in some places.) tous se posent en victimes des rumeurs et du venin de leurs concurrents mais heureusement, personne n'oublie que Madagascar aborde un moment important de son histoire. au point qu'aucun des candidats ne veut tomber dans le piège de la provocation et fait par conséquent appel à la raison, au calme et à la paix sociale, des valeurs indispensables pour le bon déroulement de la campagne et du scrutin du 16 décembre. (All of them form the victims of rumours and the malice of their contenders but fortunately, nobody forgets that Madagascar is living a prominent moment of its History. Thus,

100 any candidate does not want to fall in the trap of provocation and therefore, each calls for reason, calm and social peace which constitute the compulsory values for the fair unfolding of the campaign and for the 16 December election.) la propagande va son bonhomme de chemin. les candidats à la présidentielle continuent de sillonner le pays de long en large pour transmettre leur message à la population. des craintes sont émises ça et là à cause des abus et des joutes agressives et provocatrices des partisans d'un tel ou d'un tel. certains faits rapportés inquiètent au point que beaucoup de gens se demandent si la situation est vraiment dangereuse et alarmante. (The propaganda goes well. The candidates for the presidentials go on visiting the country to and fro in order to transmit their message to the population. Fears are transmitted here and there due to abuses and aggressive as well as provocative jousts of partisans of such or such candidate. Some reported facts make us anxious so that most of the people ask if the situation is really dangerous and alarming.) n'est-il pas merveilleux de constater la chaleur de l'accueil réservé au candidat merina en tournée dans les provinces ? l’accueil n'est-il pas tout aussi remarquable pour le candidat côtier qui se déplace sur les hauts-plateaux ? on voit très bien qu'aux yeux de la population, les candidats sont d’abord malgaches. c'est pourquoi ils sont bien accueillis partout où ils se trouvent sur cette Grande-île (Isn’it marvellous to notice the warm welcome booked for the Merina candidate visiting the provinces ? The same for the candidates of the coast, isn’t their welcome remarkable when they move to the hautx plateaux ? In front of the population’s eyes, one sees that to start with, they are all Malagasy that is why they are well welcomed wherever they go throughout the Large Island.) une très rude semaine attend les candidats à l'élection présidentielle. à jour j-6, il ne leur reste plus beaucoup de temps pour faire la différence. néanmoins, les deux premiers favoris des sondages se distinguent du reste par les raz-de- marée humains qui les accueillent à chaque étape de tournée, dans une ville ou un village .(A very rough week awaits the candidates to the presidential election. Six days before it, there is not much time to make the difference. Nevertheless, the two first favourite of surveys distinguish from the rest by the human tidal waves who welcome them at each step of their tour either in towns or villages) les moyens, tee-shirts, casquettes et autres gadgets, que ces deux candidats utilisent pour drainer les foules sont aussi extrêmement importants. ils font penser que des dizaines de milliards de FMG ont été facilement engloutis dans cette campagne de propagande. (The means, tee-shirts, caps and other gadgets that these two candidates use to drain the crowds are also extremely important. They make us think that a dozen of MGF milliard have been easily spoilt in this electoral campaign.)

101 mais est-il possible que l'un des favoris gagne au premier tour ? c'est-à-dire acquiert 50 % plus une des voix. les avis sont partagés dans l'opinion. ceux qui pensent que cela est possible se référent au succès populaire enregistré par les candidats là où ils se déplacent. mais ceux là posent en plus la condition que le consortium couvre tous les bureaux de vote et veille à ce que les fraudes et les irrégularités ne puissent se produire. (Isn’t it possible that one of the favourites win in the first round? In other words, can one of them reach 50% plus a vote? The views of the public opinion are different. Those who think that this is possible, refer to the popular success recorded by the candidates where they have been. But this will be possible only if the consortium covers all the voting offices and watch over frauds and irregularities.) qui des deux favoris de la course sera avantagé s'il y a un second tour ? tous les observateurs sont d'accord pour dire que la victoire dépendra des reports de voix des deux candidats que les sondages placent en troisième ou quatrième position. les favoris ont par conséquent intérêt à les ménager et ne pas en faire des ennemis pendant cette campagne de propagande. leur chance de gagner la course pourrait en grand partie dépendre d'eux. (Which of the two candidates will be favoured if there will be a second ballot? All the observers agree that victory will depend on the vote reports of the two candidates that surveys have classified in the third or fourth position. Therefore, it is in the interest of the favourites to be in good terms with the other candidates and not to make enemies during this presidential election. To win the race depends on them.)

à jour j-2, la suspense demeure mais l'issue de cette élection présidentielle n'est pas aussi incertaine qu'en 96-97 où les deux candidats étaient au second tour pratiquement à égalité aux environs de 50/50. cette fois-ci, la possibilité qu'un des favoris l'emporte dès le premier tour n'est pas à écarter s'il faut se baser sur les raz de marée humains qui les accueillent à chacune de leur apparition en public dans une ville ou dans un village. (2 days before the elections, suspense remains. But the end of this presidentials is not as uncertain as that of the 96-97 where the two candidates were in the second poll with practically, equality around 50/50. This time the possibility for one of the favourite to win in the first ballot must not be neglected considering the human tidal waves who welcome them at each public appearance either in town or in village.) ces résultats obtenus par les deux candidats au top de ce sondage traduisent certainement deux raisons. primo, Marc- Ravalomanana entend promouvoir sérieusement le milieu rural, son statut d'investisseur dans le secteur agroalimentaire ne passant pas inaperçu. tandis que pour Didier-Ratsiraka, il avait toujours occupé durant des années, par exemple, en y posant des barrages. (The results showing that Ravalomanana and Ratsiraka form the top mean that Marc Ravalomanana feels like promoting seriously rural areas. His social status as a food investor cannot be neglected. As for Didier Ratsiraka, he has always took care of rural areas by restoring hydraulic

102 barrages for instance. ) c'est la grande question que se posent bon nombre d'observateurs. au début de la campagne électorale, l'opinion avait eu l'impression de s'attendre à une alliance objective entre les candidats contre le président Ratsiraka. ce n'était qu'une apparence puisque actuellement, en raison de l'ascension fulgurante du candidat Ravalomanana auprès de l'opinion, aussi bien dans la capitale que dans les provinces, les candidats Zafy, Ratsiraka et Razafimahaleo se ménagent et mènent le même combat tous contre Ravalomanana. (It is the great question that most observers ask. At the beginning of the electoral campaign, public opinion has the impression that there was an objective alliance between the candidates and president Ratsiraka. It was only an impression since now, because of the flashing raise of candidate Ravalomanana in the face of the opinion, either in the capital or in the provinces, candidates Zafy, Ratsiraka and Razafimahaleo agree on attacking Ravalomanana.) les choses se clarifient après deux semaines de campagne. et on comprend pourquoi trois candidats sur six n'ont pas signé le pacte-républicain proposé par la société civile. il s'agit de ceux là mêmes qui utilisent actuellement les plus viles méthodes politiques de dénigrement et de diffamation pour abattre un adversaire d’un autre trempe. Didier-Ratsiraka, Albert-Zafy et Herizo-Razafimahaleo livrent le même combat contre Marc-Ravalomanana au cours d'une campagne électorale dans laquelle les candidats issus de la société civile respectent plus le pacte de non agression et de bonne conduite que ceux issus de la classe politique. (Everything gets clearer after two weeks of campaign. And, we understand why the three candidates had not signed the republic pact suggested by the civil society. Now, they are using the vilest political method of discredit and debasing to knock down an adversary of different scale. Didier Ratsiraka, Albert Zafy and Herizo-Razafimahaleo get into the same fight against Ravalomanana during the electoral campaign électorale in which the candidate of the civil society respects the republican pact compared to the candidates of the civil society). ainsi, avant d'entamer la deuxième semaine de campagne, les uns et les autres semblent avoir changé de fusil d'épaule. du moins dans les équipes principaux des candidats. de nouvelles stratégies sont en passe d'être arrêtées après ce qui s'est passé dimanche à Mahamasina. il s'agit de concentrer les tirs sur la personne du candidat Ravalomanana que d'aucuns n'hésitent pas à traîner dans la boue. (Thus, before facing the second week of the campaign some seem to change their target at least, for the members of the principal candidates. New strategies are about to be stopped because of what has happened at Mahamasina on Sunday). It is about focusing shoots at the candidate Ravalomanana whom nobody hesitates to drag through the mug.) et on ne parle plus de ces intox attribuant au candidat Ravalomanana des penchants fascistes. le plus étonnant dans

103 cette histoire, c'est que les différents états-major de presque tous les candidats utilisent les mêmes mots et les mêmes arguments comme s'ils s'étaient concertés sur la réplique à donner face à la montée irrésistible du maire-d-Antananarivo. (And we do not address anymore the brainwashing dealing with Ravalomanana as a fascist. The most amazing thing is that, the different staffs of almost of the candidate use the same words and arguments as if they had been gathering the attitude to adopt in the face of Ravalomanana’s irresistible raise of Antananarivo mayor.)

cette fois-ci, l'histoire ne se répètera pas à cause de la présence de Marc-Ravalomanana dans la cour des grands. le phénomène Ravalomanana dérange en prenant la forme formidable d'un mouvement spontané de solidarité. les candidats qui en subissent les conséquences sont en train de se mordre les doigts. ils ont de la peine à retrouver leur audience au sein de la population. l'image du tierce 96 s'évanouit. (This time, the History will not be repeated because of the presence of Marc-Ravalomanana in the court of the great. Ravalomanana’s phenomenon disturbs by taking the formidable form of a spontaneous movement of solidarity. The candidates who undergo the consequences are biting the fingers. They have difficulty in finding out their adressees. The 1996 image of the first three candidates will be half dead. Reality becomes unbearable.)

en plus de cet aspect pouvant apparaître comme une « injustice » d'après certains sympathisants de candidats, la compétition est vraiment engagée sur le terrain. le ton est monté de plusieurs crans. les joutes sont devenues provocatrices et les propos acides. le candidat Marc- Ravalomanana figure parmi les plus grands victimes des tirs croisés de ses concurrents et de leurs états-majors. (what's more of this aspect being able to appear as an "injustice" according to some partisans of the candidates, the competition is really engaged in the field. The tone brought up of several notches. The jousts became provocative, and the comments became acids. Candidate Marc Ravalomanana is among the biggest victims of the crossed shooting of its competitors and of their staffs. Doubtless because it is the less talkative but better quoted, while awaiting the verdict of the ballot boxes.) les deux (both) (…) les candidats Marc-Ravalomanana et Didier-Ratsiraka, en ce qui concerne le milieu où se trouvent les électeurs. en fait, les deux candidats se disputent les voix des chefs-lieux de faritany (en plus d'Antsirabe) et celles du milieu rural. ainsi, Ravalomanana obtient, selon ces résultats, 41,0% contre

104 39,9% pour Ratsiraka dans les premières circonscriptions (chefs-lieux de faritany+Antsirabe), (…) [(…) between candidates Marc-Ravalomanana and Didier-Ratsiraka, considering the place where the voters live. Indeed, the two candidates dispute themselves the voices of the administrative centers of faritany (in addition to Antsirabe) and the one of the rural area.)] ces résultats obtenus par les deux candidats au top de ce sondage traduisent certainement deux raisons. primo, Marc- Ravalomanana entend promouvoir sérieusement le milieu rural, son statut d'investisseur dans le secteur agroalimentaire ne passant pas inaperçu. tandis que pour Didier-Ratsiraka, il avait toujours occupé durant des années, par exemple, en y posant des barrages. (The results showing that Ravalomanana and Ratsiraka form the top mean that Marc Ravalomanana feels like promoting seriously rural areas. His social status as a food investor cannot be neglected. As for Didier Ratsiraka, he has always took care of rural areas by restoring hydraulic barrages for instance.)

(…) les deux candidats qu'il considère comme ses principaux adversaires. le président Didier-Ratsiraka et son dispendieux régime, et le maire de la capitale Marc-Ravalomanana qui ne peut évidemment trouver grâce à ses yeux. (the two candidates that Razafimahaleo consider as his main rivals are president Didier Ratsiraka with his expensive regime and the mayor of the capital who cannot be seen as a weak candidate.) les rumeurs vont bon train et frappent du coup les deux principaux candidats. pour ce qui le concerne, Didier-Ratsiraka fait face à de très forts bruits persistants sur son état de santé. (Rumors are heard everywhere and hit the two principal candidates. Didier Ratsiraka faces very strong persistent noises on his health state.) si on se réfère aux sondages, les deux candidats favoris de cette course, Didier-Ratsiraka et Marc-Ravalomanana, qui affirment chacun de leur côté gagner cette élection dès le premier tour, risquent de se retrouver face à face au second tour. (…) néanmoins, il est toujours difficile aux gens d’évacuer le sentiment de crainte car il est possible dans cette compétition que les deux candidats qui s’affronteront au second tour se retrouvent autour de 50/50 comme en 96. autrement dit, la faiblesse de l’écart entre le gagnant et le perdant pourrait jouer le plus mauvais des tours à ce pays. mais ne soyons pas pessimistes ! (If one refers to polls, the two favorite candidates of this race, Didier-ratsiraka and Marc- ravalomanana, each, of their side, has asserted to win this election in the first turn poll, risk rediscovering itself a face to face in the second ballot. We can fancy at the tension that will exist if that situation will come itself. In 97, the duel Zafy Ratsiraka did not slip. The loser has subjected to the verdict. Then he has complainted about existence of the frauds and irregularities. This time, will the loser have the same respectful behavior in front of the results that will be promulgated? Of

105 course, there is not reason to doubt the wisdom of the candidates running for to the presidential election.)

à jour j-6, il ne leur reste plus beaucoup de temps pour faire la différence. néanmoins, les deux premiers favoris des sondages se distinguent du reste par les raz-de-marée humains qui les accueillent à chaque étape de tournée, dans une ville ou un village. (6 days before the election, , it does not remain a lot of time to make the difference the difference. Nevertheless, the the first two favourite candidates of the polls are different when they are welcomed by human tidal waves at any tour, in any city or town)

ces deux (the two) si l'importance du soutien qu'ils reçoivent un peu partout se concrétise en vote, il n'est pas faux de penser que l'un de ces deux hommes pourrait enlever cette course dès le premier tour. mais encore faut-il que ces velléités de provocations entre partisans de tel ou tel candidat pouvant conduire à des dérapages s'estompent, car elles risquent de compromettre le bon déroulement de la campagne et partant de la tenue du scrutin. (if the importance of the support that they receive all over becomes real some votes, it is not false to think that the one of these two men could remove this race as early as the first turn. but again it is necessary that these vague desires of provocations between supporters of such or such candidate being able to drive to skids become blurred, for they risk compromising the good sequence of bllot.)

néanmoins, les deux premiers favoris des sondages se distinguent du reste par les raz-de-marée humains qui les accueillent à chaque étape de tournée, dans une ville ou un village. les moyens, tee-shirts, casquettes et autres gadgets, que ces deux candidats utilisent pour drainer les foules sont aussi extrêmement importants. ils font penser que des dizaines de milliards de FMG ont été facilement engloutis dans cette campagne de propagande. (Nevertheless, the first two favourites of the polls differ from other candidates because of the human the human tidal waves that welcome at every step of the campaign, in a city or a town. The means, tee-shirts, caps and other gadgets that these two candidates use to drain the crowds are also extremely important. They make us think

106 as tens of billion FMG easily were swallowed up in this.)

The following tables reveal the lexical items having the highest number of frequency (F):

Table 17: Hierarchical index 3.3

Lexical items F Lexical items F Lexical items F Lexical items F favoris opinion raz -de -marée (favourites) 12 (opinion) 4 (tidal wave) 3 lutte (fight) 2 partisans secteur message face (in front of) 11 (partisans) 4 (sector) 3 (message) 2 soutien mesure bien (sake) 10 pays (country) 4 (support) 3 (measure) 2 possible milieu (place) 10 (possible) 4 statut (statut) 3 niveau (level) 2 résultats retrouver (to observateurs (results) 9 discover) 4 train (train) 3 (observers) 2 sondages sympathisants victimes occuper (surveys) 8 (sympathisers) 4 (victims) 3 (occupy) 2 rumeurs tournées (rumours) 7 (tours) 4 abus (abuses) 2 parties (parties) 2 agroalimentaire accord pessimistes rural (rural) 7 (feed) 3 (agreement) 2 (pessimists) 2 attitude adversaires politique terrain (terrain) 7 (attitude) 3 (challengers) 2 (politique) 2 audience amplifier (to penser (to think) 6 (audience) 3 strenghten) 2 pouvoir (power) 2 barrages arguments présence village (village) 6 (barrages) 3 (arguments) 2 (attending) 2 attentisme compétition (wait-and-see- ville (town) 6 (competition) 3 policy) 2 presse (press) 2 bandes - annonces comportement (bandes- provinces voix (vote) 6 (behaviour) 3 annonces) 2 (provinces) 2 concurrents vote (vote) 6 (contenders) 3 calme (calm) 2 respect (respect) 2 électeurs responsable moyens (means) 5 (electorates) 3 combat (fight) 2 (responsible) 2 dénigrement perdant (loser) 5 enlever (to lift) 3 (discredit) 2 sentiment (feel) 2 états -majors dérapages (bad point (point) 5 (staffs) 3 mistakes 2 société (society) 2 déroulement raison (reason) 5 gens (people) 3 (unfolding) 2 tension (tension) 2 raisons 5 importance 3 foules (crows) 2 tirs (shoots) 2

107 (reasons) (imprtance) sondage investisseur (survey) 5 (investor) 3 fraudes (frauds) 2 tours (tours) 2 communication journaux gagnant (communication) 4 (papers) 3 (winner) 2 utilisation (use) 2 faritany irrégularités (faritany) 4 manière (way) 3 (irregularities) 2 victoire (victory) 2 population gagner (to win) 4 (population) 3 jouer (to play) 2 programme histoire (history) 4 (programme) 3 juger (to judge) 2 promouvoir spots hommes (men) 4 (promote) 3 (advertisements) 2 humains (human tendance being) 4 public (public) 3 (tendecy) 2

Table 18: Repeated Segments 3.3

Repeated Segments F premier tour (first ballot) 9 face à (in the face of) 8 le premier (the first) 8 milieu rural (rural area) 7 favoris de (the favourite of) 6 au second tour (to the second poll) 6 le terrain (terrain) 6 le milieu (milieu) 6 les rumeurs (rumours) 5 ces résultats (these results) 5 de penser que (to think that) 4 les deux candidats se disputent les voix des (the two candidates fight for the votes of) 4 les résultats (results) 4 et celles du milieu rural (and that of rural area) 4 des sondages (some surveys) 4 dans une ville ou (in a town or) 4 l opinion (the public opinion) 4 du scrutin (of the election) 4 de communication (of communication) 3 de vote (of vote) 3 les moyens (the means) 3 la population (the population) 3 en ce qui concerne le milieu où se trouve as for the place where 3 dans une ville ou un village (in a town or a village) 3 un de ces deux hommes pourrait enlever (one of these man could win) 3 il avait toujours occupé durant des années 3

108 (he has been occupying for years ) il ne fait pas penser que l un de (it does not make feel) 3 par exemple en y posant des barrages (for instance by restoring hydraulic barrages) 3 sur le terrain (on the terrain) 3 ces résultats obtenus par les deux candidats (these results won by the two candidates) 3 si l importance du soutien qu'ils reçoivent (if the importance of the support they receive) 3 si on se réfère aux sondages les deux candidat s favoris (if we refer to surveys both candidates) 3 son statut d investisseur dans le secteur agroalimentaire (his professional status as a food investor) 3

3.3.1 The similarities

Midi takes the view that both Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana could be the candidates of the second poll. They are the favourite ( favoris ) of that election. What is more, one of them could be the president of the Republic since each has asserted that he could win the election in the first ballot.

Hence the repetition of the segment premier tour (first poll): it appears nine times. In fact, the partisans of Ratsiraka 138 have stated they must have Ratsiraka win in the first ballot. Similarly, Ravalomanana 139 has said that he is not going to fail. He does not even think of a second poll; he thinks to win in the first. Midi has said that the two candidates form the top of opinion polls. Either in urban or rural areas, they are the favourite. For example, Ratsiraka has taken care of the countryside (milieu rural) – occurring 7 times - by building barrages 140 that are meant to store water or prevent flood. As for Ravalomanana, he is able to promote the rural areas

138 Midi dated 28 November 2001. 139 p.42 : ‘(…) Ravalomanana a déclaré aux journalistes pésents qu’il ne va pas perdre. Il ne pense même pas au second tour, il pense gagner dès le premier tour.’ Dan Ymal, L’éveil d’un peuple , Antananarivo: MAPOM, 2002. 140 As Midi, dated 28 November 2001, does not provide precisions about the barrages under consideration, we have thought about hydraulic ones.

109 for he is viewed as an agribusiness investor by Midi . For both candidates have great political ambitions, they have had recourse to expensive means such as the field of communication use. Consequently, they have achieved to attract huge crowds of people. By the same token, they are the targets of the other candidates. Most of the rumours and low punches are played in their favour. However, Midi has invited them to respect one another. It has also instilled in the mind of the Malagasy people that both Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana are Malagasy. Thus, there is no need to embody ethnicity as a reason for voting. Indeed, national identity 141 surpasses ethnic one, at least for the inhabitants of Antananarivo. In spite of the similarities, Ratsiraka is different from Ravalomanana.

3.3.2 The differences

In Midi ’s opinion, Ratsiraka is more experienced than Ravalomanana.

That political figure had been the Head of state for 22 years whereas

Ravalomanana is theoretically the President of Madagascar from 2002 to

2007. Indeed, il avait toujours occupé durant des années (Ratsiraka has been president for years). Ravalomanana could be re-elected for another five-year term because he plans to register for the next presidential election, if we refer to the 1998 Constitution. To Midi ’s statement, Midi would like to believe in both candidates’ rural development programmes by referring to Ratsiraka’s previous acts while relying on Ravalomanana’s

141 p.199 : ‘ Pour près de 97% des tananariviens, l’identité nationale prime sur l’identité ethnique.’ François Roubaud, Identités et transition démocratique : l’exception malgache ? France : L’ Harmattan, 2000.

110 promises. Instance of this is ‘Marc Ravalomanana 142 entend promouvoir sérieusement le milieu rural, son statut d'investisseur dans le secteur agroalimentaire ne passant pas inaperçu. Tandis que pour Didier Ratsiraka, il avait toujours occupé durant des années, par exemple, en y posant des barrages’ (Marc Ravalomanana feels like promoting rural areas seriously thanks to his notable agribusiness investor status. Yet, as for Didier

Ratsiraka, he had taken care of the rural areas for years, by installing hydraulic barrages for instance). In fact, to keep promises means to carry out actions (Kerbrat-Orecchioni: 9-48) but Rafenomanjato 143 says, without concrete actions in favour of the population, Ravalomanana’s regime breaks itself the economic development.

Ratsiraka is less popular than Ravalomanana for the latter is more attacked than Ratsiraka. Indeed, Ravalomanana is viewed as Ratsiraka’s main contender for he is capable of surpassing Ratsiraka. If we consult the opinion polls conducted in September 2001, reported by Midi during the

2001 presidential campaign, Ravalomanana gets 41% versus 39.9% for

Ratsiraka in urban areas; 38.5% versus 35.2% for Ratsiraka in rural areas.

Accordingly, Ravalomanana becomes the disturbing man for Ratsiraka.

Ratsiraka becomes less popular as he believes that he is in a war by using the item rombo (war). For the people of Antananarivo, and according to the Malagasy official language rombo or rotaka means war or trouble. In

142 Midi of 28 November 2001. 143 Charlotte Rafenomanjato, De président de la rue à président du palais… , Tome II, http://www.charlotte-rafenomanjato.blogspirit.com , 15 novembre 2005 : ‘ (…) sans actions concrètes en faveur de la population, le régime Ravalomanana freine lui même le développement économique de Madagascar.’

111 Midi ’s opinion 144 , the lexical item rombo asks applause for the people living in the South of Madagascar which Midi characterise as coastal regions 145 .

On 01 December 2001, Midi keeps on dealing with Ratsiraka’s rombo to show his defiance. As far as Ravalomanana is concerned, his behaviour reveals more respect compared to Ratsiraka’s.

144 Midi of 23 November 2001. 145 We notice an abuse of language when Midi terms all the South of Madagascar as coastal since not all of them are near to the sea.

112 CONCLUSION

The first step of our work was to determine the themes contained in the reported and French translated discourse in Midi . This was carried out with a view to finding out the reasons for the electorate to vote for Ratsiraka or

Ravalomanana. National unity and autonomous provinces are Ratsiraka’s main themes during the 2001 presidential campaign. They are complementary to his supporters’: social harmony and economic growth. In order to have the nation united, the autonomous provinces enable us to live in harmony according to Ratsiraka and his partisans. Thus, the other five-year term in office would have been a continuity of Ratsiraka’s previous policies and achievement. According to Ratsiraka and his partisans, this is one of the possible reasons why Ratsiraka had run for the

2001 presidential election. In addition, Ratsiraka’s strategy is viewed as an evidence of partial implementation of the 1998 Constitution. His supporters form the witnesses. Generally speaking, their communication strategy, during the electoral campaign, consisted in convincing the electorate that

Ratsiraka and his staff have actually complied with the Constitution. It is the best rule to be observed since it reflects the Malagasy population’s yearning. According to Monja Roindefo 146 , the population has approved it.

Consequently, Ratsiraka is worth being re-elected. In Roindefo’s opinion, his themes – contained in the 1998 supreme law - are vital for the development of Madagascar.

146 Monja Roindefo who plans to register for the 3 December 2006 presidential election is the national president of MONINA. Midi of 15 May 2006.

113 As for Ravalomanana, fighting poverty and respecting each other are essential. His supporters have added that he is a man who is capable of achieving his objectives as he is pragmatic and remains the best of all candidates in spite of the discredit against him, during the 2001 presidential campaign. Ravalomanana’s strategy could be summed up as promises. He needs to make them in order to demonstrate that he is able to heal the Malagasy society which is hit 147 by poverty. As for the supporters of Ravalomanana, they think that their candidate symbolises change. As Madagascar is poor, it needs a president and a government committed to reform.

As far as Midi ’s views are concerned, corruption and irresponsibility characterise Ratsiraka. As for Ravalomanana, Midi views him as a new figure and a victim. To put it another way, Ratsiraka and his partisans are afraid of Ravalomanana and have attacked him hence, he becomes a victim. Therefore, the readers might felt sympathy for the latter. These four notions summarise what is said in Midi ’s comments about Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana.

Although Ratsiraka is more experienced than Ravalomanana, the former is less popular according to Midi . Thus, the impression that Midi leans towards Ravalomanana is not just an impression during the 2001 presidential campaign. Actually, Midi was in favour of Ravalomanana.

147 MadaNews.com, Site de soutien de la candidature de Marc Ravalomanana, Annonce de la candidature de Marc Ravalomanana à Imerinkasinina , http://www.ravalomanana.com/ - ->, 27 avril 2003.

114 However, we expect more evidence from the journalists when they express their opinions.

To determine the topics of the discourse, the keyword-based approach combined with lexicometrics148 has been adopted. It would be interesting to analyse other newspapers such as L’ Express de Madagascar and

Tribune to find out more themes and more strategies. Carrying out a comparative study of the previously-mentioned papers with ours would enable to discover other points of view. Other studies could also be studied such as the meaning of a presidential campaign or the profile 149 of a presidential candidate in Madagascar could be made. As for our method, we have found that Ratsiraka’s and Ravalomanana’s discourses are not in contradiction to their supporters’. Accordingly, our research methodology is efficient with regards to our objective.

Having considered the six journalists’ opinions as one, that of Midi , and having distinguished the reported facts from the comments, we were able to detect Midi ’s viewpoint. Yet, the journalists 150 are supposed to distinguish facts from opinions. Should have they done so, Midi ’s views would have been more clearly expressed.

Certainly, L’Express de Madagascar , Gazetiko and Tribune have their views with regards to Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana. They are worth studying to fish out their positions and thus, complete our work. However, such a study will be for further work. Our analysis is a contribution to the

148 Maurice Tournier, Séminaire de lexicométrie , Universidade Aberta: Portugal, 12-14 décembre 1988. 149 Midi dated 25 April 2006. 150 Charte professionnelle des journalistes et des éditeurs de presse de Madagascar : L’Express de Madagascar dated 2 May 2001.

115 political history of Madagascar. However, we must recognise that an analysis of the oral discourse of the candidates and of their partisans would be more reliable as it is a primary source.

116 BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES

1. Works cited

1.1 Discourse analysis

Dissertations

- Anny Roberte Andrianary, ‘Maîtrise ès-Lettres françaises’, option Linguistics, entitled : Etudes de la présupposition dans les discours publicitaires , defended in 1988 at the University of Antananarivo.

- Marie Louise Radanielina–Hita’s, dissertation ‘Maîtrise’ of Sociolinguistics entitled Malagasy socio-cultural values as seen through death announcements in Midi Madagasikara defended on 18 December 2001 at the University of Antananarivo.

Webographies

- Alpha Ousmane Barry, Les textes de méthodologie: Les bases théoriques en analyse de discours , http://www.chaire-mcd.ca , 08 juillet 2004.

- Henriette Gezundhajt, De la phrase à l’énoncé , http://www.linguistes.com/phrase/enonces.html -->, 08 juillet 2004.

Works

- Marlène Abou-Chdid Nasr, ‘Analyse des champs sémantiques de la notion de umma arabiyya (nation arabe) dans le discours nassérien (1952-1970)’, Mots , 2, mars 1981.

- Ruth Amossy, L’argumentation dans le discours : discours politique, littérature d’idées, fiction ; Paris: NATHAN, 2000.

- Michel Beaud, L’art de la thèse , Paris : La Découverte, 2001.

- Annick Bouillaguet, André D. Robert; L’analyse de contenu : Paris Presses Universitaires de France, 1997.

- Pierre Brechon, Le discours politique en France , Paris : La Documentation Française, 1994.

- Dominique Colomb, ‘Publicité télévisuelle et nouvelles valeurs en Chine’, Mots , 66, juillet 2001.

117 - F. Foresti, ‘Langue, propagande, destinataires dans l’Italie fasciste. Quelques hypothèses ‘in C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni et M. Mouillaud dir, Le discours politique , 2 ième édition, Lyon : Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1984.

- L. Guespin, ‘L’analyse du discours politiques en France. Acquis et tendances’, in C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni et M. Mouillaud dir, Le discours politique , 2 ème édition, Lyon : Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1984.

- Catherine Kerbrat-Orecchioni, ‘Discours politique et manipulation : du bon usage des contenus implicites’, in C. Kerbrat–Orrecchioni et M. Mouillaud dir, Le discours politique , 2 ème édition, Lyon : Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1984, 213–227.

- Pierre Lafon, ‘Analyse lexicométrique et recherche des cooccurrences’, Mots , 1, octobre 1981, 148-156.

- Jean Baptiste Marcellesi, ‘L’Analyse de discours à entrée lexicale: ses principes théoriques et méthodologiques expliqués à l’aide du mot Corse’, in Thierry Bulot et Philippe Blanchet dir, Sociolinguistique : Epistemologie, Langues régionales, Polynomie ; France : L’Harmattan, 2003, 235-259.

- Phung Tien Cong Huyen Nu, Marlène Coulomb-Gully, Jean-Jacques Renault et al, Présidentielle, Regards sur les discours télévisés , Collection Médias-Recherches, France : NATHAN, 1995,1- 69.

1.2 Documents on Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana

√√√ Webographies

- Courrier International, Présidentielle : un tombeur pour Ratsiraka? Les archives : Madagascar, http://www.courrierinternational.com/numeros/580/14122001_etranger.as p?TYPE=archives , 14 décembre 2001

- GazetyNety, It can be tough being a Merina and a supporter of Marc Ravalomanana, Madagagasikara>Medias , http://www.gazetynety.org/article.php3?id_article=162&var_recherche=pr opaganda -->, 17 May 2002

- www.ratsiraka2001.mg , Présentation : Un Homme. Un Programme. Des Réalisations ,http://www.ratsiraka.info/ , 21 février 2002

118 √√√ Works

- Jocelyn Rabetsimamanga, Mamy Rabetsimamanga, Clémentine Rakotosaona, Iza moa Marc RAVALOMANANA ? Antananarivo : Tsileondriaka, 2002, 38p.

- Charlotte-Arrisoa Rafenomanjato, Ravalomanana Marc, de Président de la rue, à Président du palais ; Tome I, La Réunion : Azalées Editions, 2003, 214p.

1.3 Historical and political documents

Attended conferences

- Evolution politique à Madagascar depuis l’indépendance by Charles Cadoux, took place at ENAM Androhibe on 11 June 2003.

- 1947? 1958? 1972? 1991? …. Débat national 2002? by Manandafy Rakotonirina, held at the Faculty of Arts and Humanities, University of Antananarivo, on 12 February 2002.

Dissertations

- Gatienne Vololonomenjanahary Rakotondramasy, ‘Maîtrise’ of Public laws and political sciences entitled La pratique du référendum à Madagascar de la deuxième à la troisième république , defended on October 2002 at the University of Antananarivo.

- Lala Herizo Randriamihaingo, ‘Diplôme d’Etudes Approfondies ès- Géopolitique’ entitled Les partis gouvernementaux et l’espace malgache de 1960 à 2001 , defened on Octobre 2004 at the University of Antananarivo.

Webographies

- Afrique Express, Présidentielle du 16 décembre, Afrique Express: Madagascar , http://www.afrique- express.com/archive/AUSTRALE/madagascar/madagascarpol/239presidenti elle.htm , 20 novembre 2001.

- allAfrica.com, Anxiety grows over outcome of Madagascar crisis, Allafrica.com: INTERVIEW, http://allafrica.com/stories/200203111039.html , 11 March 2002.

119 - Ian Anderson, Fear and loathing in Madagascar...The tragedy continues, Dossiers , http://www.gazetynety.org/article.php3?id_article=157&var_recherche=Ra tsiraka+vs+Ravalomanana -->, 30 March 2002.

- CIA World Factbook 2003, Government, MADAGASCAR , http://globaledge.msu.edu/ibrd/CountryGovt.asp?CountryID=108&RegionI D=5 01 February 2004.

- Jonny Donavan (BBC), Diego Suarez has joined three other breakaway states, Long live opinion diversity! , http://www.gazetynety.org/breve.php3?id_breve=89&var_recherche=Cons titution -->, 20 May 2002.

- Didier Ratsiraka, Dossier spécial : Présidentielle Décembre 2001-Avril 2002 , Madagascar , http://www.accpuf.org , 18 novembre 2001.

- Léa Ratsiazo, Madagascar: one election, two results; ANB-BIA SUPPLEMENT ISSUE/EDITION Nr 423 , http://users.peacelink.it/anb- bia/nr423/e06.html , 1 December 2001.

- Lucien Em. Randrianarivelo, Un livre de Lucien Em. Randrianarivelo http://www.gazetynety.org/breve.php3?id_breve=455&var_recherche=pro pagande+politique -->, 24 janvier 2003.

- Stan and Kathie Quanbeck, Malagasy non-violent resistance, St Anthony park Lutheran Church Communicator , http://www.saplc.org/cm020505.htm#malag-- >, 5 May 2002 .

- Us Library of Congress, Madagascar , http://countrystudies.us/madagascar , 26 April 2004.

Works

- Tantely Andrainarivo, Jean Paul Bory, Jean-Jacques Rasolondraibe, Provinces Autonomes : textes officiels _ lois organiques, lois décrets, décisions, et avis de la Haute Cour Constitutionnelle, Vol I, Antananarivo : Jurid’Ika, 2000.

- Hélène Mazeran, Géopolitique de l’Océan Indien , France: Corlet, 1994.

- Jean-Pierre Raison, Françoise Raison-Jourde, ‘Madagascar, les urnes et la rue’, Politique africaine , 86, juin 2002.

- Rémi Rahajarizafy, Mey 1972 , natonta fanindroany, Antananarivo: Tranopirintim-pirenena, Jona 1986.

120 - Didier Ratsiraka, Lalampanorenana , Antananarivo: Trano printy nationaly, 1976.

- Didier Ratsiraka, Loi Constitutionnelle n°98-001, portant révision de la Constitution , Antananarivo : Imprimerie nationale, 1998.

- Charles Zorgbibe, Géopolitique contemporaine , 1 ère édition, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1986.

2. Works consulted

2.1 Discourse analysis

√√√ Webographies

- attention-span.net, Modèle de Tchakhotine, PSYOPS , http://www.attention-span.net/psyops/psyops3.htm -->, 9 juillet 2004.

- www.attention-span.net/psyops.psyops.htm , Techniques de manipulation des masses , www.deepsound.net/ha/psyops.html#17, 21 November 2005.

√√√ Works

- Catherine Kerbrat-Orecchioni, Les actes de langage dans le discours : Théorie et fonctionnement , Paris : NATHAN, 2001.

- Dominique Maingueneau, L’Analyse du Discours : introduction aux lectures de l’archives , Paris Hachette, 1991.

- Dominique Maingueneau, Analyser les textes de communication , Paris : Nathan/VUEF, 2002.

- Jean Baptiste Marcellesi, ‘L’Analyse de discours à entrée lexicale (ADEL) : principes théoriques et méthodologiques’, in C.Kerbrat-Orecchioni et M. Mouillaud dir, Le discours politique , 2 è édition, Lyon : Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1984.

- Georges-Elia SARFATI, Dire, Agir, Définir : Dictionnaires et langage ordinaire , Paris : L’Harmattan, 1995.

- Serge Tchakhotine, Le viol des foules par la propagande politique , 3è édition, Paris : Gallimard, 1952.

- Maurice Tournier, ‘Texte “propagandiste” et cooccurrences. Hypothèses et méthodes pour l’étude de la sloganisation. ‘ Mots , 11, octobre 1985.

121 - Maurice Tournier, ‘ Séminaire de lexicométrie , Universidade Aberta: Portugal, 12-14 décembre 1988.

- Gerd Wotjak, ‘Les stéréotypes dans le langage du texte politique’, in C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni et M. Mouillaud dir, Le discours politique , 2è édition, Lyon : Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1984.

2.2 Documents on Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana

√√√ Webographies

- Madanews, Site de soutien de la candidature de Marc Ravalomanana : Annonce de la candidature de Marc Ravalomanana à Imerinkasinina à la présidence de la république malagasy , http://www.ravalomanana.com/ -->, 27 April 2003.

- Jem Madagascar, Madagascar: Ratsiraka et ses proches quittent l'île pour les Seychelles , http://www.bethel- fr.com/afficher_info.php?id=3567.2 , 15 juillet 2006.

- Fanantenandrainy Ratsimbazafy, Tiako-I-Madagasikara, http://www.w3c.org/TR/1999/REC-html401-19991224/loose.dtd ">, 17 juillet 2006.

√√√ Works

- Armand Mara, Le Ratsirakisme un défi…, Antananarivo : CNAPMAD, 1986.

- Eric Revel, Madagascar l’île rouge : les remords d’un président déchu Didier Ratsiraka , Collection le Nadir, Paris : Balland, 1994.

2.3 Historical and political documents

√√√ Dissertations

- Lovasoa Michelle Bodovoahangy Rabary, ‘Maîtrise’ of Journalism entitled L’Express de Madagascar et les élections présidentielles du 16 décembre 2001, defended on January 2004 at the University of Antananarivo.

- Hajanirina Tolojanahary Rakotozafy, ‘Maîtrise’ of Public law and Political sciences entitled La vie politique malgache sous la troisième république, defended on Octobre 2002 at the Institut Catholique de Madagascar (Catholic Institute of Madagascar).

122 √√√ Webographies

- Afrique Express, Manandafy, la tête pensante de Ravalomanana ? http://www.afrique- express.com/archive/AUSTRALE/madagascar/madagascarbio/246manandaf y.htm -->, 17 juillet 2006.

- Afrol archives, CIA, CountryWatch, Terra, UN, U.S. Department of State, AFROL Government profiles: Madagascar , http://www.afrol.com/Countries/Madagascar/gov_profile.htm -->, 20 April 2003.

- AFP, Madagascar: la Cour suprême met en cause les résultats présidentiels , http://lamako.free.fr/articles.php?id=746 , 19 juillet 2006.

- Alastair Leithead, Madagascar is at a turning point in its history, BBC NEWS: Madagascar leader rolls his sleeves up , http://www.vitelcom.mg/index.php?m1=a&m2=2&m3=0 -->, 25 July 2002.

- Amara Essy, Ibrahima Fall, Didier Ratsiraka, Marc Ravalomanana ; Dossier RATSIRAKA ONU (complet), Madagasikara>Politique , 02 mai 02, http://www.gazetynety.org/article.php3?id_article=200&var_recherche=20 01+presidential+campaign -->.

- ASSIDU Madagascar, Madagascar : L’opposition a son site, http://www.ASSIDU-madagascar.org ou http://www.ASSIDU- madagascar.com , 16 juillet 2006.

- Charlotte Rafenomanjato, De président de la rue à président du palais… , Tome II, http://www.charlotte-rafenomanjato.blogspirit.com , 15 novembre 2005.

- Ignacio Ramonet, Le Monde Diplomatique: Set the media free , http://mondediplo.com/2003/10/01media-- >, 11 April 2006.

- J.R , Mfm de Mandandafy Rakotonirina: Trente trois années de lutte…, 17 juillet 2006.

- L’Express de Madagascar, AKFM, http://www.lexpressmada.com/article.php?id=16706&r=6&d=2003-11- 10 , 15 juillet 2006.

- L’Express de Madagascar , Nouveau parti politique , http://www.lexpressmada.com/article.php?id=6852&r=6&d=2002-10-14 -- >, 17 juillet 2006.

123 - Le zébu francophone, La crise politique 2002: Chronologie rapide depuis la crise des élections présidentielles , http://www.lezebufrancophone.org/madagascar/crise2002.php , 19 juillet 2006.

- Madagate , Diaspora malgache:La peur de rentrer au pays , http://www.madagate.com/MyNews/read_comment.php3?id_news=835 , 16 juillet 2006.

- Press reports, R. Marcus and afrol archives; Madagascar: Temperature rising in Malagasy election campaign , http://www.afrol.com/News2001/mad008_elections2.htm -->, 09 December 2001.

- Press reports and afrol archives, Opposition candidate leads Malagasy poll, http://www.afrol.com/html/News2001/mad009_elections3.htm -->, 27 April 2003.

- Pierrot Rajaonarivelo, Fiarahabana-Firariantsoa , http://www.pierrot- rajaonarivelo.org/malagasy.php , 16 juillet 2006.

- Herimanda R., Tribune, le journal en ligne: MAFAMI, engagé pour le développement économique, http://www.madagascar- tribune.com/index.php?JOURNAL=679&RUB=55, 15 juillet 2006.

- R.O, RAM. Le mouvement de José Vianey a ses « maux » à dire sur le dialogue entre le pouvoir et l’opposition recommandé par le S.G. de l’ONU, Kofi Annan. Des conditions préalables au dialogue, http://www.madagate.com/MyNews/read_comment.php3?id_news=1574 , 15 juillet 2006.

- Roberto Ortiz de Zárate, Leaders of Madagascar (Republic of Madagascar / to 1975, Malagasy Republic) , http:// www.terra.es/personal2/monolith/madagasc.htm -->, 06 March 2004.

- Eugène R., Leader Fanilo – Mavana – Fihavanantsika: Non à la diabolisation de l’opposition !, http://www.madagascar- tribune.com/index.php?JOURNAL=419&ART=6761 -->, 17 juillet 2006.

- The Africa Centre, Communist Party, Madagascar (AKFM) , http://institutions.africadatabase.org/data/i16142.html -->, 15 juillet 2006.

- US Library of Congress, Constitution and Institutions of governance: Government and Politics , http://countrystudies.us/madagascar/27.htm -- >, 24 April 2004.

124 - US Library of Congress, Independence, the First Republic, and the Military Transition, 1960-75, http://countrystudies.us/madagascar/4.htm -->, 26 April 2004.

√√√ Works

- Bemaso, Fraudes et manipulations électorales à Madagascar : Cas de l’élection Présidentielle du 16 décembre 2001 , Antananarivo : Jurid’Ika, Tsipika, 2002.

- Jean Chesnaux, ‘Pour une culture politique du temps : quel dialogue entre passé, présent, avenir ? ‘, Futuribles , 234, septembre 1998.

- Ferdinand Deleris, Madagascar 1991-94 dans l’œil du cyclone , Cahier n°1, Paris : L’Harmattan, 1994.

- Jean Geli, ‘La démocratie’, Changer la société , Série politique, N’djamena : CEFOD, 1994.

- Haute Cour Constitutionnelle, Provinces Autonomes : textes officiels _ lois organiques, lois décrets, décisions, et avis de la Haute Cour Constitutionnelle , Vol II, Antananarivo : Jurid’Ika, 2001.

- Mamy Rakotomalala, ‘Présidentielle, la démocratie de l’argent’, Revue de l’Océan Indien , 223, décembre 2001.

- Bertin Razafimpahanana, Changement de régime politique à Madagascar , Antananarivo : La Librairie Mixte, 1993.

- François Roubaud, Identités et transition démocratique : l’exception malgache ? , France : L’ Harmattan, 2000.

- Dan Ymal, L’éveil d’un peuple , Antananarivo : MAPOM, 2002.

2.4 Other sources

- Charte professionnelle des journalistes et des éditeurs de presse de Madagascar : L’Express de Madagascar dated 2 May 2001.

- BIANCO, Lalàna 2004-030 momba ny ady amin’ny kolikoly , 2004.

- Michel Voirol, Barbarismes et compagnies , France : Centre de formation et de perfectionnement des journalistes, 1993.

125

Appendix I Statistics of the four newspapers’ copies published between 22 November 2001 and 15 December 2001 Source: Data collection

60000

50000

40000

Gazetiko Midi 30000 Tribune Express

20000

10000

1 1 1 /01 01 /01 01 /01 01 0 /01 01 0 /01 01 0 /01 01 1/ 1/ 2/ 2/ 2/ 2/ /1 /1 /1 /1 /1 /1 4/12/ 8/12/ 2/12/ 22/11/01 23/11/01 24/11 25 26/11/01 27/11/01 28/11 29 30/11/01 01/12/01 02/12 03 0 05/12/01 06/12 07 0 09/12/01 10/12 11 1 13/12/01 14/12 15

126 APPENDIX II Source Midi dated 12 December 2002

Part de lectorat par titre presse quotidiennea base des sur seuls l lecteurs de presse. (Part of the readership by thepers'title daily newspa based only on press readers)

Total (130,4%)

Midi

Madagasikara (54,1%)

Ny Gazetiko

(52,8%)

Express de

Madagasikara (12,4%)

1 Tribune (11,1%)

APPENDIX III Source Agence Capsule

PART D’AUDIENCE DE LA PRESSE QUOTIDIEN (PART OF THE DAILY NEWSPAPERS’ AUDIENCE)

38%

30%

6% 6% 5% 5% 2%

Midi Express Tribune Gazetiko La gazette Le quotidien Les Nouvelles Taratra

Sondage réalisé dans l’agglomération d’Antananarivo du 01 au 30 avril 2004 selon la méthode des quotas, sur un échantillonnage de 16663 individus. 2

APPENDIX IV

SONDAGE AGENCE CAPSULE ET SONDAGE ATW SUR LA PRESSE ECRITE QUOTIDIENNE EN SEPTEMBRE 2005 GAZETIKO ET MIDI MADAGASIKARA EN TETE DU PELOTON (GAZETIKO ET MIDI MADAGASIKARA ARE THE LEADERS)

Part d’audience / Part de marché de la Notoriété des journaux quotidiens Taux de Pénétration 2 par titre presse quotidienne (Ensemble de la population) (Ensemble de la population) Midi 26% Top of mind 1 Midi 20% Express 03% Midi Madagasikara 34% Express 02% Tribune 03% Tribune 03% Ny Gazetiko 33% Gazetiko 30% Gazetiko 24% La Gazette 03% Taratra 13% La Gazette 03% Le Quotidien 03% Malaza 5% Le Quotidien 03% Les Nouvelles 03% Tribune 2% Les Nouvelles 03% Taratra 16% Ny Vaovaontsika 2% Taratra 12% Vaovaontsika 04% Vaovaontsika 04% Ma-Laza 08% La Gazette 2% Ma-Laza 05%

L’express de Madagascar 2% Ngah 1% Le quotidien 1% Ao raha 1% Les Nouvelles 0% Le courrier 0% Top promotion 0% Source ATW

1. Le ‘Top of mind’ résulte d’une question posée à un public donné (échantillonnage) qui est invité à se prononcer sur un titre immédiatement présent à l’esprit, dans le secteur de la presse écrite. 2. La pénétration d’un support désigne le pourcentage de la cible qui a fréquenté le support au cours de la période de référence utilisée dans l’enquête d’audience. Il s’agit le plus souvent de la pénétration moyenne. Elle est mesurée pour la presse sur plusieurs numéros et non sur un numéro précis.

APPENDIX IV

SONDAGE AGENCE CAPSULE ET SONDAGE ATW SUR LA PRESSE ECRITE QUOTIDIENNE EN SEPTEMBRE 2005 GAZETIKO ET MIDI MADAGASIKARA EN TETE DU PELOTON (GAZETIKO ET MIDI MADAGASIKARA ARE THE LEADERS)

L’express de Madagascar 2% Ngah 1% Le quotidien 1% Ao raha 1% Les Nouvelles 0% Le courrier 0% Top promotion 0% Source ATW

3. Le ‘Top of mind’ résulte d’une question posée à un public donné (échantillonnage) qui est invité à se prononcer sur un titre immédiatement présent à l’esprit, dans le secteur de la presse écrite. 4. La pénétration d’un support désigne le pourcentage de la cible qui a fréquenté le support au cours de la période de référence utilisée dans l’enquête d’audience. Il s’agit le plus souvent de la pénétration moyenne. Elle est mesurée pour la presse sur plusieurs numéros et non sur un numéro précis.

4 Nom : RANAIVO RABEHAJA Prénom : Heidi Harivelo Email: [email protected]

XPERIENCES PROFESSIONNELLES E 2007 Stage de Chef de projet en Formation Ouverte et A Distance (FOAD) InATA, CISCO Networking Academy (MG) Mise en ligne des formations TIC : conception, réalisation, expérimentation et mise en ligne d’un dispositif de FOAD.

2007 Webdocumentaliste INGEDATA (MG) Recherche d’informations sur Internet et référencement de sites.

2000 - 2002 Assistante Generis Informatique (MG ) -travaux de secrétariat (gestion de la communication interne et externe, classement, traitement de dossiers administratifs) -recherche d’informations sur Internet (bases de données, e- commerce, veille informationnelle) -travaux de traduction (français – anglais, anglais – français, malagasy – anglais, anglais – malagasy) .

DIPLOMES 2007 Master professionnel en Applications Informatiques, Gestion, Etudes, Multimédia, E-formation : M2 à distance en Ingénierie de la Formation à Distance (IFD) Télé 3, Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3.

2006 Maîtrise en Sociolinguistique The discourse around the presidential campaigns of Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana as seen in Midi Madagasikara (2001) Département d’Etudes Anglophones, Université d’Antananarivo.

2000 Certificat d’Assistant Administratif Institut Supérieur de la Communication, des Affaires et du

1 Management (ISCAM), Antananarivo.

1999 Licence ès-lettres anglaises Département d’Etudes Anglophones, Université d’Antananarivo.

1994 Baccalauréat (A2) Collège Saint François Xavier, Antananarivo.

ANGUES L Malagasy : Langue maternelle Français : Niveau C1 (Cadre européen commun des références) Anglais : Score de TOEFL 557/677.

ONNAISSANCES INFORMATIQUES C Utilisateur de Linux et Windows Maîtrise des navigateurs Internet, Open Office, Microsoft office Connaissance en création de sites web, programmation Notion en Photoshop, Adobe 1 ère Plateformes d’expérimentation : Ganesha, Hot potatoes, Moodle, WebCT.

CTIVITES A Animateur de forums, jeux stratégiques, natation.