11 GLOBAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL 8, NO. 1&2, 2009: 11-18 COPYRIGHT© BACHUDO SCIENCE CO. LTD PRINTED IN NIGERIA. ISSN 1596-6232 www.globaljournalseries.com ; [email protected] REPRESENTATION WITHOUT PARTICIPATION: AN OVERVIEW OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN ILORIN DIVISION, NIGERIA, 1947 – 1954.
C. O. O. AGBOOLA (Received 25, May 2009; Revision Accepted 21, June 2010)
ABSTRACT
The world over, one of the major phases in the evolution of a modern civilized system of government is the representational phase. Implicit in that concept is the objective of participation, by the generality of the people, in their administration through their representatives who, more often than not, are chosen through one form of election or another. In the course of nurturing its colonial dependencies in tropical Africa, as elsewhere, on the path to modern governmental system, the British government introduced and operated representative government in the dependencies. This study has taken a critical look at the process of representative government as it was introduced and operated at the level of Ilorin Division of Northern Nigeria between 1947 and 1954.
KEY WORDS: Representation, Participation, Emirates, Reforms, Agitation
INTRODUCTION nineteenth century. The peculiar political Throughout the nineteenth century, the circumstances which had led to the inevitable military preoccupation of the authorities establishment of Ilorin Emirate had, however, of Ilorin Emirate made it impossible for them to precluded the possibility of such assimilation exercise effective control over their conquered between the Fulani rulers of Ilorin Emirate and subjects in the southern areas of the emirate. their subjects ( Nigerian National Archives, These conquered subjects comprised the Kaduna, NNAK, 1952; Hermon Hodge, 1929; Igbomina, Ekiti and Ibolo speaking Yoruba Hogben and Kirk Greene, 1966). The result was dialectal sub groups. Beyond exacting tributes that the Fulani rulers and their Yoruba subjects and military contingents from the people, they remained by and large culturally distinct entities were left by and large to continue running their at the beginning of British colonial rule in the affairs as during the pre conquest and pre emirate during the early twentieth century. That emirate days. The pre colonial situation in Ilorin situation was to greatly affect the issue of Emirate was however similar, in some respects, representation and participation in local and dissimilar in other respects, to what obtained government within the emirate during British in most emirates of the then northern Nigerian colonial rule, unlike what was the case in most region. For instance, like the Fulani dynasties in other emirates. That was to be more so because most other emirates, the Fulani Emirs of Ilorin in the classic Hausa Fulani emirates, social ruled an ethnically distinct majority, in this case, a organization was arranged in horizontal Yoruba ethnic majority (Dudley, 1968; Whitaker, stratification according to class and resultant 1970). In those other emirates, however, the rank, with the Emirs as absolute monarchs, minority Fulani dynasties had assimilated whereas in Yoruba culture, social organization themselves culturally and linguistically with their was more of vertical segmentation based on demographically predominant conquered kinship ties, and with the king ruling as a limited subjects. That assimilation had been achieved monarch through some democratic and through a substantial period of peaceful Fulani representative institutions (Sklar, 1963; Ellis, co existence with the people ever before they 1976; Munoz, 1977; Fadipe, 1978; Atanda, conquered them during the Fulani Jihad of early 1980).
C.O.O. Agboola , Department of History and International Studies, Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo state. Nigeria.
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With respect to the issue of cum the areas to the north of the emirate. Those representation, “representative government”, two areas were inhabited by, in addition to some broadly speaking, is a system of government Yoruba–speaking people, a substantial Hausa whereby major legislative and executive Fulani culture group who were predominantly decisions are deliberated upon and taken by a Muslims. As such, these people shared the racial group of people who are supposed to represent and cultural characteristics of the emirate ruling the society at large. The basic objective of elite who were Hausa Fulani and Muslims. representative government the world over has Furthermore, those northern areas were always been to ensure participation in incorporated into the emirate during the government by the people or the governed. The nineteenth century through peaceful means, such degree of participation however often varies as through immigration and settlement there of according to the nature and scope of Yoruba and Hausa Fulani people from Ilorin. As representation, while representation and such, the northern areas together with Ilorin participation are invariably best achieved through constituted the metropolitan section of the one form of election or another. As was the case emirate. In contrast to that were the Igbomina, initially in the other emirates of Northern Nigeria, Ekiti, and Ibolo dialectal sub groups of the British colonial administration in Ilorin Emirate Yoruba culture group, who were basically precluded representativeness of the local adherents of African traditional religions, in the government. That was because the southern areas of the emirate. These people had administration greatly enhanced and been incorporated into the emirate between the strengthened the pre colonial authoritarian 1830s – 1850s through conquest. As conquered powers of the Emirs through instituting the Native subjects, they constituted the non metropolitan Authority (N.A.) system of local government. The peoples of the emirate. (Yahaya, 1980). people of the southern districts of Ilorin Emirate After its conquest of the emirate in 1900, therefore engaged in a prolonged agitation for the British government took steps to establish its participation in their local government. Owing to direct colonial control over the emirate just as it that and some extraneous post World War II was busy doing in other parts of the Nigerian factors, the British colonial government region. The colonial government designated the introduced some reforms, between the late 1940s emirate as “Ilorin Division” or “Ilorin Native and mid 1950s, into local government Authority” with a view to having a uniform administration in Ilorin Emirate and indeed in the nomenclature with local government units in entire Northern Region. That was apparently with other parts of colonial Nigeria. In line with its a view to making the administration colonial local government policy of indirect rule in representative and therefore participatory, as the emirates of Northern Nigeria, the government desired by the agitating people. This study takes built its local government system in Ilorin Division a critical look at the developments which led to on the pre existing emirate system of government those reforms; the theoretical stipulations of the whereby the Emir was, theoretically, the political, reforms; and the practical implications of their judicial, fiscal, and spiritual head of the emirate. application, with respect to the issue of Towards that end, the Emir of Ilorin was participatory representation in governance. The constituted into the Sole Native Authority for the choice of Ilorin Division for this study is Division, thus making him the sole indigenous particularly appropriate in view of the fact that agent of colonial local government in the Division. since the pre colonial period, Ilorin Emirate To enable him effectively perform that role, the (tagged “Ilorin Division” or “Ilorin N.A.” by the colonial government vested the Emir with wide colonial government) had, unlike most other ranging political, fiscal, legislative and executive emirates, harboured so much inflammatory powers over all the people and other traditional political material that it had earned the rulers in the Division (Lugard, 1970). That was appellation of the “soft underbelly” of the Fulani done through a series of Proclamations and Emirates of the Nigerian region (Whitaker, 1970). Ordinances, such as the Native Courts Proclamation, 1900; Native Revenue THE DEVELOPMENTS WHICH LED TO THE Proclamation, 1904; and Native Authority Police REFORMS Proclamation, 1907. The government also The pre colonial Ilorin Emirate consisted established some machineries within which the of two broad politico cultural sections. These Emir was to perform his functions and exercise were Ilorin (the headquarters of the emirate) his powers. Chief among the machineries was
REPRESENTATION WITHOUT PARTICIPAT ION 13 the Ilorin Native Authority Council (also called therefore engaged in a vigorous agitation against “Emir’s Council”) which had the Emir as its the authoritarian nature of the Council and the Chairman. When the Council was initially near exclusiveness of its membership to the constituted during the first decade of the Hausa Fulani sarauta (notables or title holders) in twentieth century, it comprised essentially the Ilorin metropolis, and demanded that they should Emir and the four Balogun (that is, pre colonial be allowed participation in the divisional war lords) in Ilorin. It was that Council, which did administration. Owing to the same factor, the not contain any representative of the non people later embarked on a dual agitation for metropolitan southern districts (with a population administrative separation from the Northern almost half that of the entire Division) which was Protectorate and a merger with the Southern responsible for all legislative and executive Protectorate instead (Dudley, 1968; Whitaker, matters concerning the administration of the 1970). According to Sir John Macpherson during Division on behalf of the colonial government. his Governor–Generalship of Nigeria, those The first modification to that counciliar agitations arose “from dissatisfaction with the composition was made in 1913 as an aftermath Native Authority pattern of local government in of widespread protest and civil disorder in and that area and with the place in it of dissatisfied around Ilorin metropolis in that year. The parties.”(NNAK, 1952). Similarly, the Minorities disturbances were caused partly by an increase Commission which was subsequently appointed in taxes payable and partly by restiveness of the by the government admitted in its Report that one pre colonial, pre emirate Yoruba focus of power of the major reasons for the separatist agitation in metropolitan Ilorin, that is, the Afonja House. was the perception, and rightly too, of the people After colonial troops had been called in to quell of the southern districts, that the system of local the disturbances, the government decided to government in the Division was undemocratic, allow the Ilorin Yoruba Afonja House some unrepresentative, and therefore non participatory representation on the N.A. Council. The (NNAK, 1952). membership of the Council was therefore In pursuing that separatist aspiration, the expanded to include two appointed people had employed both passive and active representatives of the Afonja House namely, the resistance strategies such as migration, riots, and Mogaji Aare and Baba Isale Chieftaincy holders, the writing of petitions and memoranda to the on a permanent basis to ensure stability of the colonial authorities. The political discontent in the divisional administration. Owing to similar political southern districts, it must be noted, was disturbances as above in 1937, the Council was reinforced by the cultural factor. The people in further enlarged to ten members. Since the three the southern districts, unlike the Hausa Fulani additional members were once more drawn from political elite in the metropolis of the Division, metropolitan Ilorin, it meant that the non belonged to the Yoruba culture group among metropolitan southern districts were still excluded whom, as earlier discussed, a considerable from representation on the N.A. Council and, measure of representativeness and democracy therefore, from participation in the divisional had been the norm in their indigenous, pre administration. colonial system of government. Out of The political situation in those southern resentment with the N.A. system, therefore, the districts all that while next deserves a brief people demanded that they should be granted examination at this juncture. Right from the either participation in the divisional administration inception of colonial administrative grouping in or else administrative separation from the Nigeria in 1900 – 1901, the people of the Division. In the event of the latter alternative, they southern districts of Ilorin Division had objected, requested for either administrative autonomy on cultural grounds, to their having been grouped within Northern Nigeria or merger with the with the predominantly Hausa Fulani culture Yoruba dominated Western Region of Southern group in the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria Nigeria where colonial local government bodies while the mainstream of their Yoruba– speaking had already been reformed along elective kith and kin had been grouped within the principles (Ikime, 1984). The separatist agitation Protectorate of Southern Nigeria. The objection in Ilorin Division which was engendered by and resentment of the people naturally increased resentment against the N.A. system differed from when the unrepresentative machinery of local similar separatist agitations against the system in government in Ilorin Division, the N.A. Council, other parts of colonial Northern Nigeria, such as was subsequently put in place. The people among the Tiv and Kilba of Plateau Province and
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Adamawa area respectively, in the sense that the the United States could not possibly make that agitation in Ilorin Division escalated into a much desired in road into those colonies. As a demand for a merger with another Region of the result of these and other factors, the United country. It was against the background of the States adopted a strongly anti colonial stance virulence of that agitation that the colonial after the World War II. It engaged in a virile and government resolved to undertake a reform of the sustained criticism of colonialism and began, for local government system in Ilorin Division. instance, to pressurize Britain to de imperialize in its colonies. Consequent upon the foregoing THE REFORMED LOCAL GOVERNMENT developments, the major colonial powers SYSTEM globally, viz, Britain and France, had to adopt the As from the latter 1940s, considerable principle of self determination in their colonies reforms were undertaken in local government after the World War II. To the international administration throughout British dependencies. challenge and pressure must be added the That change of gear was due to a combination of impact of the ascendancy in British politics of the factors, particularly the World War II . That war Labour Party, which was willing to confer self had far reaching consequences which drastically government on its colonies in the nearest future. hastened the demise of colonialism globally. The right to self determination had to be There were two of those consequences which prosecuted at at least two levels namely, the were the most salient to the thrust of this study. central and local government levels. One was the mentally liberating impact of war The following reforms in local time experiences and propaganda on the colonial government administration in Ilorin Division of subjects. Particularly noteworthy in this respect Northern Nigeria, which have been critically was the third Clause of the Atlantic Charter by analyzed in this study, should be seen in the light Prime Minister Winston Churchill of Britain while of the foregoing international developments with explaining to the world why the Allied Forces respect to the principle of self determination. In were fighting the war against the Axis Forces. setting the stage for the requisite reforms in its That Clause centred on “ “. . . the right of all African colonies, the then British Secretary of peoples to choose the form of government under State for the Colonies, Mr. (later Sir) Arthur which they will live . . .” ” (COLEMAN, 1960). Creech Jones, had issued in 1947 his now That Clause had gone a long way in whetting the famous Despatch to colonial Governors appetite of the colonial subjects about their being throughout British Africa. In it, he stated, for the granted the right to self determination if the Allies first time, the intention of the British government won the war. The subsequent qualifications to to fashion a democratic and representative local that Clause (to make its provisions exclude government system in its African colonies. colonial subjects) after the Allies had won the war Accordingly, general directives about reforms and the often repeated “no liquidation of the were despatched to the British officials in all the British Empire” remark by Sir Winston Churchill African colonies, Nigeria inclusive. It was in merely served to intensify nationalist sentiment response to those directives that reforms were among colonial subjects. undertaken, between 1947 1954, in the local The second salient consequence was the government system in Ilorin Division. The first strongly anti colonial stance of the United States step towards the reform of the Ilorin N.A. Council of America, a member of the Allies whose military was taken by the government in 1947. Its support had been decisive in effecting the victory membership was increased to twenty seven and, of the Allied Forces in the World War II. Owing by more significantly, representatives of the and large to its historical antecedents, the United southern districts were now included, for the first States was very much anti colonialism. Apart time. In that respect, the 1947 reforms from the bitter memories of its colonial past, there represented a marked departure from the existing was also the need for the United States, which local government system. Initially, the southern had undoubtedly become a force to reckon with districts were allowed a total of eight nominated in the global political arena, to establish a firm members, which was subsequently increased to footing and presence, ideologically and ten within six months. Those representatives otherwise, in the colonial continents of the world. however got to the Council through nomination For as long as those continents remained, by the Emir, and subject to the approval of the however, under European colonialism with its Resident for Ilorin Division. The Emir, naturally, protectionist imperial policies in every facet of life, nominated only members of the traditional elite in
REPRESENTATION WITHOUT PARTICIPAT ION 15 the southern districts who were his “yes men”. As three groups worked on the latest reforms. They such, that apparently welcome development in included Messrs J.R. Bird and J.A. Clewley, both the reforms did not lead to any meaningful Assistant District Officers, who did preliminary participation in the divisional administration by investigative work and submitted their Reports the people of the southern districts. and Recommendations on the Igbomina and Ekiti The 1947 development was carried a respectively. Their work was climaxed by that of step further in the December 1951 reforms the more well known Michie Committee, which whereby the membership of the Council was included the Ibolo and was more comprehensive. increased to thirty. The noteworthy point now was The colonial government set up, late in 1953, a the introduction, at last, of the elective principle six man Local Government Reform Committee, into representation on the N.A. Council. Of the headed by Mr. C.W. Michie, the Senior District thirty members, the southern districts were Officer for Ilorin Division. Among the other allocated fifteen ten of whom were nominated members were three hand picked and five “elected”. The five were “elected” representatives – all traditional rulers, to through indirect election using the subordinate represent the southern districts on the Committee Village and District Councils as Electoral (NNAK, 1954). The Committee was set up, Colleges. Those Subordinate Councils were according to the government, mainly in the composed wholly of traditional members. The expectation that the resultant reforms would result was that those who emerged as “elected” satisfy the desire of the people of the southern members were all traditional members, such as districts “ for a measure of expression and district heads and Native Court members who direct control over their affairs and will forestall had, as it were, nominated one another separatist tendencies which endanger the (Whitaker, 1970). Such a prevalence of members present structure of the Emirate. ”(NNAK 1949 & of the traditional elite among the “elected” NNAK, 1954). members of the governing bodies at the local The Committee conducted investigations, government and regional levels, it must be inter alia , as to what form of local government the remarked, was a common feature throughout people wanted at both their local (district) and Northern Nigeria primarily because the society Ilorin divisional levels. In the course of its was a highly status differentiated one. For extensive investigations, the Committee held instance, out of the ninety members who were meetings at the headquarters of most of the elected in 1951 into the Northern Regional House Village and Ward Areas in the southern districts. of Assembly, “18.7% were sons, brothers, The meetings were well publicized by the cousins and nephews of ruling Emirs, 30% were government. They were therefore well attended district heads, 26% were District Alkalis (District by the people, for instance, by up to 90 per cent Judges), 6% were Chief Alkalis ”(Dudley, 1968). of the resident able bodied adult male population Even in 1952 when the Ilorin N.A. Council at the time of the visit in some cases (NNAK, membership was increased to thirty four “elected” 1954). From the views expressed by the people, and fourteen nominated (that is, an “elected” the Committee arrived at the conclusion that what majority), the basic principle used for the election the people wanted were local government bodies was still the same as before. As such, the result with elected majorities. The people were of remained unchanged an array of traditional course considerably influenced in their views by members rather than progressive Western developments in adjacent Yoruba speaking areas educated elite. The effect was that the meetings of Western Region where the Western Region and decisions of the Council continued to be Local Government Law of 1952 had introduced conducted as hitherto, that is, with the members Local Government Councils with three quarters of serving by and large as mere rubber stamps to their membership being elected. The Committee the wishes and decisions of the Emir of Ilorin. submitted its Report and Recommendations by Thus, in spite of the introduction of the mid 1954. elective principle into the representation of the Only the two major results of the reforms people of the southern districts on the N.A. which are relevant to the focus of this study will Council, the people were still far from being be touched upon here. Village Group and Central effectively involved in participation in the or Area Councils were set up in the southern divisional administration, hence their agitation districts as umbrella bodies supposedly in charge persisted. The government responded further of administration at their grassroots level, and to with a spate of reforms in the system. Altogether, serve as a link between the people and the N.A.
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Council. Unlike most N. As. in Northern Nigeria at of the southern districts on the N.A. Council that time, the two bodies had “elected” majorities. continued to serve mainly as rubber stamps to, Election was indirect, using subordinate Councils and not participants in, the decisions taken during as Electoral Colleges. Interestingly, however, the Council meetings. In essence, then, in spite of Village Group and Central Councils were neither the elective representation of the people of the given any executive powers, statutorily, in the southern districts on the N.A. Council, the people reforms, nor could they initiate policies even on still had hardly any meaningful participation or issues pertaining to their levels. For that, they say in the administration of the Division. The real had to depend on the initiative of the Ilorin N.A. legislative and executive power in the Division Council. They were merely delegated some still lay with the Hausa Fulani elite in Ilorin administrative, judicial, and advisory functions by metropolis, the “inner caucus”, as it were, whose the N.A. Council. Their relationship with that monopoly of the Council persisted in spite of the Council, which must similarly be at the initiative of latest spate of reforms. That “inner caucus” of the Council, was purely advisory. Moreover, the Councillors (including the Emir, of course) mode of election had ensured that it was the constituted, informally, what was termed the traditional members who got “elected” onto the “majalisar dare” meaning “Council of the night :, Village Group and Central Councils. In other who conducted their deliberations and took words, the reforms in Ilorin Division, as was the crucial decisions at informal meetings outside the case with contemporaneous reforms in other regular Council meetings and merely confronted parts of Northern Nigeria, fell short of meaningful the official and larger body with the fait accompli participatory local government. to be rubber stamped (Whitaker, 1970). Secondly, the people of the southern Moreover, the reforms were supposed, according districts were allowed to “elect” some to the Northern Regional Native Authority Law of representatives, still by indirect election via their 1954, to reform the N.A. system through a Village Group Councils, to the N.A. Council. That reduction of the authoritarianism of the Emirs by was in contrast to the 1952 development in the changing their status from Sole N. As. to either Western Region where election into the N.A. Chiefs in Council or Chiefs and Council, with the Councils had become by universal adult suffrage. former being statutorily more powerful than the The basis of that representation into the Ilorin latter having veto power over the Council. In N.A. Council was one representative per every actual practice, however, it was very difficult, due two thousand tax payers. Applying that formula, to the sociological impact of Islam on obedience the southern districts had a total of nineteen to constituted authority, to discern any difference representatives – again virtually all traditional between the two types (Orewa & Adewumi, elite – on the forty nine member N.A. Council 1983). It can thus be concluded that the latest (NNAK, 1954). Three traditional rulers, the reforms were no more than mere window Olomu of Omu Aran, Oloro of Afin Oro both dressing. The factors which were responsible for Igbomina, and Owal’Obo of Obo Aiyegunle, from that state of affairs were not far fetched. among the Ekiti, were later added to the Council In deciding to undertake the reforms, the through indirect election. The foregoing were colonial government found itself in a fix. It desired welcome developments, since they gave the to introduce reforms which would “ give the people of the southern districts an unprecedented people a type of administration more like that of degree of “elective” representation on the N.A. the Western Provinces (of Nigeria) and one in Council. For a full understanding of the practical which they themselves play a greater part ” implications of those developments, however, a (NNAK, 1951).That was with a view to stemming closer and critical look is called for. the tide of their separatist agitation for a By the powers vested in the Emir, the regrouping with the then Western Provinces. The traditional political elite in the southern districts government was however simultaneously held their positions at his pleasure. There was preoccupied with ensuring that the resultant therefore a serious limit to which they could reforms should “ strengthen rather than weaken effectively pursue the interests of their people, the Native Authority”, and, in essence, the Emir which invariably ran counter to those of the Emir, (NNAK, 1954). Surely, such conflicting on the N.A. Council. Secondly, at that time, the preoccupations could not have produced a traditional elite were generally conservative, a genuinely representative and participatory local fact which the colonial government itself admitted government system as desired by the agitating (NNAK, 1954). Consequently, the representatives people of the southern districts. That basic
REPRESENTATION WITHOUT PARTICIPAT ION 17 contradiction in objectives was in fact however, the reforms turned out to be ineffective symptomatic of an inherent contradiction in the and therefore counter productive as they failed to views of principal officials at the Colonial Office in either give the people any meaningful London, such as Lord Hailey, who favoured participation in the divisional administration or modernization and democratization, and field stem the tide of their separatist agitation. colonial officials in Northern Nigeria, who clung to a protective attitude to the status quo in the emirates. Invariably, the field officers, being REFERENCES closer to the grassroots, saw their way through. Furthermore, to have allowed the non Atanda, J.A., 1980. An Introduction to Yoruba metropolitan people of the southern districts History. (Ibadan: University Press), effective or meaningful representation and pp.19 23. participation in running the affairs of the Division was considered by the field officers as being Coleman, J.S., 1960. Nigeria: Background to tantamount to weakening the authority of the N.A. Nationalism. (Los Angeles: University of in its collaborative role with the colonial California Press), p.231. authorities as exploiters of the people. Such a development was certainly unwelcome to the Dudley, B.J., 1968. Parties and Politics in field colonial officials; hence they ensured that Northern Nigeria. (London: Frank Cass), the practical implementation of the reforms did passim. not lead to that. As for the overall impact of the reforms Ellis, A.B., 1974. The Yoruba Speaking Peoples on the people of the southern districts, the of West Africa. (London: Curzon), 2 nd government did not succeed in fooling them with impre., pp.164 165. the half hearted reforms. The people rightly saw the reforms for what they were mere window Fadipe, N.A., 1978 repr. The Sociology of the dressing. As such, it can be concluded that the Yoruba. (Ibadan: University Press), pp. reforms were counter productive. That was in 198 221. view of the fact that the widespread publicity and investigations which preceded the reforms, as Hermon Hodge, H.B., 1929. Gazetteer of Ilorin earlier discussed, had whetted the appetite of the Province. (London: Allen & Unwin). people and given them high expectations from the proposed reforms. The disappointment which Hogben, S.J. & Kirk Greene, A.H.M., 1966. The ultimately resulted from dashing those initial Emirates of Northern Nigeria. expectations merely served to accentuate their (London:Oxford University Press). dissatisfaction with, and criticism of the N.A. system, and to intensify their separatist agitations Ikime, O. (ed.). 1980, 1984 repr. Groundwork of and activities, as is evident from archival records. Nigerian History. (Ibadan: Heinemann), p.401.
CONCLUSION Lugard, F., 1970 ed. Political Memoranda, 1913 Right from the beginning of British 1918. (London: Frank Cass), passim. colonial administration in Ilorin Division of Northern Nigeria, the non metropolitan people of Munoz, L.J., 1977. “Principles of Representation the southern districts of the Division had engaged in the Traditional Yoruba Kingdom.” in a virile and prolonged agitation against the Journal of the Historical Society of unrepresentative and undemocratic nature of Nigeria (JHSN), pp.15 35. local government administration in the Division. Some minor reforms were introduced into the Nigerian National Archives, Kaduna (NNAK), system between 1913 and 1937. Then, the 1949, ACC. 44. “Igbona Reorganisation, colonial government decided to forestall the 1949”; NNAK IlorProf PLT/34,Vol.I, “Ekiti, agitations by introducing, between 1947 1954, Reorganisation,1951”; NNAK IlorProf 53, some fundamental reforms. Those reforms “Local Government Reform in Ekiti allowed the people, for the first time, elective Area of Ilorin Emirate, 1954”; NNAK, representation on the N.A. Council. Ironically, Nigeria Gazette Extraordinary, No.46,
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Vol.39, 1952; NNAK Publication CE53, Similar geo cultural dichotomy to what existed in “Nigeria: Report of the Commission Ilorin Emirate was also to be found in Appointed to look into the Fears of some of the other emirate in Nigeria, Minorities and the Means of Allaying such as Zaria Emirate. them”. Sklar, R.L., 1963. Nigerian Political Parties: Orewa, G.O. and Adewumi, J.B, 1983. Local Power in an Emergent African Nation. Government in Nigeria: The Changing (London: NOK), p.350. Scene. (Benin City: (Ethiope Publishing Corporation), passim. Whitaker C.S. (Jr.), 1970. The Politics of Tradition: Continuity and Change in Resentment against the N.A. System bred similar Northern Nigeria, 1946 1966. (New separatist movements in other parts of Jersey: Princeton University Press), colonial Northern Nigeria, such as among passim. the Tiv of Plateau Province and the Kilba of Adamawa area. See Dudley, B.J., Yahaya, A.D., 1980. The Native Authority System 1968, op. cit. in Northern Nigeria, 1950 1970. (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press), passim.