Tracing the Teachings of Compassion (Karuṇā) in Early

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TRACING THE TEACHINGS OF COMPASSION (KARUṆĀ) IN EARLY

BUDDHISM: MAPPING THE SUTTAS AND THE RECIPIENTS OF THE

TEACHINGS

A Dissertation

Presented to

The Faculty of the Department of Religious Studies at

University of the West

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Margaret Meloni

Spring 2019

APPROVAL PAGE FOR GRADUATE

Approved and recommended for acceptance as a dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Religious Studies.

Margaret Meloni, Candidate

03/15/2019

Tracing the Teachings of Compassion (Karuṇā) in Early Buddhism: Mapping the Suttas and the Recipients of the Teachings

APPROVED:

Miroj Shakya, Chair 03/15/2019

Jane Iwamura, Committee Member 03/15/2019

Lewis Lancaster, Committee Member 03/15/2019

I hereby declare that this dissertation has not been submitted as an exercise for a degree at any other institution, and that it is entirely my own work.

Margaret Meloni

Acknowledgements

In the summer of 2009, I met with Dr. Kenneth Locke to learn more about the

Buddhist Studies program at the University of the West. The meeting quickly turned into one of my most embarrassing moments as I realized that my upset stomach was NOT nerves, it was the stomach flu. Three weeks later, I got my courage up, and kept my food down and came back. As he took me downstairs to show me around, and get me the appropriate paperwork, Dr. Locke talked about how much fun he would have teasing me in class about our first meeting. To my knowledge, he never told a soul.

I entered the program with the loving support of my parents, Dick and

Joanne Meloni, and my husband, Ed Maurer. Now, all are gone. And as I navigated their deaths, and the grieving process, my classmates at the University of the West, helped to keep me going.

A special thank you to my advisory committee – Dr. Jane Iwamura, Dr. Lewis

Lancaster, and Dr. Miroj Shakya. I came to you with this untraditional idea, and I know that there were times when I was not able to fully comvey what I was trying to accomplish. Some study involving compassion, and people and locations and mapping.

But, you let me dive in, and create a database, and analyze the results, and thanks to your expertise and guidance, everything came together.

Abstract

Tracing the Teachings of Compassion (Karuṇā) in Early Buddhism:

Mapping the Suttas and the Recipients of the Teachings

By Margaret Meloni

As Buddhism spread and different schools emerged, karuṇā (compassion) became of critical importance to what would become known as the Mahāyāna school of

Buddhism. What is not known definitively is how the early teachings led to this emphasis. By examining the Pāli Canon (the Sutta Piṭaka, and the Abhidhamma Piṭaka) for references to karuṇā, this dissertation examines the theme of compassion in early

Buddhism, and, its forms of expression, as well as, key recipients and locations of the teachings through a novel use of data collection and analysis. As such, the project advances our understanding of the spread of early Buddhism and more specifically our understanding of the teachings on karuṇā.

Many studies of early Buddhism are based on the life story and travels of the

Gautama Buddha. This is a study of early Buddhism that is based on the travel of those who may be considered incidental figures: the recipients of his teachings. This focus on the recipients of the Buddha’s teachings will contribute to a better understanding of the type of networks that were in place during the time and how information and ideas travelled along these networks. Analysis of the key people who heard these teachings, the relationships between them, and their other travels will tell a story of distribution of the

Buddha’s crucial teaching on karuṇā.

iii

This dissertation takes a systematic approach by documenting which suttas reference karuṇā, with special attention to the names of those who heard the suttas.

Demographic and genealogical data are recorded for these recipients, and maps are constructed that details their place of origin and subsequent travels. Analysis and discussion of theses, maps, will provide a more robust understanding of the spread of early Buddhism and specifically point to key figures and locations previously deemphasized in traditional accounts. The study also provides a baseline against which similar data in relation to later teachings on karuṇā can be compared.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ...... ii

Abstract ...... iii

Illustrations ...... vii

Abbreviations ...... x

Chapter 1: Introduction and Approach ...... 1

1.1 Introduction ...... 1

1.2 The Nature of Compassion ...... 5

1.3 Methodological Approach ...... 9

1.5 Conclusion ...... 39

Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data ...... 41

2.1 Introduction ...... 41

2.2 High Level Presentation of the Data ...... 46

2.3 Statistical Analysis of the Data ...... 71

2.4 Conclusion ...... 74

Chapter 3: The Role of Compassion in the Pāli Canon ...... 76

3.1 Introduction ...... 76

3.2 Anukampā: One Word Multiple Meanings ...... 79

3.3 The Assumptions around Compassion ...... 88

3.4 Compassion and the Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana ...... 103

3.5 Compassion and the Teachings on Liberation ...... 105

3.6 Compassion and the Dhammapada ...... 109

3.7 Conclusion ...... 112

Chapter 4: Important Individuals to Early Buddhism and Compassion ...... 120

4.1 Introduction ...... 120

4.2 Biographies of Key Individuals ...... 121

4.3 Exclusions ...... 144

5.1 Introduction ...... 157

5.2 Important Geographic Locations and their Significance ...... 163

5.3 Exclusions ...... 187

5.4 Conclusion ...... 189

Chapter 6: Conclusion ...... 194

Bibliography ...... 204

Appendix A: Translation Resources ...... 215

Illustrations

Figures

1-1 Screen print of data as it appears in the BUDSIR software program 13

1-2 Sample of a row of data from the Master Table 14

1-3 Screen print of image used for data capture 25

1-4 Excerpt of a row of data from the Master Table 26

2-1 Mapping: Trade routes, travels, teachings and social networks 42

2-2 Common words describing compassion 47

2-3 Breakdown of categories of compassion teachings 49

2-4 Compassion as the primary versus secondary reason for the teaching 50

2-5 Locations where compassion was taught and occurrences in the data 53

2-6 Map where the Buddha visited and where compassion was taught 54

2-7 Locations where compassion was taught and number of occurrences 55

2-8 Heat map of locations 57

2-9 Individuals involved in teachings on compassion, ordered by frequency 60

2-10 King Pasenadi and his immediate social connections 62

2-11 Ānanda and his immediate social connections 63

2-12 Six key individuals, and their immediate social connections 66

2-13 Sakka and his immediate social connections 68

2-14 Devadatta and his immediate social connections 69

2-15 Distribution of teaching on compassion across the Piṭaka 71

2-16 Distribution of teaching on compassion across the Nikayas 72

vii

3-1 How Anukampā shows up in the master table 86

3-2 Categories of compassion distributed by role 98

4-1 Sāriputta and his primary relationships 122

4-2 King Bimbisāra and his primary relationships 143

4-3 Sāriputta, King Bimbisāra, Anāthapindika, and Ānanda - relationships 148

4-4 A crossroads view of the primary relationships 151

4-5 A bridge view of the primary relationships 152

4-6 A shortcut view of the primary relationships 154

5-1 Mapping: Important geographic locations and their significance 163

5-2 Mathurā trade route intersection 165

5-3 Common river crossing location on the Ganges 166

5-4 Ujjain the stop before the port at Bharuch 167

5-5 Kosambi on the river 169

5-6 Taxila on the Trans-Iranian route 172

5-7 Kosambi as a staging area 177

5-8 Sāvatthi, a trategic point on the trade routes 182

5-9 Rājagaha at the base of the hills 184

5-10 The route taken by Bāvari’s disciples 190

Tables

1-1 Master Table layout 15

1-2 Individual Relationships tables 19

1-3 Individual Locations tables 19

viii

1-4 India route mapping 23

5-1 The distribution of the Buddha’s relics, as described in DN 16.6.24:27 158

5-2 Locations, trade routes, teachings, and people 191

Abbreviations

These are the abbreviations used for the Pāli Buddhist Texts quoted throughout this report.

Dhp Dhammapada

Sn Sutta Nipāta

Chapter 1: Introduction and Approach

1.1 Introduction

As Buddhism spread and different schools emerged, karuṇā became of critical importance to what would become known as the Mahāyāna. What is not known definitively is how the early teachings led to this emphasis. By examining the Pāli Canon

(the Sutta Piṭaka, and the Abhidhamma Piṭaka), for references to karuṇā or anukampa, this dissertation examines the theme of compassion in early Buddhism – how it was expressed and who received the teachings – in order to advance our understanding of the spread of early Buddhism and more specifically our understanding of the teachings on compassion. This dissertation shows that compassion is not the primary teaching of the

Pāli Canon, and yet compassion is the reason the teachings exist. The teachings on compassion can be sorted into categories. Specific individuals - monks, merchants and kings played a critical role in the spread of early Buddhism and the teachings on compassion, these individuals are revealed here, as are the geographic locations that served as strategic hubs where ideas were shared, contributing to the spread of early

Buddhism.

Many studies of early Buddhism are based on the life story and travels of the

Gautama Buddha, (c. 563/480 – c. 483/400 BCE). This study of early Buddhism is based on following the travels of those who may be considered incidental figures, the recipients of his teachings. A focus on the Buddha’s teachings on karuṇā and anukampa, and the recipients of the teachings, and the relationships between these individual - where they travelled and whom they knew - will contribute to a better understanding of the type of

networks that were in place during the time of the Buddha and how information and ideas traveled along these networks.

Consider Rājagaha: the Buddha is said to have passed approximately five rains retreats in this area.1 Located at the intersection of multiple trade routes, it was a perfect location for the spread of ideas and information in various directions. Religious teachers came to the location and engaged in debate. Through these discussions and debates the

Buddha gained many followers, not the least of who was King Bimbisāra.2 In Rājagaha,

King Bimbisāra made a gift of the Bamboo Wood or Bamboo Grove to the Buddha.3

This is considered by many to be where the Buddha’s first monastery is located.4

The highest hill in the area surrounding Rājagaha is Vulture’s Peak. This peak is cited as the location for many important events in early Buddhism. It is Vulture’s Peak where the Buddha spent concentrated time teaching his early disciples, where Devadatta attempted to have the Buddha killed, and where Sāriputta became an arhant.5 The history of the spread of early Buddhism relies on information about the travels of the

Buddha and the accounts of his encounters with benefactors, disciples or adversaries along the way as recorded in the Sutta Piṭaka. After the Buddha died his teachings spread as his disciples traveled and, as trade routes grew and due to royal patronage. The earliest

Buddhist monks were forbidden from picking fruit or digging up roots. They were

1 Anandajoti Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 2013, 18–19, https://www.ancient-buddhist-texts.net/Maps/Maps-of-Buddhist-Asia.pdf. 2 Nalinaksha Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools (New Delhi: Rajesh Publications, 1980), 52. 3 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 18–19. 4 Edward Conze, Buddhist Wisdom: Containing the Diamond Sutra and the Heart Sutra (New York: Vintage Books, 2001), xvii. 5 Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 55. 2

required to beg for their food. This meant that they needed to dwell near urban centers.

As the population spread, Buddhist monasteries followed the growth pattern.6 Dynasties came and went. During the time of the Buddha, (5th to 4th century BCE), initially King

Bimbisāra controlled the region of Magadha. His son, Ajātasattu, expanded the empire, which grew even larger under the Sisunāgas and the ten Nanda Kings. The King and his son were followed by Candagutta who controlled most of India, but it was King

Bimbisā’s grandson, Aśoka, who grew the empire to its largest extent. Buddhism grew with the empire and then reached even farther destinations during the Asokan missions.7

The above account represents the spread of Buddhism according to traditional stories and sources. This dissertation takes a new approach to the study of the spread of early Buddhism, employing textual analysis, and information mapping, and social networking to develop a better understanding of the propagation of early Buddhist teachings. Of special interest are the individuals who were present when karuṇā or anukampa is discerned as part of the teaching. Understanding those individuals and identifying their family, friends, and associates will create a more accurate view of the type of networks that were in place during the time of the Buddha and how information and ideas traveled along documented networks.

A quick note about anuddayā . Why was anuddayā not included along with karuṇā or anukampa as a related term for compassion? Passages referencing anuddayā, most frequently partner it in conjunction with anukampa - where anukampa is compassion, and anuddayā is sympathy or pity. In fact, in the Concise Pali-English

6 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 55. 7 Ibid., 46. 3

Dictionary, anuddayā refers back to anukampā8, and anukampā is defined as compassion.9 AN 3.26 provides an example, “evarūpo, bhikkhave, puggalo na sevitabbo na bhajitabbo na payirupāsitabbo aññatra anuddayā aññatra anukampā.”10 “And what kind of person, -bhikkhus, is not to be associated with, followed, and served? Here, some person is inferior [to oneself] in virtuous behavior, concentration, and wisdom. Such a person is not to be associated with, followed, and served except out of sympathy and compassion.”11 Compassion vs. pity or sympathy are expressed as two different emotions. Hence, anuddayā is not a term that was tracked in this study.

Using one term, and multiple analytical approaches will show that the teaching of compassion is not a goal or primary focus of the early Buddhist teachings; and yet, the teachings would not exist without a compassionate Buddha, and compassionate disciples.

The Pāli Canon (the Sutta Piṭaka, and the Abhidhamma Piṭaka), consistently presents compassion using clear categories. These categories are presented in this work, as are the individuals, who together with the teachings and their actions, epitomize compassion in human form. Just as individuals are making valuable contributions to the theme of compassion and the spread of early Buddhism, locations serve as hubs for the flow of ideas.

8 Ambalaṅgoḍa Polvattē Buddhadatta, Concise Pāli-English Dictionary, 3rd ed. (1997), s.v. "Anuddayā.” 9 Buddhadatta, Concise Pāli-English Dictionary, s.v. “Anukampā.” 10 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows, version V, MS-Windows XP (Nakhon Pathom, Thailand: Mahidol University Computing Center, 2006). 11 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Aṅguttara Nikāya (Sommerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2012), 220. 4

1.2 The Nature of Compassion

The data collected in this shows more than four hundred instances of either karuṇā or anukampa or related compounds. Despite this, a concise definition of compassion in the Pāli Canon does not surface. In Compassion and Emptiness in Early

Buddhist Meditation, Bhikkhu Anālayo draws upon a simile from the Aņguttara Nikāya to show that compassion stems from wishing to see others free from suffering.

Suppose a sick, afflicted, gravely ill person was traveling along a highway, and the last village behind him and the next village ahead of him were both far away. He would not obtain suitable food and medicine or a qualified attendant; he would not get [to meet] the leader of the village district. Another man traveling along the highway might see him and arouse sheer compassion, sympathy, and tender concern for him, thinking: 'Oh, may this man obtain suitable food, suitable medicine, and a qualified attendant!12

Noticing the ill person traveling along the highway is not compassion; wishing that he is free from suffering is compassion. This passage serves to illustrate the cause of genuine compassion. The desire to free others from suffering provides the basis for moral conduct and leads to abstaining from uncompassionate behavior and encourages compassionate behavior.13 We can look to this passage from “Detachment and

Compassion in Early Buddhism,” by Elizabeth Harris for a sense of the importance of taking compassion from a mere wish to an impetus for moral actions:

The Cakkavatti Sīhanāda Suttam describes a state in which the king ignores his religious advisers and does not give wealth to the poor. Poverty becomes widespread and, in its wake, follow theft, murder, immorality in various forms, and communal breakdown. The culmination is a “sword period” in which men and women look upon one another as animals and cut one another with swords. In

12 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 776. 13 Analayo, Compassion and Emptiness in Early Buddhist Meditation (Windhorse Publications, 2015), 8–9. 5

this sutta, lack of compassion for the poor leads to the disintegration of society. Lack of social and economic justice leads to disaster. In contrast, the ideal Buddhist model for society, as deduced from the texts, would be one in which exploitation in any part of its structure is not tolerated. Such a society would be rooted in compassion. Compassion is its prerequisite.14

The Buddha expects that his monks will engage in compassionate behavior, and chastises them if they do not. Both Sāriputta and Ānanda are admonished by the Buddha when he finds them lacking: Sāriputta for not giving proper guidance to a group of new monks, and Ānanda for not defending Sāriputta when he was being verbally harassed by another.15

An individual cannot engage in compassionate behavior with a mind that is impure. The contemplative form of compassion brings about the liberation of the mind that is required to participate in moral conduct. There is a carefully orchestrated balance between purifying oneself and helping others. 16 The simile of the acrobats, each needing to maintain their balance to help the other illustrates this point. SN 47.19 the Sedaka

Suttaṃ tells of an acrobat and his apprentice. He invites his apprentice to climb up a bamboo pole and stand on his shoulders. The apprentice complies with this request. Next, the acrobat tells the apprentice, “You protect me, dear Medakathālikā, and I’ll protect you. Thus guarded by one another, protected by one another, we’ll display our skills, collect our fee, and get down safely from the bamboo pole.” Medakathālikā disagrees and says, “That’s not the way to do it, teacher. You protect yourself, teacher, and I’ll protect myself. Thus, each self-guarded and self-protected, we’ll display our skills, collect our

14 Elizabeth J. Harris, Detachment and Compassion in Early Buddhism (Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 1997), 9. 15 Analayo, Compassion and Emptiness in Early Buddhist Meditation, 14. 16 Ibid. 6

fee, and get down safely from the bamboo pole.” After telling this story, the Buddha goes on to say to the assembly that by the pursuit, development, and cultivation (of the four establishments of mindfulness), a monk protects himself, and therefore protects others.17

Meditating on compassion is how one keeps his or her inner balance, thus, being able to be morally responsible.18

A challenge surrounding compassion in early Buddhism is the perception of selfishness. In his essay, “Arahants, Buddhas and Bodhisattvas,” Bhikkhu Bodhi takes on the stereotype of the Theravādin Buddhist as concerned with his or her salvation, fearful of birth and death, and therefore unwilling to show compassion for others.19 The continued existence of the Buddha’s teachings is one of the best counter-arguments to the idea of the self-centered, uncompassionate monk concerned with only his liberation. The

Buddha’s disciples did not learn his secrets and then keep those secrets to themselves.

Sāriputta, Mahākaccāna, Moggallāna, and Ānanda, are all documented in the Pāli Canon as spreading the teachings and leading others to liberation. Sāriputta left behind several disciples who continued his work. Khemā and Dhammadinnā are two nuns recognized for spreading the Dhamma. An entire group of monks memorized the teachings and passed them along orally until finally those teachings were recorded in writing. All of them were following the Buddha’s command to “wander forth for the welfare of the multitude, for the happiness of the multitude, out of compassion for the world, for the

17 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Saṃyutta Nikāya ; Translated from the Pāli, The Teachings of the Buddha (Boston: Wisdom Publ, 2000), 1648. 18 Analayo, Compassion and Emptiness in Early Buddhist Meditation,19. 19 Bhikkhu Nyanatusita, ed., The Bodhisattva Ideal: Essays on the Emergence of Mahāyāna, (Kandy, Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society, 2013), 22. 7

good, welfare, and happiness of Devas and human beings.”20 There is no basis to the premise that early Buddhism promoted self-centered quests for liberation.

AN 4.95 and AN 4.98 both recognize that some people do practice only for themselves, while others practice for themselves and others. Four types of practicioners are listed: "Bhikkhus, there are these four kinds of persons found existing in the world. What four? (1) One who is practicing for his own welfare but not for the welfare of others; (2) one who is practicing for the welfare of others but not for his own welfare; (3) one who is practicing neither for his own welfare nor for the welfare of others; and (4) one who is practicing both for his own welfare and for the welfare of others.”21 The person who practices not for himself, and not for others is compared to a piece of wood that is not useful in either the village or the forest. The person who practices only for the good of others is better than the one who practices just for himself; the person who practices for himself, but not for the benefit of others is better than the first two; however; it is the person who practices for the benefit of himself, and others that is the superior individual.22

What about the monk who opts to dwell in the forest, engaging in solitary and silent meditation? On occasion, the Buddha would stay in seclusion. In the Bhayabherava suttam, compassion for future generations is a reason for his solitude. When the Buddha or one of his disciples chose seclusion, he was acting as a role model, an example for future generations. In SN 16.5 the Kassapasaṃyuttaṃ, the Buddha questions

Mahākassapa about his perceived benefits of being a forest dweller. Mahākassapa states:

20 Nyanatusita, The Bodhisattva Ideal, 23. 21 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 479. 22 Ibid., 476–77. 8

For myself I see a pleasant dwelling in this very life, and I have compassion for later generations thinking, ‘May those of later generations follow my example!’ For when they hear, ‘The enlightened disciples of the Buddha were for a long time forest dwellers and spoke in praise of forest-dwelling’…then they will practice accordingly, and that will lead to their welfare and happiness for a long time.23

The Buddha expresses his approval by saying, “Good, good, Kassapa! You are practicing for the welfare and happiness of the multitude, out of compassion for the world, for the good, welfare, and happiness of Devas and humans.”24 As long as the decision to live in solitude comes from a desire to benefit others, it is a form of compassionate teaching.25

Compassion in early Buddhism is not meant to be completely inner-focused. This is a misconception. Bhikkhu Anālayo states: “The meditative cultivation of compassion and compassionate activity through teaching and a secluded lifestyle reinforce each other.

Both are integral parts of a dynamic circle of compassion which benefits both oneself and others.”26 Compassion, as covered in this study, stems from the desire to free others from suffering, and is achieved through contemplation and action.

1.3 Methodological Approach

This dissertation relies on two primary methodological approaches: computational text analysis and information mapping. This represents a new approach to studying early

Buddhism and the Pāli Canon. A search of the Pāli Canon, as contained in the BUDSIR digital Pāli reader for the use of karuṇā, and anukampā served as the foundational form of textual analysis. The version of the Pāli Canon contained in the digital reader is the

23 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 667. 24 Ibid. 25 Analayo, Compassion and Emptiness in Early Buddhist Meditation, 16–17. 26 Ibid., 20. 9

Syāmraṭṭha edition.27 The types of searches conducted, most closely map to the “bag of words” approach.28 A digital reader is used to search the text for a specific word or words. No differentiation is made with regard to logical order or meaning. Next, the data collected using this approach was subjected to a form of topic-modeling. 29 Topics or categories were assigned to the data collected. While some computer programs can perform topic-modeling, in this instance the categories and topics were defined based on my own analysis of the data identified and the texts containing that data. This was an easy decision to make. The software utilized to identify and collect the data is very limited in nature, providing basic search functionality and no easy way to create data extracts. Additionally, I was unaware of software that would read and review the suttas and create categories that relate to specific themes of teachings on compassion.

When a teaching that cites karuṇā or anukampā is found, information about the place where teaching occurred and who was present during its presentation recorded.

This data collection served as the source for additional research on the individuals and places named in the texts. In turn, research on individuals and places led to the creation of maps constructed using Google fusion tables: geographical maps of the routes traversed by the recipient subjects and social network maps depicting the relationships between these subjects. In sum, this research begins with text mining using digital resources and uses visual representations to describe discoveries and conclusions.

27 Mahidol University Computing Center, User Manual: BUDSIR International Edition in Multi-Scripts, BUDSIR V for WIndows (Nakhon Pathom, Thailand: Mahidol University Computing Center, 2006), x. 28 “Tips for Computational Text Analysis,” Berkeley Social Science, January 26, 2016, http://matrix.berkeley.edu/research/tips-computational-text-analysis. 29 Ibid. 10

The idea to map early Buddhism based upon specific teachings, recipients of those teachings, their locations and their networks, emerged from participation in the

Atlas of Maritime Buddhism project.30 The information mapping methodology that is employed here draws heavily from the work of Lewis Lancaster and other members of the Electronic Cultural Atlas Initiative (ECAI) involved in the project. The goal of ECAI is to create a networked digital atlas by creating tools and setting standards to be used in the creation of dynamic, digital maps.31 This dissertation adds to the body of knowledge compiled by ECAI and demonstrates how geographic and social networks can be used to create a more robust digital atlas of Buddhism’s spread.

To understand how computational text analysis and information mapping was employed, it is helpful to outline in detail the various steps taken in the process:

Step 1: Search the suttas, Abhidhamma and Vinaya for passages containing the word karuṇā and compound words containing karuṇā and the word anukampā and compound words containing anukampā. Searches include commentaries and sub- commentaries as available in the selected primary source material, a digital Pāli reader.32

The Budsir V for Windows software created by the Mahidol University Computing

Center was the source used for finding the passages. Data gathering occurred between

March 2017 and May 2017.

30 Lewis R. Lancaster, “Maritime Dissemination of Buddhism” (2013). 31 “Electronic Cultural Atlas Initiative (ECAI) | Berkeley Institute for Data Science,” accessed December 26, 2016, https://bids.berkeley.edu/resources/labs-and- departments/electronic-cultural-atlas-initiative-ecai. 32 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 11

The digital Pāli reader allowed for searches using full words, and partial words with the use of a wildcard option.33 The reader uses the asterisk as the designated wildcard character. Based on the functionality of the digital Pāli reader, as documented in the corresponding manual User Manual: BUDSIR International Edition in Multi-Scripts,

BUDSIR V for Windows34, searches were conducted in this way:

I. Search for karuṇā

II. Search for karu*

III. Search for *karu*

IV. Search for anukampā

V. Search for anukam*

VI. Search for *anukam*

Each search noted above was conducted against the suttas, Abhidhamma and Vinaya.

When passages with words as identified in the above searches were found, an image of the source data was captured. Below is one such image:

33 Mahidol University Computing Center, User Manual: BUDSIR International Edition in Multi-Scripts, BUDSIR V for WIndows, 8–11. 34 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 12

Figure 1-1: Screen print of data as it appears in the BUDSIR software program35

Step 2: Verify that each word returned in the searches had compassion as its primary meaning. Review of the data returned when using wildcard searches made the need for this step evident. For example, using the wildcard search *karu* revealed 85 possible words. Each word on the list was translated. In many instances, the occurrence of *karu* was part of some other word, like karum which means effort or ekarupa which means a certain form. Words that had nothing to do with compassion were eliminated from the research data.

Step 3: Once the data from the digital Pāli reader was captured, the data was input into a Google Fusion Table that was created as a master table. Google Fusion Tables were used due to their flexibility in creating location maps and in creating other charts

35 Ibid. 13

and graphs that helped to illuminate the data.36 At this point in the research process information available included: the word identified; whether the passage came from a sutta, the Abhidhamma or the Vinaya; when applicable which Nikāya; the item, page and line number from the digital Pāli reader; the Pāli Text Society number and page notation; and the passage containing the reference to compassion. The image below is a sample depicting a row of data and some of the columns that describe the row. In this instance the word found was Karuṇā, and it was found in a sutta from the Samyutta Nikāya. The name and identifying information for the sutta is next, followed by the Pāli Text Society volume and paragraph numbers. The item, page, line, and paragraph numbers refer to the

BUDSIR identifiers. Next is an indicator as to whether or not an English translation exists. There is more data in the master table. This excerpt is merely to provide insight into the format of the tables.

Figure 1-2: Sample of a row of data from the Master Table

36 “About Fusion Tables - Fusion Tables Help,” Google Help, accessed April 11, 2019, https://support.google.com/fusiontables/answer/2571232?hl=en. 14

The following table lists all of the fields included in the master table.

Table 1-1: Master Table layout Field Name Description Comments ID Table ID A system generated record number. Word The word found which means As described in Section 1.2 compassion. Methodology. Piṭaka Which ‘basket’ did this come Drop down list with choices: from? Vinaya Sutta Abhidhamma Other Version Is this a root teaching, a Drop down list with choices: commentary or sub- Mula – root commentary. Atthakatha - commentary Tika – sub-commentary

Note: diacritics were not used in the table values. Nikāya Which Nikāya is it from? Drop down list with choices: Blank – for the Vinaya Aņguttara Digha Khuddaka Majjhima Saṃyutta

Note: diacritics were not used in the table values. Sutta #/Vol# Sutta and volume number from BUDSIR. Sutta Name Sutta name and number from Some of the numbering used in translation. BUDSIR was different than the numbering used in the translations. For example in BUDSIR there is: SN 5 2. bojjhaṅgasaṃyuttaṃ, 7. ānāpānavaggo Another way this is noted is: SN 46.63 karuṇāsuttaṃ. The Sutta#/Vol#field captures the former and this field captures the latter. Section # Pāli Text Society volume and paragraph numbers.

Field Name Description Comments Item # BUDSIR identifier Page BUDSIR identifier Line Number BUDSIR identifier Paragraph BUDSIR identifier Translation? Does and English translation Drop down list: exist? (Y) – a translation exists (N) – no translation exists Speaker Who gave this teaching? Left blank when the teacher was exclusively the Buddha, otherwise the speaker is named. Synopsis What is this passage about? Location Where was this spoken? Name of the location. Latitude Latitude of the location for Latitude and longitudes derived mapping. from Buddha’s India.37 Longitude Longitude of the location for Latitude and longitudes derived mapping. from Buddha’s India. Audience Who was named as present for the teaching? Other Who else is mentioned? Other participants are not Participants necessarily present for the teaching but are mentioned in the passage. Comments This field contains the sentence or paragraph that mentions compassion – in Pāli, and the English translation, plus the citation for the translation. Primary/Second Is compassion the primary or Drop down list: secondary reason for the (P) – Primary teaching? (S) - Secondary Who? Who is the instruction aimed Drop down list: at or discussing? (B) – Buddha (M) – Monks (L) – Lay people (O) – Other (Devas for ex.) (BML) – Buddha, Monks and Lay people (A)– All (BM) – Buddha and Monks (ML) – Monks/Lay people

37 “Buddha’s India,” Google My Maps, accessed January 7, 2019, https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?mid=1D8myPgBPxUNfBweFjHaybCT3o4U. 16

Field Name Description Comments Reason Corresponds to the category Drop down list: of teaching on compassion - Out of Compassion - Dwelling/Abiding in Compassion - Defining Compassionate Behavior - Other/NA

Step 4: Research each passage and augment information captured in the master table to include: the primary speaker in the passage; a synopsis of the entire sutta or scripture; the name of the location or locations where the passage occurs; the latitude and longitude for the primary location; the audience; other participants; a translation of the passage and citation information. This is where the majority of the data research occurred.

Most of the suttas or entries identified had been translated.38 In a few instances, it was necessary to translate the passage and review the sutta to gain an understanding of the teaching. Formal translations were not done for suttas or scriptures not previously translated. The passage containing the reference to compassion was compared to other passages for similarities. In this way, these passages were included in the master table and the analysis.

In some cases, more than one location was referenced. When this was the case, the location where the discourse occurred was captured as the primary location. If it was not possible to discern where the discourse occurred, then the first location mentioned was used as the primary location. In some cases, no location was explicitly stated. When this was the case, no location was recorded.

38 See Appendix A: Translation Resources 17

Step 5: Each item captured was analyzed to determine whether or not compassion was the primary teaching of the sutta or scripture, who was the passage directed toward, and for what reason was compassion being mentioned. This step was conducted in order to contribute to a more precise understanding of compassion in the Pāli Canon. Part of the goal of the research is to determine how and why compassion is taught.

Step 6: Key individuals for additional research were identified and added to a new Google Fusion Table created specifically for the analysis into the recipients or orators of teachings on compassion. This table was named, Key Individuals. It is a subset of the master table. It contains the same fields as the master table. Records that contained individuals named in a sutta or scripture as a speaker or an audience member, received an entry in the table. The key individuals table also captures which suttas or entries reference the individual AND the locations associated with those suttas or entries.

The key individuals table only contains information for human beings and supernatural beings. Some suttas or entries make mention of animals, such as King

Pasenadi’s elephant; however, they are not included in the key individuals table. The

Buddha is also intentionally omitted from the table. Since the spread of the teaching of compassion through social networks is the focus of the dissertation, the Buddha was not included since he serves as the source of the teaching.

Step 7: The key individuals table was analyzed to determine who was mentioned the most. The number of mentions was computed as a total of number of times the individual was a speaker plus the total number of times the individual was an audience member. From this calculation six individuals emerged. A separate locations table was created for each of these individuals. Those six individuals are: Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika,

Mahāpajāpatīgotamī Therī, Pañcasikha, Sāriputta, and Sigālaka. Their tables are named after them, in this manner: Pañcasikha locations. There are six individual locations tables.

One for each key individual identified for additional research. Each table has the same fields. The fields are identical to the fields documented for the master table. But not all of the fields were used. Many of the fields were hidden, in order to focus on more specific location data. The fields that were displayed and used in these tables are:

Table 1-2:Individual Locations tables Field Name Description Comments ID Table ID A system generated record number. Speaker Who gave this teaching? Left blank when the teacher was exclusively the Buddha, otherwise the speaker is named. Location Where was this spoken? Name of the location. Latitude Latitude of the location for Main resource – Buddha’s mapping. India.39 Longitude Longitude of the location for Main resource – Buddha’s mapping. India. 40 Audience Who was named as present for the teaching? Other Who else is mentioned? Other participants are not Participants necessarily present for the teaching, but mentioned in the passage.

A relationships table was also created for each individual. These tables used a similar naming convention: Pañcasikha Relationships.

Table 1-3:Individual Relationship tables Field Description Comments Name Primary The primary person in the In Ānanda’s table first he is the relationship. primary. Then after all of his

39 “Buddha’s India.” 40 Ibid. 19

Field Description Comments Name relationships are listed, each of his associates becomes a primary, and the people they know become associates. Associate A person known by the Ānanda knew Belatthasīsa. This primary person. makes Belatthasīsa an associate to Ānanda. Relationshi Who is the associate to the Example – Belatthasīsa was p primary person? Ānanda’s preceptor. Other Comments, citation from Pāli Dictionary of Proper names.

Step 8: When necessary additional research of locations was conducted. In some instances, a location was not well-known and required additional research to determine whether or not the location really existed and what latitude and longitude most correctly reflect its geographic position. When a location could be readily identified, this data was added to the table. This research was only conducted on locations that were tied to the key individuals as identified in Step 7. Locations from the life of the Buddha were included in each so that this is always a backdrop. Once the locations tables for all primary individuals were created, a master locations table, named the all individuals locations was built by merging them all together. This made it easier to create maps depicting place marks of all the known locations and to create heat maps reflecting the most active areas, across all of the individuals. Fusion tables include heat maps and place mark maps functionality that easily interprets the data.

Step 9: The information on the top six key people was used to track their relationships. This information was added to the relationships tables described in Step 7.

Relationships were identified by reviewing who was present in the suttas in the data, and whether or not there appeared to be a discourse between them. Reference to the

individual in a sutta did not necessarily count for their inclusion, since there were hundreds of people present and there is no way of knowing who interacted.

Additionally, the biographies for each key individual in the Pali Dictionary of

Proper Names, was consulted. When the biography specifically stated a relationship between the key person and another person, the relationship was captured in the data.

For example, Belatthasīsa is named as Ānanda’s preceptor, this demonstrates that they had a relationship. Belatthasīsa has been captured as an associate of Ānanda.41 Then

Belatthasīsa was researched in the Pali Dictionary of Proper Names and his relationships were captured.42 This process was repeated for each of the primary individuals selected and for each of their associates, and then again for the associates of those associates. Like this

1) Ānanda and his associates are recorded

2) Associates of Ānanda and their associates are recorded.

Once the relationships for all primary individuals were captured and added to the tables, a master relationship table, named the all relationships table was built by merging them all together. This made it easier to create a network graph to depict all of the known relationships, across all of the individuals. Fusion tables include network graphing functionality which does a neat job of charting these relationships. This table has the same fields as the individual relationships tables defined in Table 1-2:Individual

Relationship Tables.

41 G. P Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, vol. 1, (2007), s.v. “Ānanda.” 42 G. P Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, vol. 2, (2007), s.v. “Belatthasīsa.” 21

Step 10: In order to show a fuller scope of movement in and around the area in which early Buddhism developed, I researched the trade routes that were most likely to be active during the time of the Buddha. While I reviewed more than one source, I used

Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India by Moti Chandra to reconstruct the Trans-

Iranian route, the routes of Northern India and the routes of Southern and Western

India.43 This information was stored in a new table called, India route mapping.

Step 11: The route most commonly traversed by the Buddha, was captured using

Maps of Ancient Buddhist India by Anandajoti Bhikkhu.44 This information was also added to the India route mapping table.

Step 12: The route most likely used by Anāthapiṇḍika to travel between Sāvatthi and Rājagaha was derived from the online version of the Pāli Dictionary of Proper

Names.45 This information was added to the India route mapping table.

Step 13: The relationships that King Bimbisāra held with monarchs from other locales were taken from the all relationships table. The latitude and longitude for the primary site in each of those kingdoms was captured, and this too was added to the India

Route mapping table.

Step 14: The locations where Sāriputta and Ānanda are found teaching compassion were taken from each of their respective location tables, and added to the

India route mapping table.

43 Moti Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1977), 4–26. 44 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 28–33. 45 “Anāthapindika,” Palikanon.com, accessed January 8, 2019, http://www.palikanon.com/english/pali_names/ay/anaathapindika.htm. 22

Step 15: The information placed in the India Route mapping table in Steps 10 - 14 above was used to create a map that contained edges and points. This combination provided the most useful way to express the relationships between location, teachings and individuals. These are the fields contained in the India Route Mapping table:

Table 1-4: India route mapping Field Name Description Comments Location 1 The name of the route or location represented by this specific record. KML Keyhole Markup Language The commands used to draw either a place mark or edges.46 Line Color Assigns a color to be used for the specific route or the color if this record is of edges (a route), or the place mark. Notes Citations for sources of edges or place marks and other information.

Step 16: From the data collected and stored in the other tables, maps, charts and other diagrams were created with the goal of demonstrating the strength and validity of this data-driven approach to a study of compassion and location and social networks in the Pāli Canon.

Step 17: The final step involves the interpretation of data and maps. After the data collection and research completed, I engaged in further analysis of patterns and insights drawn from this mapping of the key figures, their locations, and possible networks of associations. This interpretive analysis supports the theories advanced in this dissertation.

46 “Customize Polygons and Lines - Fusion Tables Help,” Google Help, accessed April 11, 2019, https://support.google.com/fusiontables/answer/2681556?hl=en. 23

Challenges and Limitations

This study contains the following limitations:

The Budsir V for Windows software was last updated in 2006.47 It only runs on a

PC with Windows-XP or Windows-XP compatible. This required a type of reverse learning curve for me. It was necessary to unlearn current practices and expectations of the software, and to recall what it was like to use software that was more menu-driven and had less functionality. The screen print below captures the look and feel of the software which is very different than the look and feel of software that is more contemporary:

Figure 1-3: Screen print of a typical BUDSIR menu.48

47 Mahidol University Computing Center, User Manual: BUDSIR International Edition in Multi-Scripts, BUDSIR V for WIndows, ix–x. 48 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 24

Figure 1-4: Screen print of image used for data capture

Fortunately, there is one specific PC in the library at the University of the West, in Rosemead, California, where the Budsir V for Windows software could be installed and accessed. This PC did not have internet access. And Budsir V could not create data extracts. This means that screen prints were used to capture the data. Each screen print was saved in a Microsoft Word file, which was then copied to a data drive and uploaded to my computer for input into the master database, a Google Fusion Table. Figure 1-4 above is representative of the screen prints used to capture the data.

Rather than attempt to create a program to read the screen prints and create an extract that could be imported into the master database, the data was input manually. This was a rather slow and time-consuming process. It should not be assumed that the data collected represents 100% of the references to karuṇā, and anukampā in the Pāli Canon.

It is possible that both software and manual errors have occurred.

Reviewing the results of the searches through the Sutta Piṭaka and the

Abhidhamma Piṭaka and separating cursory mentions of karuṇā from actual teachings discussing karuṇā required in-depth analysis. There were individuals identified in the research for whom no subsequent information was found. There were historical locations that have been renamed or no longer exist and are no longer referenced in current maps.

This means that some locations are uncertain.

Despite the challenges, this research did yield enough information to support further work on the project. Google Fusion Tables provides robust and flexible charting and mapping tools. These tools are not without limitations. For example, a location may only have two place markers; and in order for those place markers to display, they must each be of a different type. One large place marker, and one small round place marker will work. Two large place markers or two small place markers will not work. A similar issue occurs when there are place markers and edges within proximity of one another. If the same location occurs as a place marker and on multiple edges, the edges may disappear from the map. As a free tool, support for Google Fusion Tables is limited, and some requests for support may go unanswered.

Per limitations, since this study relies primarily on information provided in recorded suttas and commentaries, the project depends on the historical reliability of these sources.

1.4 Literature Review

The sources for this dissertation draw from multiple areas of research. Each area either contributes to an understanding of the social and economic landscape of various regions of India during the time of the Buddha, helps to illuminate how the theme of karuṇā was taught, or orients the social science driven approach being used to guide this research project. Sources have been categorized in one of five areas: 1) early Buddhism and the spread of early Buddhism; 2) geography of early Buddhism (including trade routes); 3) important individuals in early Buddhism; 4) compassion and early Buddhism, and; 5) related research.

Early Buddhism and the Spread of Early Buddhism

The study of early Buddhism and its spread has engaged multiple generations of scholars. For the western world, T.W. Rhys-Davids (Buddhist India, 1959) established the groundwork for studies on early Buddhism in India. His work has served as the baseline for many others and still provides a useful reference today, if only to gain an understanding of some the first approaches to the study of early Buddhism. Caroline

Rhys-Davids (Buddhism: It’s Birth and Dispersal, 1934) made a significant impact on the field with her translations of Pāli texts and her work with the Pāli Text Society; her rejection of what were at the time negative mainstream beliefs about Buddhism inspired the work of others. I.B. Horner (Collection of the Middle Length Sayings, 1954; Early

Buddhist Poetry, 1963) was one of her students who continued Rhys-Davids’ translation work and in exploring the role of women in Buddhism.

While Edward Conze is better known for his work on the Prajñāpāramitā, (The

Large Sutra on Perfect Wisdom: with the Divisions of Abhisamayālankāra, 1975) his

Buddhism: Its Essence and Development (1959) inspired others to focus on Buddhism and is still widely used today. Étienne LaMotte’s The History of Buddhism, published in

1958 and translated to English in 1988, is another classic and is well appreciated for the way in which archaeological and literary evidence is fused together to provide a full overview of the history of early Buddhism.

Dr. N.N. Bhattacharyya covers the main trends in the study of Indian Buddhism as covered by scholars between 1825 thru 1975. His History of Researches on Indian

Buddhism (1981) provides an excellent bibliography of sources and is especially valuable for describing the views of prominent scholars. No survey on the research of early

Buddhism would be complete without mentioning the numerous works of Nalinaksha

Dutt (Early Monastic Buddhism, 1971; Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the

Buddhist Schools, 1980; Buddhist Sects in India, 2007) While some of his findings, for example dates of the early councils, have been challenged by subsequent scholars, he presents a logically-structured chronological history of early Buddhism that integrates the social and economic history of India at the time of the Buddha.

Today the discussion on the origins of early Buddhism is heavily influenced by the work of Richard F. Gombrich. His works seek to include early Indian religions and cultures as part of the study of Buddhism. In fact the term, “Gombrichian” has come to refer to a particular methodology in which Pāli primary source texts are compared with

source texts from other religious traditions.49 A.K. Warder’s Indian Buddhism (2008) is another resource that is often used to provide students with an overview of the origins and development of Buddhism. As an entree into research in the area and to locate key sources, Indian Buddhism : A Survey With Bibliographical Notes (1987) by Hajime

Nakamura should not be overlooked.

Lars Fogelin incorporates physical evidence found in the archaeological sites in

South Asia into his research on early Buddhism. An Archaeological History of Indian

Buddhism (2015), presents a distinct view of the history of Indian Buddhism, one that synthesizes textual study, archaeological evidence, and sociological analysis.

To develop an understanding of early Buddhism is to develop an understanding of

Indian society prior to and during its introduction. The teachings of the Buddha did not develop in a vacuum. Early Buddhism was a product of cultural and economic influences. To assist in understanding these influences it is useful to become familiar with resources such as Social and Economic Factors in the Rise of Buddhism (1977) by Jean

Darian, Between the Empires: Society in India 300 BCE to 400 CE (2006) by Patrick

Olivelle, Ancient Indian Education Brahmanical and Buddhist (1989) by Radhakumud

Mookerji, and “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” by Balkrishna Govind

Gokhale (1982). Between the Empires is a compilation of papers that looks at archaeological and textual evidence to convey what Indian culture and society may have been like so many centuries ago. Mookerjiuch explains the differences and the

49 Jonathan S. Walters, “Review of Buddhist Learning and Textual Practice in Eighteenth-Century Lankan Monastic Culture, By Anne M. Blackburn,” ed. Anne M. Blackburn, Buddhist-Christian Studies 23 (2003): 191–92. 29

similarities between Brahmin and Buddhist approaches to education, which offers an added dimension.

The Nikāyas themselves also provide information about the religious and cultural history of the era. Dinak Kumar Barua explores how the first four Nikāyas document the life of the people of ancient India. His work entitled, An Analytical Study of Four Nikāyas

(2003), focuses on several important topics: Buddha's discourses to the laity; teachings of early Buddhism under the threefold division of Sīla, Samādhi and Paññā; discussions on administrative, social and economic conditions of ancient India; and historical and geographical materials found in the Nikāyas.50

Geography of Early Buddhism (Including Trade Routes)

An understanding of the geography of India enhances the story of early

Buddhism. A good place to start is to gain an understanding of the area covered by the

Buddha during his time as a ṡramaṇa (ascetic). For such a task, “Maps of Ancient

Buddhist India” (2012) by Ānandajoti Bhikkhu provides a good overview. In addition to mapping the sites that are known to most Buddhist pilgrims, this work also depicts the routes travelled by the Buddha during his early career and the locations where he spent his rains retreats. The path of his last tour is also provided. The sixteen great states and the five great rivers are additionally noted.

For his overview of the Buddha’s travels Ānandajoti Bhikkhu draws upon the

Geography of Early Buddhism (1932) by B.C. Law; the Dictionary of Pali Proper Names

(2007) by G.P. Malalasekera; Buddhist India (1959) by T.W. Rhys-Davids; and Middle

50 Dipak Kumar Barua, An Analytical Study of Four Nikayas, 2nd edition (New Delhi: Munshirm Manoharlal Pub Pvt Ltd, 2003), xv. 30

Land, Middle Way (2010) by S. Dhammika. Together, these references provide a more detailed look at the landscape at the time of the Buddha.

Nalinaksha Dutt (Early Monastic Buddhism, 1971; Early History of the Spread of

Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 1980; Buddhist Sects in India, 2007) provides helpful information on the spread of Buddhism by including background on the major urban centers where the Buddha taught. In this way, an understanding of which cultural environments either supported or rejected the adoption the teachings of the Buddha can be developed. And Somapala Jayawardhana’s Handbook of Pali Literature (1994) provides descriptions of the major landmarks that serve as a backdrop for the teachings contained within.

The geography of early Buddhism is not just about the sites where the Buddha taught or spent rains retreats. It is also about expanding the study to the known trade routes and population centers in India during the time period. Those who travelled in and out of these centers may have been exposed to the teachings of the Buddha or encountered others who were exposed to those teachings. Many of these trade routes were land-based; however, some of these were maritime routes. Key sources that offer a survey of these routes include: “Ancient Maritime Trade of the eastern Indian Littoral”

(2011) by Sila Tripati and A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the

Stone Age to the 12th Century (2008) by Upinder Singh.

Important Individuals in Early Buddhism

The ability to identify individuals named in the Sutta Piṭaka, and the

Abhidhamma Piṭaka, is of the utmost importance in constructing the networks of individuals who received specific teachings. Information on their known associates and

family members are also necessary to systematically track the dissemination of the

Buddha’s teachings.

The Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names (2007) provides biographies of many of these figures. For example, Doṇa is cited as an individual who was present during the teaching of AN 5: 192. Doṇa was a teacher with a large following and the commentaries state that the Buddha met him on the road between Ukkattha and Setavayā.51 Somapala

Jayawardhana’s Handbook of Pali Literature (1994) will provide another useful reference through which to identify significant individuals.

While focused on a specific individual “The Characterization of Ānanda in the

Pali Canon of the Theravāda: A Hagiographic Study” (1977), a thesis by Michael

Freeman, serves to introduce us to or teach us more about other key figures. Sāriputta is also the subject of more than one biography. Great Disciples of the Buddha: Their Lives,

Their Works, Their Legacy (2003) by Nyanponika Thera and Hellmuth Hecker covers not just Ānanda but others who are prominently featured in the Pāli canon. Jonathan S.

Walters. Legends of the Buddhist Saints: Apadānapāli (2018) is a helpful translation of the stories from both the Theragāthā and the Therigāthā. Information on important women in early Buddhism can also be found in First Buddhist Women: Poems & Stories of Awakening (2006) by Susan Murcott. In compiling this version of poems from the

Therigatha, Murcott relies upon Caroline Rhys Davids’ translation of Dhammapala’s

Therigāthā commentary. Just as translations of the Therigāthā help tell the stories of some of the nuns, translations of the Theragāthā also provide stories of monks. Two other useful sources are the Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism (2014) by Robert E. Buswell

51 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Doṇa.” 32

and Donald S. Lopez, containing entries on some of the prominent names in early

Buddhism and the Purāṇic Encyclopaedia: A Comprehensive Work with Special

Reference to the Epic and Purāṇic Literature (1996) by Mani Vettam.

Compassion and Early Buddhism

Bodhisattvas are viewed as the embodiment of compassion. The emphasis on the path of the Bodhisattva in Mahāyāna and works by Nāgārjuna, Asaṅga and Candrakīrti that describe the Bodhisattva path as strictly the domain of Mahāyāna can still lead some to describe the Mahāyāna path to liberation as more compassionate than the spiritual route provided within Theravāda Buddhism. Jeffrey Samuels debunks this view in, “The

Bodhisattva Ideal in Theravāda Buddhist Theory and Practice: A Reevaluation of the

Bodhisattva-Śrāvaka Opposition” (1997). The Bodhisattva Ideal: Essays on the

Emergence of Mahāyāna (2013) includes contributions from Bhikkhu Bodhi, Karl

Werner, Peter Skilling and others also specifically focus on the Bodhisattva ideal in pre-

Mahāyāna. Toschii Endo touches on the relationship of the Bodhisattva to Theravāda

Buddhism in his work Buddha in Theravāda Buddhism: A Study of the Concept of

Buddha in the Pali Commentaries (1997); focusing on the commentaries of Dhammapala to introduce the idea of the three types of Bodhisattva.

Other works specifically center on the concept of compassion in the Pāli Canon.

Some, like Elizabeth Harris in Detachment and Compassion in early Buddhism (1997), and Compassion and Emptiness in Early Buddhist Meditation (2015) by Analayo

Bhikkhu seek to explain how compassion does in fact support other key beliefs and practices. In so doing, these references provide insight into words and phrases associated with compassion. Harris suggests that the terms, anukampā and anuddayā, must be

considered and that they describe the three types of compassion discussed in the Pāli

Canon: a requirement for an equitable and peaceful society; an indispensable way of viewing others in order to approach wisdom; and the guiding principle behind the behaviors of enlightened beings and those on the path toward enlightenment.52 Harris references the work of Harvey Aronson, specifically Love and Sympathy in Theravāda

Buddhism (1980), in which he discusses the use of karuṇā as a technical term used for meditation, and anukampā as a term to be used in more general circumstances. Aronson’s view is that the Buddha used the more general terms, such as anukampā, when speaking with monks or laity who had less experience with meditation.53 Walpola Rahula supports the use of the word anukampā when he discusses how the Buddha gave his teachings out of compassion for the world or lokānukampāya.54 Rahula laments the fact that scholars forget that sīla is in fact built upon the foundations of love and compassion for all living beings. 55

Then with his heart filled with compassion, he dwells suffusing one quarter, the second, the third, the fourth. This he dwells suffusing the whole world, upwards, downwards, across, everywhere, always with a heart filled with compassion, abundant, unbounded, without hate or ill-will. Just as if a mighty trumpeter were with little difficulty to make a proclamation to the four quarters, so by this meditation, Vāsețțha, by this liberation of the heart through compassion he leaves nothing untouched, nothing unaffected in the sensuous sphere. This, Vāsețțha, is the way to union with Brahmā. DN 13:78: The Threefold Knowledge.56

52 Harris, Detachment and Compassion in Early Buddhism, 6. 53 Harvey B. Aronson, Love and Sympathy in Theravāda Buddhism, Reprint (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1996), 11–16. 54 Walpola Rāhula, What the Buddha Taught, (New York: Grove Press, 1974), 46. 55 Ibid. 56 Maurice O’C Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Dīgha Nikāya (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2012), 194. 34

This is one of the many times that the Brahma -vihāras or four sublime states are mentioned in the Pāli Canon. The above passage specifically names compassion or karuņā. Prior to this passage mettā or loving-kindness is listed and the following passages discuss sympathetic joy or muditā and then equanimity or upekkhā. Each passage is identical with the exception of the naming of the specific Brahma-vihāras or sublime state. The Brahma-vihāras are mentioned several times throughout the Pāli Canon, and therefore are critical to the discussion on karuṇā. In fact most of the works discussed above also include commentary on the Brahma-vihāras. Min Kyaw Thu has written a translation of Mahāsi Sayādaw’s overview of the Brahma-vihāras (1983) that is both analytical and practice based. It is a useful source for understanding current day interpretations of the meanings of the Brahma-vihāras and how the Brahma-vihāras can be accessed as part of daily religious practice for both monastics and the laity. This is an area where it is prudent to turn again to Buddhaghosa and the Visuddhimagga to glean an understanding of how these teachings are and put into practice in much of the Theravāda tradition.

Richard Gombrich holds that it is the Buddha who introduced kindness and compassion to Indian religion.57He makes a case for the Brahma-vihāras as a path to liberation as opposed to the more commonly held view that the Brahma-vihāras leads to

57 Richard Gombrich, “Kindness and Compassion as Means to Nirvana in Early Buddhism,” (Gonda Lecture, Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Amsterdam, 1998). 35

concentration, but not to the insight necessary for liberation. 58 Bhikkhu Bodhi, however, challenges that view and sees it as untenable when other suttas are considered.59

In “Compassionate Trickster: The Buddha as a Literary Character in the

Narratives of Early Indian Buddhism” (2011), Sara McClintock perceives the Buddha not as a religious leader but as a “lead character” in a literary work. In so doing, she sheds light on how the Buddha’s ability to bend rules constitutes a compassionate form of teaching.

Related Research

Other social science studies related to the early spread of Buddhism have been conducted; and while the research for this dissertation does not duplicate these efforts, their methodological approach, as well as data from these studies inform the project.

Society at the Time of the Buddha (N.K. Wagle 1966) draws from the Digha

Nikāya, Majjhima Nikāya, Samyutta Nikāya, Aņguttara Nikāya and the Vinaya Piṭaka to reconstruct what life may have been like during the time of the Buddha. Wagle engages in what he calls, “a social anthropology of the Pāli canon.” As part of this approach, archaeological findings are used to draw conclusions about how villages or cities emerged, how social groups were formed and how interpersonal relationships were

58 Ibid. 59 Bhikkhu Bodhi, review of How Buddhism Began: The Conditioned Genesis of the Early Teachings, by Richard F. Gombrich, Journal of Buddhist Ethics 4 (July 30, 1997): 292–96. 36

managed.60 This information should prove useful in understanding the sociology of the individuals and locations that I identify.

“The Buddha’s Teachings to Lay People.” (2011) by John Kelly, provides an analytical breakdown of the teachings in the Suttanta Piṭaka, specifically noting the suttas that were specifically intended for the laity. In an approach not dissimilar to the methodology used for this dissertation, Kelly analyzes and catalogs the suttas: he identifies suttas addressed to laypeople, noting the categories of layperson, the goal of the sutta, the type of discourse, the method of instruction and the Dhamma content.61 The data captured by Kelly does the include proper names of key individuals (where they exist) and, does include demographic pertaining to these individuals, including age, gender and class. Unfortunately this information is not provided in great detail.

Relationships between individuals are not noted and geographic locations are also missing. For the purposes of this project no teachings regarding compassion are noted.62

Research conducted for this dissertation will not necessarily be focused exclusively on the laity. But it is possible that much of the data found will involve lay people and in some instances Kelly’s findings may help to validate and inform my findings.

Gokhale’s “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution” (1982), explores the theme of the spread of Buddhism via the growth of a more affluent merchant class and the use of trade routes. The analysis conducted by Gokhale provides statistical analysis on specific locations where the Buddha travelled. In this work no less than one thousand

60 N. K Wagle, Society at the Time of the Buddha. (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1966). 61 John L Kelly, “The Buddha’s Teachings to Lay People,” Buddhist Studies Review 28, no. 1 (2011): 3–77, https://doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.v28i1.3. 62 Ibid. 37

and nine different locations are identified. The centers that receive the most mention in the Pāli Canon receive a somewhat detailed analysis.

“The Buddha’s Discourses on Compassionate Actions: Case Studies from Pali

Nikayas” (2002), involves a research approach very similar to the one I will pursue. The suttas are analyzed and the location where the sutta was given, the main characters involved and the style of the sutta are all noted. This information is used to create numerous charts and graphs summarizing the data. As with Kelly’s “The Buddha’s

Teachings to Lay People,” the teachings are categorically assigned. Each category or type of teaching is considered to be an example of the Buddha’s compassionate action toward others.63 And this is where the research for this dissertation differs from and builds on the work completed by Venerable Ir Aa in “The Buddha’s Discourses on Compassionate

Actions: Case Studies from Pali Nikayas” (2002). I will look specifically at suttas where the word karuṇā is used, as opposed to working with a definition of a sutta that is meant to demonstrate the Buddha as a compassionate teacher. Both approaches collect similar data and provide statistical analysis based on the data, but this dissertation builds on

Venerable Ir Aa's work by including an analysis of those who received the teachings and their respective networks.

The work conducted by researchers participating in the Electronic Cultural Atlas

Initiative (ECAI) inspired this research. The idea to map early Buddhism based upon specific teachings, recipients of those teachings, their locations and their networks emerged from participation in the Atlas of Maritime Buddhism project led by Lewis

63 Iraa, “The Buddha’s Discourses on Compassionate Actions: Case Studies from Pali Nikayas” (PhD diss., Hsi Lai University, 2002). 38

Lancaster.64 While this project is still underway, other work completed by members of

ECAI can be used as references points that help to illustrate the type of research conducted. Two examples are: The Religious Atlas of China and Himalaya65 and The

Pacific Language Mapping Project.66

1.5 Conclusion

With the goals of this research in mind, and with the methodology and related works well established, it is time to look at the supporting evidence that proves that investigating one term, with multiple analytical approaches clearly points out that compassion is not the goal of the early Buddhist teachings. Yet, indisputably, the Pāli

Canon (the Sutta Piṭaka, and the Abhidhamma Piṭaka), consistently presents compassion using clear categories. And there are the individuals, who together with the teachings and their actions, stand apart as epitomizing compassion in human form. The exchange of teachings was strengthened by the existence of locations serving as strategic hubs.

Moving forward, Chapter 2 provides familiarization with the data. Each area of focus: teachings, individuals, and locations receive analysis and discussion. This data review offers insight into how it can be proven that the teachings on compassion fit into specific categories, or how certain individuals or locations had more of an impact on compassion and the spread of early Buddhism. Next, each topic receives in-depth inquiry and exposition; Chapter 3 delves into the role of compassion in the Pāli Canon, Chapter 4 the individuals who were significant, and Chapter 5 confirming the locations. This

64 Lewis R. Lancaster, “Maritime Dissemination of Buddhism.” 65 Electronic Cultural Atlas Initative, “Religious Atlas of China and Himalaya,” ECAI, 2006, http://ecai.org/chinareligion/collaborators.html. 66 David Blundell et al., “ECAI - Pacific Language Mapping,” ECAI - Paciic Language Mapping, 2010, http://ecai.org/austronesiaweb/PacificMaps.htm. 39

dissertation concludes with Chapter 6, with final thoughts and directions for future research.

Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data

2.1 Introduction

As discussed in section 1.3 Methodological Approach, this dissertation relies heavily on the Pāli Canon as source data. The master table is the reference point for the research on compassion, the key individuals and the key locations. Before delving into detailed analysis of the data, it is useful to understand the contents of the master table, which contributes to an understanding of how the data shaped the conclusions reached later in this dissertation. This chapter will acquaint the reader with the results of the data capture by first showing how it all comes together in an integrated map, and then by stepping back and isolating each area of emphasis: the role of compassion, the key individuals, and the strategic locations. Some statistical information is included. The goal of this information is to illustrate how the frequency of certain terms or individuals or locations influences the final analysis.

The data gathered and analyzed for this dissertation has made it possible to create a map spanning trade routes, teachings, and social networks.

Figure 2-1: Mapping: Trade routes, travels, teachings and social networks Source: Map derived from research data

The map above shows the route of Gautama Buddha in black, and in blue, the route Anāthapiṇḍika most likely took between Sāvatthi and Rājagaha.67 Locations where

Sāriputta taught compassion are depicted with large green place markers. Locations where Ānanda taught compassion are depicted with small purple place markers. The

67 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 28–32. 42

large purple place markers show locations where King Bimbisāra corresponded with other monarchs. The trade routes depicted include portions of the Trans-Iranian Route, the Trade Routes of Northern India, and the trade routes of Southern and Western India.68

They are the backdrop against which all other exchanges occur. Whether or not there was a Buddha, or teachings on compassion, the trade routes exist and persist. They evolved as the types of transportation used by merchants and other travelers changed. Some paths were becoming obsolete while others became significant thoroughfares. Each track selected was a function of what was physically possible to traverse and what was safe.

Safety could be a function of avoiding wild animals, avoiding robbers, or avoiding unfriendly political systems.

Compared to the vast network of routes already in place during the time of the

Buddha, his travels cover a relatively small area. From Kosambi to Rājagaha, through

Vesālī, and ultimately to Sāvatthi this path, well-worn by the Buddha and his many followers, was quite useful in raising support for his teachings. 69 From 600 BCE until approximately the first millennium CE, India experienced cultural and material growth.

The plains of the Ganges experienced population growth and financial expansion. Cities grew and businessmen began to hold important positions. Three factors that contributed to this growth were the introduction of banking, the emergence of guilds, and the introduction of new religions – especially Buddhism and Jainism.70

68 Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, 4–26. 69 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 28–32. 70 Helen B. Lamb, “The Indian Merchant,” The Journal of American Folklore 71, no. 281 (1958): 233, https://doi.org/10.2307/538559. 43

As India became more reliant on trade and merchants and less reliant on agriculture, Buddhism served the new world order well. Brahmanism had many caste restrictions. These restrictions made business difficult. Interactions between various castes were regulated or discouraged or required purification after the fact. Visitation to specific geographic locations was also restricted. For example, Magadha was an area that was considered less desirable for orthodox Brahmins. It was viewed as unsuitable for sacrifices and other rituals and also inadequate as a place to dwell.71 This view was helpful to the spread of early Buddhism, because it allowed the Buddha’s followers unfettered access to large portions of the population.

As India became more mercantile and less agricultural, the merchant class grew.

In order to participate in trade they had to break free of Brahmin beliefs around caste interactions and purity. They began to reject the notion that paying for expensive rituals was an essential part of their salvation. Buddhism was a more natural fit for the merchants. Buddhism offered prosperity to those who were willing to work for it. 72 It was during this time of change that Anāthapiṇḍika, a wealthy merchant banker, conducted business trips between Sāvatthi and Rājagaha. He first encountered the

Buddha in Rājagaha and became a follower. On returning home, he instructed his friends, associates, and acquaintances to prepare the road to Sāvatthi with dwellings, parks, and rest houses.73 Through his direction, the route between these two trade centers became even more desirable. It is at locations along this route, and some of the other capillaries of

71 Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 45. 72 Ibid., 45. 73 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Anāthapiṇḍika." 44

the Northern India trade routes, that both Sāriputta and Ānanda are found teaching compassion, or acting out of compassion, or demonstrating compassionate behavior.

Extending beyond the path of the Buddha and Anāthapiṇḍika’s trips between

Sāvatthi and Rājagaha is the influence of King Bimbisāra who maintains relationships via correspondence with the monarchs of kingdoms much farther away. King Bimbisāra was known to have written to King Candappajjota of Ujjenī/Ujjain, King Pukkasāti of

Takkasilā/Taxila, and King Tissa of Roruva.74

The map of trade, travel, teachings, and social networks at the beginning of this chapter is the result of a straightforward idea: to review the suttas in the Pāli Canon with an eye for when compassion was mentioned, who was present, and where the teaching took place. The way in which the suttas were recorded makes them good candidates for analysis. The organization of the teachings lends itself to well-organized data capture.

This structure is referred to as the six causes and conditions. Thus, is the first condition, the second is have I heard, the third is at one time, the fourth is The Lord, the fifth is dwelt, and the sixth is the description of the attendees or the condition of an audience.75

The fourth condition does not always contain The Lord, sometimes someone else does the talking, but in the majority of instances, there is a speaker. The fifth condition may not always be met, but it exists frequently enough to be able to capture geographic data. And while there are many passages where the audience is simply bhikkhus, enough passages document the presence of specific groups or individuals. All of this, and the ability to

74 Amr̥tānanda, Kings of Buddha’s Time: An Introduction (Kathmandu: Ananda Kuti Vihara Trust, 1983), 36. 75 Xingyun and Tom Graham, Describing the Indescribable: A Commentary on the Diamond Sutra (Boston: Wisdom, 2001), 31–33. 45

scan for particular words, have made it possible to create a master Google Fusion Table

(master table) with four hundred and eighteen records. The compilation is enough data to show how compassion is discussed in the Pāli Canon, where specific teachings occurred, and who was present for those teachings. The master table has been used in this dissertation to form opinions about how compassion is represented, at which locations, and who participated. It is critical to look at the data and establish the credibility of the data.

2.2 High Level Presentation of the Data

The goal of this section is to acquaint the reader with the information used to create the master table. To orient the data within the broader context of the Pāli Canon, initial analysis has been conducted. In-depth analysis of the data occurs in later chapters of this dissertation.

Compassion

Each of the records in the master table exists because teachings were found that cite karuṇā or anukampā. Here are the words found the most frequently.

Figure 2-2: Common words describing compassion Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

The remaining words found during the data capture are:

Mettākarunasańńuto, Anukampakassa, Anukampakatthi, Karumhā,

Karunācetovimutti, Karunādhimuttoti, Karuņaňhi, Karuņe, Karuņkāra, Karuņo,

Karuņābhāvanānuyogamanuyuttā, Karuņācetovimutti, Karuņākathā, Karuņālaya,

Karuņālaye, Karuņālayo, Karuņāmatisāgaro, Karuņānaddhasantāno,

Karuņānugatāsayo, Karuņāpuņņahadayo, Karuņāti, Karuņāyamānoti, Karuņāyapi,

Karuņāńāņasāgaraṃ, Karuṇāpi, Anekarukkhavividhavikatiphalamāharantiyo,

Anukampajātikanti, Anukampajātikaṃyeva, Anukampakoti, Anukampakānaṁ,

Anukampamānoti, Anukampantā, Anukampasi, Anukampasī, Anukampaṃyeva,

Karumran, KarunÚāsahagataṃ, KarunÚāyeyya, Karunācetovimutti,

Karunācitovimuttiṃ, Karunādhimutto, Kāruññataṃ, MahākarunÚā,

MahākarÚnāsamāpattinānaṃ, MahākarÚnāsamāpattiṃ, Mahākāruṇiko,

Mettākarunākāyikā, Nikkarunātimānino, Sabbapāṇabhūtahitānukampī, SakaruÚaṃ.

In the above list of words, each has been capitalized for consistency. No other changes have been made. There are anomalies in the data. Words that require diacritics might be missing diacritics and some letters with diacritics display as capitals, for example: Ú. These have all been purposefully left unedited, as this is how they appeared in the source data.

The way in which the passages containing karuṇā or anukampā is written make the categorization of this data straightforward. A textual analysis of the suttas and the passages mentioning compassion reveal that compassion is discussed in very particular ways. Three clear categories emerge. Each of these categories comes from the phrasing of the teachings. For example, the category of Dwelling/abiding in compassion is identified in passages such as as In DN 25.5, the Udumbarika Suttaṃ, “viharati. karuṇāsahagatena cetasā . pe . muditāsahagatena cetasā . pe . upekkhāsahagatena cetasā ekaṃ disaṃ pharitvā viharati.”76 Or, “And he dwells, letting his mind, filled with compassion... with sympathetic joy... with equanimity…”77 The passage names the category. The same is true for the category Out of compassion; on more than one occaision Ānanda or others ask for a teaching or some other action to be performed out of compassion. “Venerable Sir, here comes Saccaka the Nigaņțha's son, a debator and a clever speaker regarded by many as a saint. He wants to discredit the Buddha, the

76 BUDSIR V for Windows, version V, MS-Windows XP (Bangkok, Thailand: Mahidol University Computing Center, 2006). 77 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 391. 48

Figure 2-3: Breakdown of categories of compassion teachings Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

Dhamma and the Saṇgha. It would be good if the Blessed One would sit down for a while out of compassion.”78 Once again, the phrasing of the teaching defines the category.

KN 1.7, the Tirokuṭṭa Suttaṃ, states that those who have compassion for their deceased relatives who are dwelling in the ghost realm leave them food “Thus they who are compassionate to kinsfolk give pure, fine, fit food and drink from time to time.”79 Each category was already defined, waiting within the text for discovery.

78 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Majjhima Nikāya, 2015, 332. 79 Davids Mrs. Rhys, “Khuddaka-Pātha: The Text of the Minor Sayings,” in The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon Part I, (Oxford: The Pali Text Society, 1996), 151. 49

In addition to categorizing the expression of compassion, the suttas were also reviewed to determine whether or not compassion was the primary purpose of the teaching. Most of the time it was not.

Figure 2-4: Compassion as the primary versus secondary reason for the teaching Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

Chapter 3: The Role of Compassion will draw upon the data presented here and the teachings from the Pāli Canon to form a hypothesis around the purpose behind the lesson of compassion and whether or not it is a critical component of the early teachings.

Location

In the master table, there are two locations that are mentioned the most in the data: Sāvatthı and Rājagaha. Both of these locations are of great significance in the history of early Buddhism. It makes sense that they would also take a primary role in this data.

The Buddha is reported to have passed approximately twenty-five rains retreats in

Sāvatthi at Jeta Grove.80 It was here that he delivered the greatest number of discourses and also developed the majority of the Vinaya.81 At the time of the Buddha, Jeta Grove was in the capital of the kingdom of Kosala. It was an important location for the spread of

Buddhism. It was here that a large body of lay followers were converted, and it was here that the Buddha converted Aņgulimāla, a violent criminal who ultimately is said to have become an arahant.82 MN 86, the Aṅgulimāla Suttaṃ states, “When he had wandered for alms in Sāvatthi and had returned from his almsround, after his meal he set his resting place in order, and taking his bowl and outer robe, set out on the road leading towards

Aņgulimāla.”83

Rājagaha, where Vulture’s Peak is located, became a gathering place of many religious teachers and sages of varying traditions. Located at the intersection of multiple trade routes, it was a perfect location for the spread of ideas and information in various directions. Because many religious teachers came to the site, it provided an excellent backdrop for discussion and debate by these teachers. It was through these discussions

80 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 18–19. 81 Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 70. 82 Ibid., 70–78. 83 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 710. 51

and debates that the Buddha gained many followers, not the least of which was King

Bimbisāra.84 In Rājagaha, King Bimbisāra made a gift of the Bamboo Wood or Bamboo

Grove to the Buddha. The Bamboo Grove location is considered by many to be the site of the Buddha’s first monastery.85 The Buddha is said to have passed approximately five rains retreats in this area.86

The highest hill in the area surrounding Rājagaha is Vulture’s Peak. This peak is cited as the location for many important events in early Buddhism. It is Vulture’s Peak where the Buddha spent concentrated time teaching his early disciples, where Devadatta attempted to have the Buddha killed, and it is on Vulture’s Peak that Sāriputta became an arhant.87

The following chart depicts all of the primary locations identified in the master table and their corresponding number of occurrences:

84 Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 52. 85 Conze, Buddhist Wisdom, xvii. 86 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 18–19. 87 Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 55. 52

Figure 2-5: Locations where compassion was taught and occurrences in the data Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

Next, these locations are plotted on a map, including the places where the Buddha taught or visited. This map was created using the master table and “Maps of Ancient

Buddhist India” by Anandajoti Bhikkhu.88

88 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 28–33. 53

Figure 2-6: Map where the Buddha visited and where compassion was taught Source: Map derived from research data

The purple markers reflect the Buddha’s presence at a location and the red dots indicate that a sutta mentioning karuṇā or anukampā occurred at a location. It is reasonable that there would be locations where the Buddha visited that did not show up in the data with a correlation to karuṇā or anukampā. Since most of the teachings are either delivered or heard along the Buddha’s travel routes, it is less likely that a location from the data is associated with karuṇā or anukampā, but not with a visit from the Buddha.

There is one location, marked by a single red dot: that is Sumsumāragira. At this site,

Venerable Mahā Moggallāna chastised Mara who sought to harass him and distract him from the path.89

The intention behind collecting the data in the master table was not only to understand compassion but also to consider who was present, who they knew, and where they traveled. Combining location and person information creates a different view of the more prominent locations. Looking at six individuals: Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika,

Mahāpajāpatīgotamī Therī, Pañcasikha, Sāriputta, and Sigālaka, changes the distribution of some teachings at each site.

Figure 2-7: Locations where compassion was taught and number of occurrences when one of six key figures - Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, Mahāpajāpatīgotamī Therī, Pañcasikha, Sāriputta, and Sigālaka – was present

89 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 431–38. 55

Figure 2-7 depicts the primary locations that were identified in the master table and their corresponding number of occurrences when one of the six key individuals was present.

Sāvatthi and Rājagaha are still the top two locations, but the number of occurrences has significantly decreased, and now Pāvā and Campā are the third and fourth as opposed to Kapilavatthu and Vesālī. A side-by-side heat map of the locations identified for all of the teachings that include compassion versus the areas identified with compassion and the six key individuals emphasizes the differences:

Figure 2-8: Heat map of locations where compassion was taught versus locations where compassion was taught by six key individuals - Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, Mahāpajāpatīgotamī Therī, Pañcasikha, Sāriputta, and Sigālaka Source: Map derived from research data

1) When the entire master table is considered, the locations of Haliddavasana and

Devadaha show more activity. When filtered by our six speakers, this is no longer

the case. Halliddavasana is the location named in SN 46.54 the

Mettāsahagatasuttaṃ.90 In this sutta, the Buddha teaches the liberation of the

mind through loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity. No

individuals are specifically named in the teaching; it is given by the Buddha to

bhikkhus.91 For that reason, it does not show up in the data that integrates

compassion, location, and key individuals. The purpose of the sutta and the

importance to the theme of compassion is captured in Chapter 3: The Role of

Compassion.

In Devadaha, the Buddha teaches new and old kamma, the cessation of kamma,

and the way leading to the cessation of kamma. The teaching contains a location,

but there is no audience or participants named other than to bhikkhus.92

2) In the table filtered by our six key individuals, there is noticeably more activity in

Kusinārā and Pāvā. Here we have Ānanda lamenting the passing of the Buddha:

“Alas, I am still a learner with much to do! And the Teacher is passing away, who

was so compassionate to me.”93

And it is at Pāvā that Sāriputta, at the request of the Buddha, leads the monks

in the Saṅgītisuttaṃ or the chanting together.94

90 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1607–11. 91 Ibid. 92 Ibid., 1211–12. 93 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 265. 94 Ibid., 479–510. 58

3) Mithilā emerges from the data as an area where Ānanda listened to the Buddha

tell the story of King Makhādeva, who went forth once the divine messengers

appeared and realized that old age and death were approaching. Not only did King

Makhādeva go forth, but he started the tradition for his descendants who did the

same for thousands of years until finally, one broke the tradition.95

4) In Campā, Sāriputta teaches DN 34, the Dasuttara sutta,96 and in Kajangalā in a

grove of mukhelu trees, Ānanda listens to the Buddha deliver the Indriyabhāvanā

Suttaṃ, which ends with the Buddha saying, “What should be done for his

disciples out of compassion, by a Teacher who seeks their welfare and has

compassion for them, that I have done for you Ānanda. There are these roots of

trees, these empty huts. Meditate, Ānanda, do not delay or else you will regret it

later. This is our instruction to you.”97

The differences between the locations identified for all of the teachings that include compassion versus the areas identified with compassion and the six key individuals demonstrates the sensitivity within the data. When viewed within the context of a few specific individuals, one or two teachings can have a significant impact.

Key Individuals and Relationships

As discussed in section 1.2 Methodology, Step 7, the individuals assessed were selected based on how frequently they appear in the data, using the combination of how often they were a speaker and an audience member.

95 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 692–97. 96 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 500–521. 97 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 1147–51. 59

Figure 2-9: Individuals involved in teachings on compassion, ordered by frequency Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

Of the six key individuals, Ānanda and Sāriputta are bhikkhus, and

Mahāpajāpatīgotamī is a bhikhuni. Anāthapiṇḍika and Sigālaka are lay people.

Pañcasikha is a Gandhabbā, a semi-divine being.98 While this grouping was driven by the data, it does conform to a type of logic that fits the participants in the Pāli Canon. 99 In

“The Buddha’s Teachings to Lay People,” John Kelly investigates the lessons that specifically targeted non-monastics, and non-humans. He states:

My survey encompassed all the five Nikāyas of the Pāli Canon (Digha,Majjhima, Saṁyutta, Aņguttara, and Khuddaka), and during this process I identified and documented all the suttas where the Buddha or one of his disciples interacts with a named layperson or group of laypersons – whether they be Brahmins, royalty,

98 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Pañcasikha.” 99 John L Kelly, “The Buddha’s Teachings to Lay People,” Buddhist Studies Review 28, no. 1 (2011): 6–7, https://doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.v28i1.3. 60

merchants, paupers, craftsmen, etc. Ignored have been the vast majority of the suttas in the canon which are addressed to the generic 'Monks!' (bhikkhave), those to named bhikkhus or bhikkhunīs, plus that smaller body of suttas addressed to miscellaneous Devas and other non-humans (amanussa), or Māra. Also ignored have been the many suttas addressed to various wanderers (paribbājaka), ascetics (acela), and recluses (samana) of other sects, since these by their very nature do not fall under the classification of householder or layperson.100

The suttas taught to laypeople are but a small percentage of the teachings: three hundred and ninety suttas compared to over six thousand for the monks.101 And who were the monks? The early members of the saṇgha came from the Sākyas, the clan of the

Buddha. After this came members from the Licchavis and the Mallas. These members came from noble, ruling class backgrounds.102 Some, such as Sāriputta, were born into

Brahmin families. They were well acquainted with Brahmin teachings. In fact, the successful spread of early Buddhism was greatly assisted by the patronage of kings, nobles, and clans who were receptive to the teachings of the Buddha. In John Kelly’s work, King Pasenadi is the number one recipient of teachings, followed by

Anāthapiṇḍika.103 In the research conducted for this dissertation, King Pasenadi does not appear significant regarding giving, or being present for teachings on compassion, but does surface as a critical relationship for those who are present.

The six critical individuals identified for this research lead to three hundred and seventy-three second-level relationships. For example, Ānanda knew King Pasenadi and

King Pasenadi knew: Aṇgulimālā, Bandhula, Bāvarī, Bāvarī, Cankī, Chattapāni, Culla

Eka Sātaka, Dhanañjaya, Dhanuggaha Tissa, Dīghakārāyana, Isidatta, Jeta, Junha, Kānā,

100 Ibid., 6–7. 101 Ibid., 8. 102 Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 40. 103 Kelly, “The Buddha’s Teachings to Lay People,” 11. 61

Khemā, King Ajātasattu, King Bimbisāra, Kosaladevī, Kundadhāna, Mahā Kosala,

Mahāli, Mallikā, Mantidatta, Pokkharasādi, Purāna, Sakulā, Santati, Somā, Sudassana,

Sumanā, Sundarī Nandā, Ubbirī, Upananda, Vajirā, Vāsabhakhattiyā, and Vidūdabha.104

That web of relationships looks like this:

Figure 2-10: King Pasenadi and his immediate social connections Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

In the network chart above and those that follow, each person is a node represented by a circle. The size of the circle indicates the number of relationships. King

Pasenadi is just one part of the relationship network for Ānanda. Here are all of the two hundred and seventeen connections in Ānanda’s network:

104 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Pasenadi.” 62

Figure 2-11: Ānanda and his immediate social connections Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

In 1990, John Guare wrote a play Six Degrees of Separation. The central theme of the play is that everyone in the world can be connected to everyone else by a chain of no more than six acquaintances.105 This idea led to the popular culture game by the same name, and even more specifically to the game Six Degrees of Kevin Bacon. The latter is based on the theory that the actor Kevin Bacon has been in so many movies that he could be linked by six degrees or fewer to any Hollywood actor. In early Buddhism, the game could have been Six Degrees of Ānanda or Six Degrees of Sāriputta. The play and the

105 David Smith and technology correspondent, “Microsoft Proves There Are Just Six Degrees of Separation between Us,” The Observer, August 2, 2008, sec. Technology, https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2008/aug/03/internet.email. 63

games stem from the scientific study of networks. Sociologists call this the Small World

Phenomenon.106

As explained by Duncan Watts in “Networks, Dynamics, and the Small‐World

Phenomenon,” elements in a small world network are somehow close to the other elements in the network.107 Four criteria make the small world phenomenon remarkable:

1) The network is numerically large. In the example of today’s world, the population

is in the order of billions.

2) The network is sparse. Meaning that each person connects to a number of people

which is no more than in the thousands.

3) The network is decentralized, and this refers to the fact that there is no one vertex

to which the others are directly connected.

108 4) The network is highly clustered, and it is expected that social circles overlap.

Evidence for the small world phenomenon concept was presented in 1967 by psychologist Stanley Milgram. Watts explains the experiment:

106 Duncan J. Watts, “Networks, Dynamics, and the Small‐World Phenomenon,” American Journal of Sociology 105, no. 2 (1999): 493–94, https://doi.org/10.1086/210318. 107 Ibid., 495. 108 Ibid., 496. 64

Milgram initiated a number of chain letters with sources in Kansas and Nebraska, to be sent to one of two targets in Boston. Each source was given the name of the target and some demographic information about them but was instructed that they could only send the letter to someone they knew by first name. If they did not know the target directly (a remote possibility), the idea was to send it to whichever of their friends they considered was most likely to. This procedure was then to be repeated, generating a chain of recipients that either reached the target or else petered out due to apathy. Of the chains that did complete, Milgram found that the median number of links in the chain was about six, thus giving rise to the famous phrase, “six degrees of separation.” A later work of Milgram’s (Korte and Milgram 1970) found similar results for senders and recipients in different racial subgroups, thus bolstering the claim that the world was not just small within particular socioeconomic categories but was, perhaps, small universally.109

The relationship network created from the six key individuals fits into the small world phenomenon. In “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” Balkrishna Gokhale calculates the population of Sāvatthı alone at approximately fifty-seven thousand people.110 Rājagaha may have had as many as eighteen thousand Buddhist households.111

If each family had four people, this would mean a Buddhist population of seventy-two thousand. This may not be large by today’s standards, but at that time connections were made through face-to-face contact, by individuals traveling on foot or by cart or along the river. While many individuals hold a significant number of connections, there is not one individual who connects to all others. Even the addition of the Buddha to the network would not change this, as he did not personally interact with every individual within the system. The network is highly clustered and there is significant overlap between the circles.

109 Ibid., 496–97. 110 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” The Journal of International Association of Buddhist Studies 5, no. 2 (1982): 12. 111 Jean C. Darian, “Social and Economic Factors in the Rise of Buddhism,” Sociological Analysis 38, no. 3 (Autumn 1977): 227. 65

Rather than examine each chart for each key individual, let us jump to a network chart of all of the relationships for all of the six key individuals:

Figure 2-12: Six key individuals, Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, Mahāpajāpatīgotamī Therī, Pañcasikha, Sāriputta, and Sigālaka and their immediate social connections Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

The array of relationships attributed to the six key individuals, spans social, religious, and political boundaries. Monks interact with Brahmins, and householders, and with teachers and monks from other groups, such as the Jains. Monks associate with

princes and kings. Monks interact with divine and semi-divine beings. 112 Householders respectfully communicate with Brahmins. Householders have communications with divine and semi-divine beings.113 In, Society at the Time of the Buddha, Narendra Wagle analyzes the texts, with an emphasis on the interactions between the various groups and the language that they use when addressing one another. It is through this analysis that he also concludes that the followers of the Buddha held a unique position for their time.

They are very often considered to be the social equals of the Brahmins. From a religious perspective followers of Buddha are superior to the Brahmins, and, concerning politics, they are not necessarily at the service of a particular king.114 The relationships found in the master table uphold this theory. Ānanda has connections with King Udena, King

Pasenadi, and King Munda. King Pasenadi consults with Ānanda, and so does the

Brahmin, Ghosita. Paribbājakas come to Ānanda, and sometimes Ānanda can convince them of the validity of the Buddha’s teachings.115

A review of the network chart shows that at least regarding relationships, the key individuals are: Ānanda, Sāriputta, Sakka, King Pasenadi, and King Bimbisāra. Next are

Anāthapiṇḍika, Devadatta, and Mahā Moggallāna. Those who are mentioned the most in the teachings on compassion are not always the ones who are the most connected.

112 N. K Wagle, Society at the Time of the Buddha. (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1966), 60–67. 113 Ibid., 67–69. 114 Ibid., 77. 115 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Ānanda.” 67

Figure 2-13: Sakka and his immediate social connections Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

Sakka is a divine being. Most often referred to as the king of the Devas. The literature describes him as ruling over the lowest heaven.116 SN 11, Sakkasaṃyuttaṃ is a complete chapter on discourses with Sakka. 117A devoted follower of the Buddha, this passage is attributed to him,

The Perfectly Enlightened One here In this world with its Devas, The Teacher of perfect name: He is the one whom I worship, Mātali.

Those for whom lust and hatred And ignorance have been expunged, The arahants with taints destroyed: These are the ones whom I worship, Mātali.

116 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. “Sakka.” 117 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 335. 68

The trainees who delight in dismantling, Who diligently purse the training For the removal of lust and hatred, For transcending ignorance: These are the ones whom I worship, Mātali.118

How should he be considered in a study of this nature? He is well-documented in the Pāli Canon as being present for specific teachings in a specific geographic location.

There is also the case of Devadatta, a very well-connected individual.

Figure 2-14: Devadatta and his immediate social connections Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

As the cousin of the Buddha, and at one time a well-regarded monk, his desire was to take over the order. His request for succesorship was denied, and he made two

118 Ibid. 69

attempts on the Buddha’s life.119 His attempts unsuccessful, he then schemed to create a schism. He encouraged five monks to ask that five additional rules be imposed on the saṇgha. The rules were that,

1) Monks should dwell of their lives in the forest,

2) Monks should not accept invitations to meals, and live strictly off of alms from

begging,

3) Monks should wear robes that come from discarded rags only and accept no

robes as gifts,

4) Monks should dwell at the foot of a tree and not under a roof, and,

5) Monks should never eat fish or flesh120

The Buddha made each of the above rules optional. Devadatta used this as an excuse to tell those who would listen to him that the Buddha was fond of luxury. He then organized his own uposatha. Sāriputta and Moggallāna visited Devadatta’s assembly and preached to them and convincing them to return to the Buddha. When Devadatta learned that he had lost his followers, he had a fit of anger, which caused him to become ill, and he never recovered.121

Given his persistent attempts to kill the Buddha and take over leadership of the saṇgha, what is Devadattas role in the spread of compassion in early Buddhism?

This leads to an examination of the key individuals. Some are the ones who appear the most concerning compassion, and some are the key connectors. They may not have shown up in the data of suttas on compassion, but they show up with a tie to

119 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Devadatta.” 120 Ibid. 121 Ibid. 70

someone who has, and with such a healthy level of connection, they are worthy of examination. The data from the master table and the network charts, along with more information on the lives of these individuals, will be used to draw conclusions in Chapter

4: Important Individuals to Early Buddhism and Compassion.

2.3 Statistical Analysis of the Data

Figure 2-15: Distribution of teaching on compassion across the Piṭaka Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

The master table contains four hundred and eighteen records. Each record is an occurrence of the words karuṇā or anukampā, or a related compound. An overwhelming majority of the occurrences come from the suttas, followed by the Abhidhamma, and then the Vinaya.

Figure 2-16: Distribution of teaching on compassion across the Nikāyas Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

The suttas that mention compassion the most frequently are found in the

Khuddaka Nikāya. A collection of fifteen different books (eighteen in the Burmese version), the Khuddaka Nikāya is much larger than the other collections122. The entire collection Sutta Piṭaka has about eight thousand, five hundred and fifty-three pages.123

The breakdown of pages is, the Dīgha Nikāya has seven hundred and seventy-nine pages, the Majjhima Nikāya has one thousand two hundred and six pages, the Saṁyutta Nikāya as one thousand four hundred and fourteen pages, the Aņguttara Nikāya has one thousand

122 Anandajoti Bhikkhu, “Basic Structure of the Pali Tipitaka,” Ancient Buddhist Texts, accessed April 11, 2019, https://www.ancient-buddhist-texts.net/Reference/Pali- Tipitaka.htm. 123 Ibid. 72

five hundred and sixty-three pages, and the Khuddaka Nikāya has more than twice that with three thousand six hundred and forty-one pages.124

It is in the Khuddaka Nikāya, specifically the Patisambhidamagga, that knowledge of the great compassion is discussed. The knowledge of great compassion is said to come to those who recognize that they have become liberated.

I have crossed over and the world has not crossed over; I am liberated and the world is not liberated; I am controlled and the world is uncontrolled; I am at peace and the world is not at peace; I am comforted and the world is comfortless; I am extinguished and the world is unextinguished; I having crossed over can bring across; I, being liberated, can liberate; comforted, can comfort; I being extinguished can teach extinguishment there descends the Great Compassion.125

Not every record that is in the master table is in the full analysis for this dissertation. There were quite a few records where the Buddha was the teacher and the audience members were either listed as bhikkus or some other group designation or not listed at all. When this was the case, the expression of compassion was still important, but without the inclusion of who heard the teaching, the data did not contribute to the research into critical individuals and their specific travels or locations. If a location was mentioned, that information was captured and used to create maps that depicted where teachings on compassion occurred. There are one hundred and ninety-seven records that depict the Buddha as the teacher, with no identifiable audience members. There are also records that do not have an identifiable location. When this was the case, the data was still reviewed to determine how compassion was being taught, but without the inclusion of where the teaching took place, the data could not be used for research into critical

124 Ibid. 125 Ñāṇamoli and A. K Warder, The Path of Discrimination (Paṭisambhidāmagga) (Oxford: Pali Text Soc., 1991), 127–31. 73

individuals and their specific travels or locations and could not be used to contribute to maps where teachings on compassion occurred. There are two hundred and seventeen records that do not have identifiable locations.

Although not every record contained a speaker or audience member other than the

Buddha, or a location, there was sufficient data to support theories around the teachings on compassion, who helped to spread those teachings, and where they traveled.

2.4 Conclusion

In reviewing the master table data, and where possible comparing it to other studies, there is consistency. And while that may not bring new revelations, it helps to establish credibility for this data-driven approach to studying the Pāli Canon. This work builds upon the data and advances different theories on the teaching of compassion in the

Pāli Canon.

Reviewing the data also illuminates the sensitivity that comes from this type of data gathering and analysis. When the master table is narrowed down to a few key individuals or locations, there is a risk that a single person or place can be overly emphasized. Another risk is that data that did not make it through the filters, or teaching, speaker, or audience and location will be discarded when in fact it should be included.126 the Mettāsahagatasuttaṃ, teaches the importance of loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity. It occurs in Haliddavasana, but is taught by the Buddha to a group of bhikkhus. While it cannot be included in research on key individuals, it must be covered while considering how and where compassion was taught.

126 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1607–11. 74

The network of the six key individuals and their relationships, does not indicate agency regarding the spread of compassion in early Buddhism, and it does not provide evidence that each connection represents the transmission of the teachings, but it does show the strength of those relationships. It is not unreasonable to conclude that these relationships, in conjunction with the teachings and interactions along heavily traversed routes, did lead to transmission of the teachings.

The master table provides targeted information to inform additional research into an analysis of compassion and how it was expressed, the key individuals involved, and the potential routes that they traversed.

When the teachings, the individuals, and the locations are combined, it becomes apparent that it is not one specific element that influences the spread of Buddhism and teachings on compassion. It is the system as a whole: a group of wandering ascetics, made up of converts from the different social groups of the time, traversing primary routes, and also straying from those routes to visit less populous locations, interacting with people who cross social, religious, and political boundaries, with the ability to skillfully offer teachings that resonate with those who are prepared to receive those teachings.

Chapter 3: The Role of Compassion in the Pāli Canon

3.1 Introduction

The data shows that compassion is taught in the Pāli Canon, and that these teachings can be clearly categorized. What place do those teachings hold within the overall context of the teachings of early Buddhism? Is the theme of compassion significant, and if so how - if not, why is compassion mentioned at all? These questions are answered in this chapter. By analyzing pāli translations of anukampā, and looking more closely at the passages that teach compassion it will become evident that compassion is a foundational concept of early Buddhism. Frequently, compassion is mentioned briefly and in passing. But this is not an indicator of its importance. It shows that compassion is an assumed trait in Gautama Buddha and his followers.

In her work in Detachment and Compassion in Early Buddhism, Elizabeth Harris refers to three strands of compassion discussed in the Pāli Canon. She makes a case that the first strand is the requirement of compassion to maintain a just and harmonious society. The second strand is that compassion is an essential attitude for progress along the path toward wisdom, and the third strand is that compassion is an action taken by enlightened beings or those who are sincerely on the path to enlightenment.127 In some ways, the theories around compassion put forth here might work within her framework, for example Harris states:

127 Harris, Detachment and Compassion in Early Buddhism, 6. 76

This ideal was placed before the whole monastic Saṇgha. Although many members of the Saṇgha may have failed to reach it, it is certain that some attained a stage where compassionate, loving action had replaced selfishness. In the final stage of the path, there is a sense in which action ceases. Yet it is the kind of action which is dictated by attraction or aversion which must stop, action which has kammic results, not that which flows from a purified mind filled with compassion. The mission he set for himself and for the Saṇgha was one of compassionate, liberative action. The first sixty arahants were sent out with the words:

Go forth, bhikkhus, for the good of the many, for the happiness of the many, out of compassion for the world, for the good, benefit, and happiness of gods and men. Let not two go by the same way.128

The above very closely aligns with the one of the categories used in this dissertation; that the Buddha or others will do things out of compassion for others. This is a literal interpretation of the text. Moreover, that is how the categories in this chapter have been derived. Where Harris’ strands define what compassion accomplishes, the categories named here draw directly on the phrasing used in the passages. More emphasis is placed on what was said, and less emphasis on why it was said.

There are sufficient examples to show that the Buddha and his disciples were compassionate, and that compassion is an expected behavior. AN 5.235

Compassionate129, outlines the five qualities of a monk who shows compassion to laypeople:

128 Ibid., 18. 129 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 832. 77

Bhikkhus, possessing five qualities, a resident bhikkhu shows compassion to laypeople. What five? 1) He encourages them in regard to virtuous behavior, 2) He settles them in the vision of the Dhamma, 3) When they are ill he approaches them and arouses mindfulness by saying “Let the honorable ones establish mindfulness on that which is worthy.” 4) When a large Saṇgha of bhikkhus has arrived, including bhikkhus from various states, he approaches laypeople and informs them: ‘Friends, a large Saṇgha of bhikkhus has arrived including bhikkhus from various states. Make merit. It is an occasion to make merit.’ 5) He himself eats whatever food they give him, whether course or excellent; he does not squander what has been given out of faith. Possessing these five qualities, a resident bhikhhu shows compassion to laypeople. 130

DN 13:78: The Threefold Knowledge depicts two popular references to compassion. The first is that a monk dwells abiding in compassion and the second is the role of compassion in the Brahma-vihāras or four sublime states. 131

A discussion of the role of compassion in the Pāli Canon would be incomplete without some discussion of the Brahma-vihāras. When a monk or a layperson dwells abiding in compassion, he might achieve the liberation of his heart. Prior to the mention of compassion or karuṇā, mettā or loving-kindness is listed, and the following passages discuss sympathetic joy or muditā and then equanimity or upekkhā. Each passage is identical, with the exception of the naming of the specific Brahma-vihāras or sublime

130 Ibid. 131 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 194. 132 Ibid. 78

state. Investigating the part that compassion plays in the Brahma-vihāras helps to illustrate the supporting role that compassion is assigned within the Pāli Canon.

Despite the fact that the Brahma-vihāras are mentioned several times throughout the Pāli Canon, they do not represent its primary goal. The primary teaching can be expressed by this passage from AN IV 245:3: “And how is liberation its core? Here, the teachings have been taught by me to my disciples for the utterly complete destruction of suffering. Through liberation one experiences those teaching in just the way that I have taught them to my disciples for the utterly complete destruction of suffering. It is in this way that liberation is its core.” 133

The purpose of the teachings is to obtain liberation. It is within this context that how compassion is presented can be broken down into categories and the expectations of how the Buddha, monks, and others show compassion will be discussed. The categories used in this report were hiding in plain sight. They come directly from the phrasing used in the Pāli Canon Yet, focusing on these categories is a new approach. An approach which paves the way in Chapter 4 for analysis of how key individuals represented compassion as it was taught in early Buddhism. Before delving into those categories, we will first take a look at the word anukampā, and the different treatments it is given in the various translations used in this study.

3.2 Anukampā: One Word Multiple Meanings

In researching translations of the passages captured in the master table, some interesting differences surfaced around the use of the word anukampā. A quick look at

Figure 2-2: Common words describing compassion, is a reminder of how important

133 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 611. 79

anukampā is to this study. Anukampām is the word that occurs the most in the master table. Anukampako is third, and anukampakā is sixth. In the Concise Pali-English

Dictionary originally published in 1957, anukampā receives the following treatment,

Anukampaka, Anukampī, - compassionate; one who has pity.

Anukampati (anu + kamp + a). to have pity on.

Anukampana, Anukampā – compassion; pity.

Anukampita, - pitied by.134

The 1993 version of the Pali-English Dictionary by T.W. Rhys Williams and

William Stede provides this definition, Anukampā – compassion, pity, mercy…often in anukampāya out of pity, for the sake of, …out of compassion for all mankind.135

In Love and Sympathy in Theravāda Buddhism, Aronson says that anukampā is the condition of being moved in accordance with others, in response to others. He also favors translating anukampā as sympathy, using a version of the Gradual Sayings that states the Buddha came out of sympathy for the world.136

In 1881, T.W. Rhys Davids translated this sentence from the Mahāparinibbāna

Suttam, “ahañca vatamhi sekho sakaraṇīyo, satthu ca me parinibbānaṃ bhavissati, yo mama anukampako”ti. 137 This sentence is attributed to Ānanda, who is realizing that soon the Buddha will be gone. T.W. Rhys Davids translates the word kind anukampako as kind. His translation reads as, “Alas! I remain still but a learner, one who has yet to work out his own perfection. And the Master is about to pass away from me-he who is so

134 Buddhadatta, Concise Pāli-English Dictionary, s.v. "Anukampā." 135 Thomas William Rhys Rhys Davids and William Stede, Pali-English Dictionary, (1993), s.v. "Anukampā.” 136 Aronson, Love and Sympathy in Theravāda Buddhism, 3. 137 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 80

kind!”138 By 1922, and possibly earlier, that same passage is translated as, “Behold, I am but a learner and not yet perfect, and my Teacher is on the point of passing into Nirvāṇa, he who was so compassionate to me.”139 That translation, or one very similar is still in use today, “Alas, I am still a learner with much to do! And the Teacher is passing away, who was so compassionate to me.”140 There are differing opinions in the understanding of anukampā. Is it sympathy or pity, is it compassion, and if so, is it contemplative compassion or active compassion?

In Aronson’s definition of anukampā as the condition of being moved in accordance with others, in response to others, there is an assumption of action. In fact, he asserts that karuṇā is meditative compassion, and anukampā is never used to refer to contemplative compassion.141 Elizabeth Harris expresses a similar opinion, stating that,

“Yet central to all is the claim that karuṇā concerns our attitude to the suffering of others.

In the Buddhist texts the term often refers to an attitude of mind to be radiated in meditation. This is usually considered its primary usage. Nevertheless, the definitions of

Buddhist writers past and present, as well as the texts themselves, stress that it is also more than this.” Anukampā and dayā, often translated as “sympathy,” are closely allied to it.”142 Scholar monk, Bhikkhu Anālayo, finds that karuṇā cannot be completely categorized as contemplative compassion, and anukampā cannot be completely

138 Friedrich Max Müller, Sacred Books of the East, vol. 11, Buddhist Suttas (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1881), 95. 139 Henry Clarke Warren, Buddhism in Translations (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard university press, 1922), 98, http://archive.org/details/buddhismintrans03warrgoog. 140 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 265. 141 Aronson, Love and Sympathy in Theravāda Buddhism, 16. 142 Harris, Detachment and Compassion in Early Buddhism, 8. 81

categorized as active compassion. There are exceptions to both rules.143 From AN 8.1, the

Mettā Suttaṃ, comes this passage, “ekampi ce pāṇamaduṭṭhacitto, mettāyati kusalī tena hoti. sabbe ca pāṇe manasānukampī, pahūtamariyo pakaroti puññaṃ.”144 Translated as

“If, with a mind free from hate, one arouses love toward just one being, one thereby becomes good. Compassionate in mind toward all beings, the noble one generates abundant merit.”145 In this instance anukampā is referencing a mental state and not an action.

And in this passage, karuṇā is used to express an action, not a mental state.

“namucī karuṇaṃ vācaṃ, bhāsamāno upāgami. kiso tvamasi dubbaṇṇo, santike maraṇaṃ tava.”146 Or, “Namucī approached me, speaking compassionate words: ‘You are thin, pale; you’re on the verge of death.”147

There are instances where anukampā and karuṇā are used together, this is the case in the legend of Saparivārachattadāyaka Thera, “anukampako kāruṇiko, buddho lokagganāyako.”148 The description is of the Buddha, who is full of pity, and compassionate. “[Full of] Pity, Compassionate, the Buddha, the World’s Chief

Leader.”149 Full of pity and compassionate are adjectives describing the Buddha. Is the

Buddha compassionate because he dwells abiding in compassion, or is it because he acts

143 Analayo, Compassion and Emptiness in Early Buddhist Meditation, 13. 144 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 145 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 1112. 146 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 147 Bodhi and Buddhaghosa, eds., The Suttanipāta: An Ancient Collection of the Buddha’s Discourses: Together with Its Commentaries, Paramatthajotikā II and Excerpts from the Niddesa (Sommerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2017), 226. 148 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 149 Jonathan S. Walters, Legends of the Buddhist Saints: Apadanapali (Walla Walla: Jonathan S. Walters and Whitman College, 2018), 445. 82

out of compassion? In this instance, the rest of the story tells how Saparivārachattadāyaka

Thera gave the Buddha an umbrella, and the Buddha accepts it. As in other scenarios where the Buddha accepts gifts, or teaches, or consents to do something, it is out of compassion. The story states that Saparivārachattadāyaka Thera has a better rebirth because of his gift of the umbrella.

“cunda, satthārā karaṇīyaṃ sāvakānaṃ hitesinā anukampakena anukampaṃ upādāya, kataṃ vo taṃ mayā. ‘etāni, cunda, rukkhamūlāni, etāni suññāgārāni, jhāyatha, cunda, mā pamādattha, mā pacchāvippaṭisārino ahuvattha’ — ayaṃ kho amhākaṃ anusāsanī”ti.150 This example with anukampakena and anukampaṃ is translated by

Bhikkhu Ñaņamoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi as, “What should be done for his disciples out of compassion by a teacher who seeks their welfare and has compassion them, that I have done for you Cunda. There are these roots of trees, these empty huts. Meditate, Cunda, do not delay or else you will regret it later. This is our instruction to you.”151 Notice that they drop the double usage of anukampā. A more literal translation would possible use anukampakena as one who has pity, and anukampaṃ as compassion. “What should be done for his disciples out of compassion by a teach who seeks their welfare and has pity on them, that I have done for you Cunda.”

The Jātaka translations by Robert Chalmers, and edited by E.B Cowell lean very heavily toward using pity instead of compassion. These translations from 1895 are still in use today and the full version can be found online. From the Mahā-Ukkusa-Jātaka comes

150 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 151 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 131. 83

“yaṃ hoti kiccaṃ anukampakena, ariyassa ariyena kataṃ tayīdaṃ.”152 Or Good help the good: the necessary deed Thou hast in pity done for us at need.153 From Sonaka-Jātaka

“ekavācampi dvivācaṃ, bhaṇeyya anukampako.”154 Or, “In pity once, nay even twice, utter the warning word, But keep not on repeating it, like slave before his lord.”155 In the

Alambusā-Jātaka, “iccānusāsi maṃ tāto, yathā maṃ anukampako.”156 Per Chalmers and

Cowell, “’Twas thus my sire, by pity moved, Would fain have warned the son he loved.”157

In the Chalmers and Cowell translations of the Jātakas, there is at least one instance where anukampako is translated as kind. This is in agreement with the T.W.

Rhys David translation of the Mahāparinibbāna Suttam from 1881. The Jātaka passage is, “putto tavāyaṃ taruṇo sudhamme, anukampako somanasso kumāro.”158 And here is the translation using kind for anukampako. “So my young son, Sudhammā, says me nay,

Prince Somanassa, delicate and kind.”159

In the Vinaya, monks are to taught how to conduct the Pavāranā ceremony ceremony at the end of the rainy season. In this ceremony they invite one another to speak up if one has committed an offense. And in the translation anukampaṃ is referred

152 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 153 Robert Chalmers, “No. 486.: Mahā-Ukkusa-Jātaka.,” Wisdom Library, July 21, 2014, https://www.wisdomlib.org/buddhism/book/the-jataka-volume-iv/d/doc80660.html. 154 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 155 Robert Chalmers, “No. 529.: Sonaka-Jātaka.,” Wisdom Library, July 21, 2014, https://www.wisdomlib.org/buddhism/book/the-jataka-volume-v/d/doc80705.html. 156 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 157 Robert Chalmers, “No. 523.: Alambusā-Jātaka.,” Wisdom Library, July 21, 2014, https://www.wisdomlib.org/buddhism/book/the-jataka-volume-v/d/doc80699.html. 158 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 159 Robert Chalmers, “No. 505.: Somanassa-Jataka.,” Wisdom Library, July 21, 2014, https://www.wisdomlib.org/buddhism/book/the-jataka-volume-iv/d/doc80679.html. 84

to as sympathy.

saṅghaṃ, āvuso, pavāremi diṭṭhena vā sutena vā parisaṅkāya vā. vadantu maṃ āyasmanto anukampaṃ upādāya. passanto paṭikarissāmi. dutiyampi, āvuso, saṅghaṃ pavāremi diṭṭhena vā sutena vā parisaṅkāya vā. vadantu maṃ āyasmanto anukampaṃ upādāya. passanto paṭikarissāmi. tatiyampi, āvuso, saṅghaṃ pavāremi diṭṭhena vā sutena vā parisaṅkāya vā. vadantu maṃ āyasmanto anukampaṃ upādāya. passanto paṭikarissāmī ti.160

Or,

Friends, I invite the Saṇgha to speak to me—out of sympathy—with regard to what is seen, heard, or suspected. On seeing (the offense), I will make amends. A second time, friends, I invite the Saṇgha to speak to me—out of sympathy— with regard to what is seen, heard, or suspected. On seeing (the offense), I will make amends. A third time, friends, I invite the Saṇgha to speak to me—out of sympathy—with regard to what is seen, heard, or suspected. On seeing (the offense), I will make amends.161

And now back to the Mahāparinibbāna Suttam, where anukampanti means to have pity on. “tato naṃ anukampanti, mātā puttaṃva orasaṃ.”162 “As a result, they will feel sympathy for him, like that of a mother for her child, her son.”163

There is quite a bit of fluidity in the translations of anukampā. Earlier translations tend to use pity or sympathy or even kindness. Maurice Walshe and Bhikkhu Bodhi are more likely to use compassion. Aronson and Harris lean toward sympathy, but also define anukampā in comparison to karuṇā. The former representing action, and the later contemplation.

160 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 161 T. W. Rhys Davids and Hermann Oldenberg, Vinaya Texts, vol.13, The Sacred Texts of the East (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1965), 329. 162 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 163 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 238. 85

Figure 3-1: How Anukampā shows up in the master table Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

In the master table, the majority of the passages containing anukampā represent active compassion. But, as Bhikkhu Anālayo discovered, there are instances where it means contemplative compassion. 164There are passages where the usage of anukampā is ambiguous, and must be reviewed more thoroughly for a category to be assigned. And there are instances when anukampā is interpreted as pity or sympathy, and the usage of the word pity or sympathy needs to be considered in order for a category to be assigned.

How much does the translation of anukampā impact the results of the analysis conducted here? The data in the master table was identified for capture using pāli. No consideration was given to the English translation. Passages containing karuṇā or

164 Analayo, Compassion and Emptiness in Early Buddhist Meditation, 13. 86

anukampā or related compounds, are included in the master table, and were reviewed for location, and speaker, and audience, and for the message of the teaching. Passages where anukampā is translated as pity or sympathy, are included in the master table, and included in the analysis conducted here. In the rare instance that the phrasing in a specific passage did not clearly fall into one of the three categories, a decision was reached based on the context of the teaching, the context of the passage within the teaching, and the relationship of the passage to the sentences immediately before and after.

Two examples help to demonstrate this process. First, “anukampako kāruṇiko, hitesī sabbapāṇinaṃ.” 165 The translation is, “Compassionate, having pity, seeking the welfare of all breathing things, he established all the assembled sectarians in the five moral habits.”166 Similar to the sentence in the legend of Saparivārachattadāyaka Thera, this sentence is describing the Buddha as being compassionate and having pity. 167 The second half of the sentence provides the answer, “…seeking the welfare of all breathing things, he established all the assembled sectarians in the five moral habits.” This could easily be read as “…out of compassion for all breathing things, he established all the assembled sectarians in the five moral habits.”

“evampi me tvaṃ pāturahu dijinda, mātāva puttaṃ anukampamāno.”168 This passage from the Jātaka has been translated as, “So upon me, O king of birds, bestow,

165 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 166 Horner I.B., trans., “Chronicle of Buddhas (Buddhavaṃsa),” in The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon Part III, (London: The Pali Text Society, 1975), 53. 167 Walters, Legends of the Buddhist Saints: Apadanapali, 445. 168 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 87

That pity mothers to their children show.”169 DN 31, the Siṅgāla suttaṃ, mentions that parents ministered to by their sons will reciprocate with compassion.170 Parents show their children compassion. Instead of, “…That pity mothers to their children show,” it can be interpreted as, “…The compassion mothers to their children show.” In this Jātaka tale, the character of a snake, named Paṇḍaraka is begging the garuḍa-king or bird king for his life. The category of dwelling abiding in compassion is not appropriate, there is no mention of meditation. If the bird king spares Paṇḍaraka’s life, that is compassionate behavior. And the bird king does spare Paṇḍaraka’s life. This specific passage is

Paṇḍaraka asking the bird king to spare his life. He is asking for compassion, asking him to out of compassion spare his life.

3.3 The Assumptions around Compassion

Despite the fact that compassion is not the primary teaching of the Buddha, the theme of compassion is ever-present. In most teachings, compassion is an assumed behavior, especially for monks. To be a monk is to be compassionate. The Karuṇā

Suttaṃ specifically discusses how developing and cultivating the perception of compassion leads to great benefit: Karuṇā, bhikkhave, bhāvitā,171 or “Bhikkhus when compassion is developed.” The development of compassion is of great fruit. It leads to great good, security from bondage, a sense of urgency, and dwelling comfort.172 In this passage compassion is just one of the states to be developed.

169 Robert Chalmers, “No. 518.: Paṇḍara-Jātaka.,” Wisdom Library, July 21, 2014, https://www.wisdomlib.org/buddhism/book/the-jataka-volume-v/d/doc80694.html. 170 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 467. 171 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 172 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1617–19. 88

The Dānavaggo Suttaṃ describes types of gifts to be offered and within this teaching on giving gifts is a passage describing two types of compassion. Each one is considered a gift. Of the two, compassion shown with the Dhamma is the better gift.

“dvemā, bhikkhave, anukampā. katamā dve? āmisānukampā ca dhammānukampā ca. imā kho, bhikkhave, dve anukampā. etadaggaṃ, bhikkhave, imāsaṃ dvinnaṃ anukampānaṃ yadidaṃ dhammānukampā”ti.173 Translated as: “Bhikkhus, there are these two kinds of compassion. What two? Compassion shown with material goods and compassion shown with the Dhamma. These are the two kinds of compassion. Of these two kinds of compassion, compassion shown with the Dhamma is foremost.” 174

AN 5.161, the Aghātapaṭivinaya Suttaṃ, provides another example of compassion as one of multiple important messages: “pañcime, bhikkhave, āghātapaṭivinayā yattha bhikkhuno uppanno āghāto sabbaso paṭivinetabbo. katame pañca? yasmiṃ, bhikkhave, puggale āghāto jāyetha, mettā tasmiṃ puggale bhāvetabbā; evaṃ tasmiṃ puggale

āghāto paṭivinetabbo. yasmiṃ, bhikkhave, puggale āghāto jāyetha, karuṇā tasmiṃ puggale bhāvetabbā.”175

The key phrase about compassion can be translated as: “One should develop compassion for the person one resents; in this way one should remove the resentment toward that person.”176

In many instances compassion is mentioned but it is not a critical part of the lesson. Passages in this classification demonstrate that the idea of compassion is ever

173 BUDSIR V for Windows. 174 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 183. 175 BUDSIR V for Windows. 176 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 774. 89

present. In MN 54, the Potaliya Suttaṃ, the Buddha teaches Potaliya, the householder, what it means when one of his disciples cuts off his worldly affairs. When the Buddha explains to Potaliya that there are eight things that constitute the cutting off of affairs for one of his disciples, Potaliya responds with: “ye me, bhante, bhagavatā aṭṭha dhammā saṃkhittena vuttā, vitthārena avibhattā, ariyassa vinaye vohārasamucchedāya saṃvattanti, sādhu me, bhante, bhagavā ime aṭṭha dhamme vitthārena vibhajatu anukampaṃ upādāyā”ti. 177 Or: “What is the cutting off of affairs like in the Noble One’s

Discipline, venerable sir? It would be good, venerable sir, if the blessed one would, out of compassion, teach me the Dhamma, showing what the cutting off of affairs is like in the

Noble One’s Discipline.”178

The key teaching to Potaliya is not about compassion, it is about the cutting off of worldly affairs. Potaliya receives this lesson because the Buddha is compassionate.

In AN 11.13, the Nandiya Suttam, the Buddha advises Nandiya, the Sākyan on how to dwell, or how to conduct oneself as a noble. As part of the lesson, Nandiya is reminded to consider how fortunate he is to have good friends: “puna caparaṃ tvaṃ, nandiya, kalyāṇamitte anussareyyāsi — ‘lābhā vata me, suladdhaṃ vata me, yassa me kalyāṇamittā anukampakā atthakāmā ovādakā anusāsakā’ti. iti kho te, nandiya, kalyāṇamitte ārabbha ajjhattaṃ sati upaṭṭhāpetabbā.”179 Or: “Again, Nandiya, you should recollect good friends thus: It is truly my good fortune and gain that I have good

177 BUDSIR V for Windows. 178 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 467–68. 179 BUDSIR V for Windows. 90

friends who take compassion on me, who desire my good, who exhort and instruct me.

Thus you should establish mindfulness internally based on good friends.”180

Compassion is not the point of the lesson, but the fact that Nandiya has compassionate friends is something that he should remember when he considers his blessings.

Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data, introduces three categories that define compassion in the Pāli Canon. Here, each of those categories is given more attention using specific examples to solidify the findings.

1) The Buddha, monks, and others act out of compassion toward others.

In the data extracted for this research, actions such as teaching, or visiting someone who is sick or dying, or providing some other type of help are performed out of compassion. This is the most common reference to compassion. In 43.5% of the passages analyzed, the discussion describes an action occurring out of compassion for others. The

Buddha is the one most often described as acting out of compassion. Venerables Ānanda and Sāriputta and Venerable Mahākassapa also assist others out of compassion.

SN 6.1, the Brahmāyācana Suttaṃ, tells the story of how immediately after the

Buddha obtained enlightenment, the Brahmā Sahampati became aware that the Buddha did not want to teach the Dhamma. Sahampati makes an appeal to the Buddha, “Teach the Dhamma, O Blessed One: There will be those who will understand.”181 As a result of this request, the Buddha, out of compassion for beings, surveyed the world and saw that

180 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 1569–70. 181 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 232–33. 91

there would be those who would be difficult to teach and those who would be easy to teach and replied: “Open to them are the doors to the Deathless: Let those who have ears release faith. Forseeing trouble, O Brahmā, I did not speak. The refined, sublime

Dhamma among human beings.”182

In MN 103.1, the Kinti suttaṃ, The Buddha asks the monks to tell him why they think he teaches the Dhamma? The monks reply: “hoti — ‘anukampako bhagavā hitesī; anukampaṃ upādāya dhammaṃ desetī’”ti.183 Or “The Blessed One is compassionate and seeks our welfare; he teaches the Dhamma out of compassion.”184

In the connected discourses with Kassapa, Venerable Mahākassapa shares why he continues to meditate in the forest: “attano ca diṭṭhadhammasukhavihāraṃ sampassamāno, pacchimañca janataṃ anukampamāno — ‘appeva nāma pacchimā janatā diṭṭhānugatiṃ āpajjeyyuṃ’ .”185 Or “For myself I see a pleasant dwelling in this very life, and I have compassion for later generations, thinking, “May those of later generations follow my example.”186 Later in that same sutta, the Buddha says to Venerable Mahā

Kassapa: “Good, good, Kassapa! You are practicing for the welfare and happiness of the multitude, out of compassion for the world, for the good, welfare and happiness of the devās and humans.”187

182 Ibid., 233. 183 BUDSIR V for Windows. 184 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 847. 185 BUDSIR V for Windows. 186 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 666–67. 187 Ibid. 92

Out of compassion for others, the Buddha is also careful about how he communicates with others. In MN 58, the Abhayarājakumāra suttam, there is an entire paragraph covering the types of speech the Tathāgata does or does not utter and when.

So too, prince, such speech as the Tathāgata knows to be untrue, incorrect, and unbeneficial, and which is also unwelcome and disagreeable to others: such speech the Tathāgata does not utter. Such speech as the Tathāgata knows to be true and correct but unbeneficial, and which is also unwelcome and disagreeable to others: such speech the Tathāgata does not utter. Such speech as the Tathāgata knows to be true, correct, and beneficial, but which is unwelcome and disagreeable to others: the Tathāgata knows the time to use such speech. Such speech as the Tathāgata knows to be untrue, incorrect and unbeneficial, but which is welcome and agreeable to others: such speech the Tathāgata does not utter. Such speech as the Tathāgata knows to be true and correct but unbeneficial, and which is welcome and agreeable to others: such speech the Tathāgata does not utter. Such speech as the Tathāgata knows to be true, correct, and beneficial, and which is welcome and agreeable to others: the Tathāgata knows the time to use such speech. Why is that? Because the Tathāgata has compassion for beings.188

2) The Buddha, monks and others dwell abiding in compassion.

The second most frequent way in which compassion is discussed is when monks or the Buddha are described as dwelling with a mind filled with compassion, or when the

Buddha advises monks, or others to dwell with a mind filled with compassion. These references account for 32.9% of the occurrences. The majority of these references are to monks. But in AN 5.192, the Buddha teaches Doņa that if he dwells in the four divine abodes that a Brahmin can be reborn in the brahma worlds. 189

And how, Doṇa, is a brahmin similar to Brahma? Here, a brahmin is well born on both his maternal and paternal sides, of pure descent, unassailable and impeccable with respect to birth as far back as the seventh paternal generation. He lives the spiritual life of virginal celibacy for forty-eight years, studying the hymns. He then seeks a teacher's fee for his teacher solely in accordance with the Dhamma, not contrary to the Dhamma.

188 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 500. 189 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 802–3. 93

And what, Doṇa, is the Dhamma in that case? Not by agriculture, not by trade, not by raising cattle, not by archery, not by service to the king, not by a particular craft, but solely by wandering for alms without scorning the alms bowl. Having offered the teacher's fee to his teacher, he shaves off his hair and beard, puts on ochre robes, and goes forth from the household life into homelessness.

When he has gone forth, he dwells pervading one quarter with a mind imbued with lovingkindness likewise the second quarter, the third quarter, and the fourth quarter. Thus above, below, across,‘and everywhere, and to all as to himself, he dwells pervading the entire world with a mind imbued with loving-kindness, vast, exalted, measureless, without enmity, without ill will.

He dwells pervading one quarter with a mind imbued with compassion . . . with a mind imbued with altruistic joy . . . with a mind imbued with equanimity, likewise the second quarter, the third quarter, and the fourth quarter. Thus above, below, a cross, and everywhere, and to all as to himself, he dwells pervading the entire world with a mind imbued with equanimity, vast, exalted, measureless without enmity,without ill will.

Having developed these four divine abodes, with the breakup of the body, after death, he is reborn in a good destination, in the brahma world. In this way a brahmin is similar to Brahma.190

In DN 25.5, the Udumbarika Suttaṃ, the Buddha rebukes Nigrodha for embracing extreme aceticism. As part of this lesson, the Buddha walks Nigrodha through different practices such as observing the fourfold restraint and abandoning the five hindrances. 191

He describes how a monk dwells, allowing his mind to be filled with loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity as a means of weakening his susceptibility to the defilements. “viharati. karuṇāsahagatena cetasā . pe . muditāsahagatena cetasā .

190 Ibid. 191 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 391. 94

pe . upekkhāsahagatena cetasā ekaṃ disaṃ pharitvā viharati.”192 Or “And he dwells, letting his mind, filled with compassion... with sympathetic joy... with equanimity…”193

In a passage from DN 26.28, the Cakkavatti-Sīhanāda Suttaṃ, the Buddha explains to his disciples how skillful action can lead to the best kind of long life, the best kind of beauty, and the best kind of strength. Here too, monks are encouraged to dwell with a mind filled with loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity.194

“And what is wealth for a monk? Here, a monk, with his heart filled with loving- kindness, dwells suffusing one quarter, the second, the third, the fourth. Thus he dwells suffusing the whole world, upwards, downwards, across - everywhere, always with a mind filled with loving-kindness, abundant, unbounded, without hate or ill-will. Then, with his heart filled with compassion, (and then sympathetic joy, followed by equanimity.) That is wealth for a monk.”195

3) The Buddha, monks and others are used as, or given examples of

compassionate behavior.

The remaining 23.5% of the passages on compassion help to describe instances of compassionate behavior. These teachings are just as likely to be aimed at lay people as they are to be aimed at monks. The difference between this type of teaching and a teaching where something is done out of compassion for others is that here, more definition is given as to what it means to be compassionate.

192 BUDSIR V for Windows. 193 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 391. 194 Ibid., 405. 195 Ibid. 95

“Thus they who are compassionate to kinsfolk give pure, fine, fit food and drink from time to time.”196 This passage from KN 1.7, the Tirokuṭṭa Suttaṃ, states that those who have compassion for their deceased relatives who are dwelling in the ghost realm leave them food as a means of encouraging them toward behavior that will help them in their current condition.

In another story from the Khuddaka Nikāya, two monks live together in harmony, until a third monk comes and tells each monk that the other monk has been saying negative things about the other. Seeing the trouble that he has caused, the third monk is racked with guilt, and dies. He becomes the peta with the putrid mouth. So named because whenever he opens his mouth, worms emerge. In this story can be found the phrase, “anukampakā ye kusalā vadeyyuṃ,”197 or “They who are compassionate and virtuous would say” which is then followed by “Do not backbite nor speak falsely.”198

In DN 31.13 8., the Siṅgāla Suttaṃ, a sympathetic friend is described. This is an instance where anukampako is described as sympathetic, but can be interpreted as compassionate. “catūhi kho, gahapatiputta, ṭhānehi anukampako mitto suhado veditabbo. abhavenassa na nandati, bhavenassa nandati, avaṇṇaṃ bhaṇamānaṃ nivāreti, vaṇṇaṃ bhaṇamānaṃ pasaṃsati. imehi kho, gahapatiputta, catūhi ṭhānehi anukampako mitto suhado veditabbo”ti. 199 Or, “The sympathetic friend can be seen to be a loyal friend in four ways: he does not rejoice at your misfortune, he rejoices at your good fortune, he

196 Mrs. Rhys, “Khuddaka-Pātha: The Text of the Minor Sayings,” 151. 197 BUDSIR V for Windows. 198 Horner I.B., The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon Part IV Pettavatthu: Stories of the Mansions, (Oxford: The Pali Text Society, 1993), 5. 199 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 96

stops others who speak against you, and he commands others who speak in praise of you.”200

How do these discussions and teachings of compassion apply to specific individuals? A review of the passages captured for this research shows that some clear patterns emerge. This is a breakdown of the Buddha, monks, and others and how they are involved in the discussion on compassion.

Compassion: Who is Involved and How?

The Buddha acts out of compassion. From the moment he teaches his first lesson and throughout his teachings, he is doing so out of compassion. Monks also act out of compassion, but more frequently are perceived as being directed to dwell abiding in compassion, or are described as actively dwelling abiding in compassion. Lay people most frequently are the recipients of messages about what it means to act compassionately. There are times when a teaching on compassion applies to more than one individual or group of individuals.

200 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 466. 97

Figure 3-2: Categories of compassion distributed by role Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

There are teachings that are meant for the Buddha and monks, for the Buddha, monks and lay people, for monks and lay people, for all and for others. The grouping of

‘Other’ includes Petas and Devas and occasionally animals.

Some passages include the Buddha, and monks, and Devas, and lay people. When this is the case, they have been assigned the group of ‘All.’ This is the case with the

Mahāsamaya Suttaṃ DN 20. A gathering of Devas who have come to see the Buddha.

“Mettā karuṇā kāyikā, āguṃ devā yasassino; Dasete dasadhā kāyā, sabbe nānattavaṇṇino.”201 Which is an excerpt from this paragraph:

Gods of water, earth, and fire, and wind,

201 BUDSIR V for Windows. 98

The Varunas and their retainers. Soma together with Yasa, Devas born of love and compassion, with a splendid train, These ten, with tenfold varied hosts, Endowed with mighty powers, and fair to see, Rejoicing came to see the Buddha’s monks.202

KN 13.9, Vessantaracariyā tells the story of Prince Vessantara who gave away his fame, fortune, and even his family in order to practice the Perfection of Giving.203

This is a story that is aimed at everyone, and the story involves Devas and animals and royalty and laypeople.

SN 42.9, the Gāmaṇisaṃyuttaṃ is considered to be aimed specifically at the

Buddha, because a questioner challenges him directly saying,

Venerable sir, doesn’t the Blessed One in many ways praise sympathy for families, the protection of families, compassion for families?...Then why venerable sir, is the Blessed One wandering on tour with a large Saṇgha of bhikkhus at a time of famine, a time of scarcity, when crops are blighted and have turned to straw? The Blessed One is practicing for the annihilation of familes, for the calamity of families, for the destruction of families.204 The Buddha replies that no family has ever been destroyed from offering cooked almsfood. 205

When the Buddha says, “yaṃ kho, bhikkhave, satthārā karaṇīyaṃ sāvakānaṃ hitesinā anukampakena anukampaṃ upādāya, kataṃ vo taṃ mayā. etāni, bhikkhave, rukkhamūlāni, etāni suññāgārāni. jhāyatha, bhikkhave, mā pamādattha; mā pacchāvippaṭisārino ahuvattha. ayaṃ vo amhākaṃ anusāsanī”ti. paṭhamaṃ.”206 Or,

202 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 319. 203 Horner I.B., trans., The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon Part III, (London: Pali Text Society, 1975), 9–14. 204 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1345–46. 205 Ibid. 206 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 99

“Whatever should be done, bhikkhus by a compassionate teacher out of compassion for his disciples, desiring their welfare, that I have done for you. These are the feet of trees, bhikkhus, these are empty huts. Meditate bhikkhus, do not be negligent, lest you regret it later. This is our instruction to you.”207 He is making a statement for himself and the monks. In this instance he is the compassionate teacher, he became a teacher out of compassion, and some of his monks will also teach the Dhamma out of compassion for others.

Somanassa Jātakaṃ provides a lesson on compassion for the Buddha, monks and laypeople. It is a story of how in a past life Devadatta also tried to kill the Buddha. The story involves multiple characters from all walks of life. 208

The Siṅgāla Suttaṃ is perhaps the most famous example of a teaching for laypeople. MN 99.1, the Subha Suttaṃ provides another teaching for laypeople. Subha asks the Buddha if it is true when the Brahmins say that the householder practices the true way of the Dhamma and the one gone forth does not. Subha and the Buddha have an exchange about the five things Brahmins prescribe for the performance of merit. After debating, the Buddha suggests that the motive of compassion is the sixth. 209 And even gets Subha to admit that he sees monks exhibit the behaviors related to the performance of merit far more than he sees householders exhibiting these same behaviors Subha states,

“For the householder has a great deal of activity, great functions, great engagements, and

207 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1212. 208 Chalmers, “No. 505.” 209 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 814–15. 100

great undertakings: he does not constantly and invariably speak the truth, practice asceticism, observe celibacy, engage in study, or engage in genorisity.”210

As can be seen in Figure 3-2, the majority of the teachings are aimed at the monks. The Buddha traveled with monks, they stayed together for most of the day and night, and they settled into a location for the rains retreats each year. There are many examples to be found where the teachings on compassion where focused on the monks. A passage from the Vinaya provides a relevant example. Venerable Dhaniya, the potters son, stays on the hillside of Isigili and makes a hut first out of grass, then clay and then wood. The grass hut is dismantled by the village women who are collecting sticks and grass. Next, Venerable Dhaniya builds a hut out of clay. When the Buddha sees the hut and learns that it belongs to a monk, he says, “It is not suitable, monks, for that foolish man, it is not fit, it is not becoming, it is not worthy of a recluse, it is not allowable, it should not be done. For how could that foolish man make a hut out of nothing but clay?

Certainly this foolish man can have no consideration, compassion and mercy for living beings.”211 The clay hut is dismantled by the other monks at the direction of the Buddha.

Next, Venerable Dhaniya decides to make a hut out of wood and stating that the king has approved it, tricks the man in charge of the lumberyard out of some wood. When the Buddha learns what Dhaniya has done, he makes this ruling, “If a monk takes by way of theft what has not been given to him—the sort of theft for which kings, having caught

210 Ibid. 211 I.B. Horner, “Monks’ Expulsion (Pārājika) 2: Origin Story,” Wisdom Library, November 16, 2018, https://www.wisdomlib.org/buddhism/book/vinaya-pitaka-1- bhikkhu-vibhanga/d/doc227264.html. 101

a thief, would flog, imprison or banish him, saying, ʻYou are a robber, you are foolish, you have gone astray, you are a thiefʼ—he too is expelled and not in communion.”212

Categorized as ‘Other’ - the Sutta to Nalaka Sn 3.11, focuses on Devas and some of the events that occurred after the Buddha was born. The second part covers the way of the sage. It is in the first part that the Devas are celebrating the birth of the Buddha, and exclaim that he, out of compassion, will set the Wheel of Dhamma in motion through his teachings.213

The Pettavatthu tells the same story two times. And that is the story of a young girl who gives sugar cane belonging to her mother-in-law to Venerable Moggallāna. Her mother-in-law becomes enraged and strikes her with a stool. The girl dies and is reborn among the 'Thirty-Three' Devas.214 In the second version of the story, the girl gives the sugar cane, this time her mother-in-law kills her by hitting her with a clod of earth.215

Both are examples of a teaching for monks and laypeople. The girl, a layperson is rewarded for making an offering to a monk.

As found in the data and the corresponding analysis, compassion is the primary theme of a passage in the Pāli Canon in just under 33% of occurrences. The majority of all references are about the Buddha and sometimes his disciples, performing an action out of compassion for others. The next most common reference is when monks are either directed to dwell abiding in compassion, or are described as abiding in compassion. This type of passage is often used to describe the actions of a new monk:

212 Horner. 213 Bodhi and Buddhaghosa, The Suttanipāta, 276. 214 I.B., The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon Part Iv Pettavatthu: Stories of the Mansions, IV:96. 215 Ibid. 102

Having offered the teacher's fee to his teacher, he shaves off his hair and beard, puts on ochre robes, and goes forth from the household life into homelessness. When he has gone forth, he dwells pervading one quarter with a mind imbued with lovingkindness, likewise the second quarter, the third quarter, and the fourth quarter. Thus above, below, across, and everywhere, and to all as to himself, he dwells pervading the entire world with a mind imbued with loving-kindness, vast, exalted, measureless, without enmity, without ill will. He dwells pervading one quarter with a mind imbued with compassion… AN 5.192 216

MN 51:14, the Kandaraka Suttaṃ, states: “Having thus gone forth and possessing the bhikkhus’ training and way of life, abandoning the killing of living beings, he abstains from killing living beings; with rod and weapon laid aside, gentle and kindly, he abides compassionate to all living beings.”217

One of the first things a monk does is to dwell compassionate toward others. This supports the assumption that the Buddha and his monks are compassionate and also reinforces the assumption that compassionate is ever-present. Meditation on compassion, while not the primary goal of the teachings, is a critical component of the teaching on the

Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana, and the Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana is part of the path to liberation. Now, let us examine the role of compassion within the Brahma-vihāra- bhavāna.

3.4 Compassion and the Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana

In the Tevijja Suttaṃ, a Brahmin named Vāsețțha approaches the Buddha to learn the true or straight path to union with the Brahmā. In his reply to Vāsețțha the Buddha puts forth the Brahma-vihāras as the true path.218This association, which surfaces in multiple suttas throughout the Pāli Canon leads to the name Brahma-vihāras or dwelling

216 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 802–3. 217 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 449. 218 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 187–95. 103

in or with the Brahmā. Taken at face value, this could simply be a case where the Buddha is teaching a Brahmin how to achieve his ultimate spiritual goal. However, the purpose of the teachings of the canon is to teach liberation, and union with the Brahmā is not liberation. Within the context of the purpose of the teachings, the Brahma-vihāras are indeed part of the path to liberation. The Buddha is not intentionally teaching union with the Brahmā, the Buddha is teaching the steps to final liberation. The Brahma-vihāra- bhāvana alone will not necessarily lead to the destruction of suffering and attainment of liberation, but they are meant to lead to a pure mind.219 The reference to dwelling with the Brahmā can be construed as a reference to being in a good mind state, immaculate like Brahmā, and in this state, prepared to move on toward ultimate liberation. The

Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana is part of a larger meditative process designed to lead to liberation. They help one to traverse the jhānas.220 In AN 1:395, it is stated that if a bhikkhu develops the second, third, or fourth jhāna, or liberates the mind through mettā, karuṇā, muditā or upekkhā for just the duration of a finger snap, then he is worthy of the food he collects during his alms rounds and is not devoid of jhāna. 221 The liberation of the mind mentioned in this passage is NOT the same thing as final liberation.

Just as Brahma-vihāra-bhavāna plays a supporting role in the path to liberation, karuṇā plays a supporting role in successfully executing Brahma-vihāra-bhavāna. All of the parts of the Brahma-vihāras meditation contribute to the successful end result. If one piece had to be identified as the most important, it would be upekkhā. Mettā guards against compassion becoming partiality and prevents it from being discriminating. Mettā

219 The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga), n.d., 307–9. 220 Ibid., 314. 221 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 125. 104

gives equanimity its selflessness. Compassion prevents love and sympathetic joy from forgetting that there is suffering. Compassion prevents complacency and guards equanimity from becoming cold and indifferent. Sympathetic joy keeps compassion from being overwhelmed by the suffering.222

Upekkhā is the result of the other three and also stabilizes or reinforces them. 223

Karuṇā without upekkhā can result in overwhelming sadness and an inability to contemplate the suffering of others over and over again. Upekkhā provides balance and the ability to contemplate the suffering of others with a more dispassionate nature.224

The Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana and the place of compassion within them is a metaphor for the role of compassion in the Pāli Canon. They are not the stars of the show, but key components, quietly existing in the background. Liberation is the point of the teachings and compassion resides there too.

3.5 Compassion and the Teachings on Liberation

The position of the Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana as part of the path to liberation is reinforced in SN 46:54, Accompanied by Loving Kindness. 225 This sutta is included in the section of the teachings referred to as the Connected Discourses on the Path to

Enlightenment. Here each element of the Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana is attributed with a different accomplishment. Each results in liberation of the mind, none of which represent

222 Nyanaponika Thera, The Four Sublime States: Contemplations on Love, Compassion, Sympathetic Joy, and Equanimity; and The Practice of Loving-Kindness (Kandy, Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society, 2008), 12–13, http://bps.lk/olib/wh/wh006.pdf. 223 The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga), 314. 224 Nyanaponika Thera, The Four Sublime States: Contemplations on Love, Compassion, Sympathetic Joy, and Equanimity; and The Practice of Loving-Kindness, 12–13. 225 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1610–11. 105

ultimate liberation. Each type of liberation is carefully noted as the result, unless the bhikkhu developing the particular element has already reached a superior liberation.

Karuṇā results in the base of the infinity of space.226 In the Visuddhimagga, this reasoning is provided: Compassion is aroused when one sees or contemplates the sufferings of others. Suffering has material signs. The image of someone being hit is one example of a material sign. To abide in compassion is to perceive the material item or items as removed and to contemplate the space once occupied as now free of materiality.

Free of materiality and boundless space. 227The mind can next be ready to contemplate muditā which, when successful, leads to the base of infinite consciousness. Next is upekkhā and the base of nothingness.

When the Visuddhimagga is used as a guide to meditation, the Brahma-vihāras are among forty meditation objects.228 These objects are to be utilized within the second of the seven paths or the Citta-visuddhi (purification of mind). Each of the seven paths represent a stage, the seventh stage is the highest purity and is considered to be Nibbana or final liberation.229 Meditation objects are selected based on the temperament of the meditator. The Brahma-vihāras and more specifically karuṇā are meditation objects for someone who is angry or experiencing hatred. Karuṇā is to be practiced by contemplating each of: someone in misery, someone who is an evil-doer, someone who is happy because of his good kamma, someone who is near and dear to the meditator and if

226 Ibid. 227 The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga), 318. 228 The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga), 291. 229 Nyanatiloka and Nyanaponika, Buddhist Dictionary: Manual of Buddhist Terms and Doctrines, 3rd ed. (1997), s.v. "Nibbana.” 106

applicable, an enemy.230 The goal is to break down the barriers so that there is no difference in the thoughts toward each type of person.

Looking into the Abhidhamma helps to solidify the role of karuṇā as a helper to the Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana and the role of the Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana as a supporting process to final liberation. Karuṇā, along with muditā is classified as an illimitable. The illimitables belong to the list of the fifty-two mental factors and are categorized as belonging to the Beautiful Factors.231 They are called illimitable (or immeasurable) because they are to be developed towards all living beings, therefore making their range limitless.232 Mettā is a mode of non-hatred and upekhhā is a mode of neutrality of mind.

Both mettā and upekhhā are listed elsewhere in the fifty-two mental factors, Karuṇā is successful when it causes cruelty to subside and is unsuccessful when it produces grief.233

In the system described in the Abidhamma, the mental factors are conditioned realities, arising and subsiding as conditions appear or disappear.234 Nibbana is unconditioned: it does not arise and does not fall away.235 In the description of how these mental factors are associated with types of consciousness, karuṇā and muditā are both noted as being associated with twenty-eight types of consciousness.236

When certain types of mental factors are combined together, they create a specific type of consciousness. Karuṇā and muditā would be combined separately, as one is about

230 The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga), 309. 231 Bhikkhu Bodhi, ed., A Comprehensive Manual of Abhidhamma The Abhidhammattha Sangaha of Ācariya Anuruddha, trans. Mahāthera Nārada, First (Onalaska, WA: BPS Pariyatti Editions, 2012), 79. 232 Ibid., 89. 233 Ibid., 89–90. 234 Ibid., 76. 235 Ibid., 234. 236 Ibid., 97. 107

sharing suffering and the other is about sharing joy.237 These various types of consciousness (when they are not immoral) can correspond to a successive stage of purity. They can even be prescribed to help individuals with various temperaments move forward. The illimitables are recommended for those who are filled with hate.238

These types of consciousness can arise in the jhanās. Mettā and upekhhā are present in all wholesome cittas – or mind states. Karuṇā and muditā joy are only present when the mind is in the appropriate mode: either commiserating with those in suffering or rejoicing in the fortune of others. Karuṇā and muditā cannot arise in the final jhanā because they are connected to joyful feelings and in the final jhanā there is only neutrality or upekhhā.239

Within the system as mapped out in the Visuddhimagga, there are seven paths or stages. Nibbana is the seventh or final stage. 240 The Citta-visuddhi is the second stage.

In this stage, concerned with concentration and the development of concentration, the

Four Brahma-vihāras are used as meditation objects.241 The right type of concentration cannot be developed by a mind that is hindered by greed or anger or hate. Karuṇā is a meditation object to be used to help to purify the mind from anger and hatred.242 Once again, Karuṇā is ever-present, existing to play a supporting role in the path to liberation.

237 Ibid., 90. 238 Ibid., 113. 239 Ibid., 97. 240 Nyanatiloka and Nyanaponika, Buddhist Dictionary, s.v. “Nibbana.” 241 The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga), 291. 242 The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga), 309. 108

3.6 Compassion and the Dhammapada

Thus far, no passages from The Dhammapada have been used to demonstrate how compassion is expressed in the Pāli Canon. There is a very simple, yet possibly surprising reason. Passages from The Dhammapada did not show up in the data captured for this project. While that is straightforward, it may be unexpected, especially for those who read a version of The Dhammapada complete with commentary. Consider the following explanation of Chapter Twenty-One, verse three hundred: “One who is keenly delighted in the meditation on compassion, which is described as [follows]: “he radiates the feeling of compassion over one [whole] direction.” And so forth.”243 The Pāli version of verse

300 is: “suppabuddhaṃ pabujjhanti, sadā gotamasāvakā. yesaṃ divā ca ratto ca, ahiṃsāya rato mano.”244 Translated as, “Well awake, they arise, at all times, The disciples of Gotama, In whom, both day and night, The mind delights in harmlessness.”245 The next verse, 301 is “suppabuddhaṃ pabujjhanti, sadā gotamasāvakā. yesaṃ divā ca ratto ca, bhāvanāya rato mano”.246 Or, “Well awake, they arise, at all times, The disciples of Gotama, In whom, both day and night, The mind delights in meditation.”247

243 John Ross Carter and Mahinda Palihawadana, eds., The Dhammapada: A New English Translation with the Pali Text, and the First English Translation of the Commentary’s Explanation of the Verses with Notes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 327. 244 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 245 Carter and Palihawadana, The Dhammapada, 325. 246 BUDSIR V for Windows. 247 Carter and Palihawadana, The Dhammapada, 325. 109

The commentary that accompanies verse three hundred and one references meditation on loving-kindness and all of the other meditations.248 The other meditations mentioned with compassion and loving-kindness are sympathetic joy and equanimity.

Going back to a much earlier translation that of Friedrich Max Müller reveals that in verse 300 the word ahiṃsāya was translated as compassion. In The Dhammapada: A

Collection of Verses; Being One of the Canonical Books of the Buddhists, verse three hundred translates as, “The disciples of Gotama are always well awake, and their mind day and night always delights in compassion.”249

The translation for verse three hundred and one is not too different than the version from that of John Ross Carter and Mahinda Palihawadana, “The disciples of

Gotama are always well awake, and their mind day and night always delights in meditation.”250

Looking at one more translation, that of Kenneth Roy Norman, in The Word of the

Doctrine: Dhammapada, verse three hundred uses non-harming for ahiṃsāya, The followers of Gotama are always well awakened: whose minds day and night delight in

251 non-harming.

How does ahiṃsāya pave the way to compassion? At some point, commentary was added to The Dhammapada. The various chapters became associated with stories from the life and teaching of the Buddha. The verses discussed here from Chapter

248 Ibid., 327. 249 Friedrich Max Müller, The Dhammapada: A Collection of Verses; Being One of the Canonical Books of the Buddhists (Clarendon Press, 1881), 72. 250 Ibid., 72. 251 Kenneth Roy Norman, The Word of the Doctrine: Dhammapada (Pali Text Society, 1997), 44. 110

Twenty-One, Pakiṇṇaka Vaggo, came to be associated with the story of The Story of a

Wood Cutter’s Son. In this story, a young boy is left to spend the night alone, under a cart. During the night he was harassed evil spirits. The boy cried out, “I pay homage to the Buddha.” Then the evil spirits became protective of the boy, stealing food from the king to give to him. The next morning, the king’s men found the royal food tray with the boy. When he heard the boy’s story, the king asked the Buddha if mindfulness of the unique qualities of the Buddha is the only thing that gives protection from evil. The

Buddha replies that there are six things that provide good protection. Verses two hundred and ninety-six through three hundred and one, list those six things: mindfulness of the virtues of your teacher, mindfulness of the Dhamma, mindfulness of the Saṇgha, mindfulness of the real nature of the body, taking delight in harmlessness, and taking delight in meditation.252

In the commentary, the discussion on ahiṃsāya rato describes one who takes delight in non-harming as one who takes delight in loving-kindness. This opens the door to the inclusion of compassion. The commentary quotes MN 62, the Mahārāhulovada

Suttam, where the Buddha tells Rāhula to develop meditation on loving-kindness, on compassion, on sympathetic joy, and on equanimity.253 In this way, compassion becomes part of the verses from The Dhammapada. Not because compassion is mentioned in the specific Pāli text, but because it is introduced with the commentary.

In what way does the absence of The Dhammapada influence the results of this research? The short answer is that it has no impact. If the Pāli words for compassion are

252 Weragoda Sarudo Maha Thero, Treasury of Truth: Dhammapada (Taipei, Taiwan: The Corporate Body of the Buddha Educationatl Foundation, n.d.), 914–18. 253 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 530–31. 111

not in the source data, then there is nothing to report. What this does is dispel the notion that compassion is explicitly taught in The Dhammapada. It is not unreasonable to read some of the passages and when loving-kindness is present, remember that compassion typically follows, then sympathetic joy and then equanimity. And it emphasizes that to grasp the deeper meaning of The Dhammapada more fully, consider reading a version that includes commentary.

3.7 Conclusion

The textual analysis conducted for this dissertation shows that while compassion is not the primary teaching of the Pāli Canon, the idea of compassion appears throughout the texts. In the more than four hundred times it appears, it is rarely the primary message, but to remove, or to ignore it would be to significantly alter the path to liberation. The existence of compassion in the Buddha, in monks and as a preferred behavior in laypeople is a consistent theme. The Buddha teaches out of karuṇā, monks are enjoined to act out of karuṇā. A new monk must practice compassion before progressing on the path.

“Having thus gone forth and possessing the bhikkhus’ training and way of life, abandoning the killing of living beings, he abstains from killing living beings; with rod and weapon laid aside, gentle and kindly, he abides compassionate to all living beings.”

MN 51:14254

AN 5:75 Warriors (1) describes compassion as a necessary step in the process which leads to abandoning the five hindrances. “And it is the abandonment of these

254 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, 449. 112

hindrances that allows one to enter and dwell in the jhānas.”255 DN 16, the

Mahāparinibbāna Suttam, tells of the Buddha passing through the jhānas before passing away: “…From the Sphere of Infinite Space he entered the fourth jhāna, from there the third, the second and the first jhāna. Leaving the first jhāna, he entered the second, the third, the fourth. And, leaving the fourth jhāna, the Lord finally passed away.”256

The teachings promote the meditative process as a path to liberation. The

Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana are part of that process. The Brahma-vihāra-bhāvana lead to the development of a purified mind, a necessity for further spiritual progress.

Passages like those above make it easy to think that compassion in the Pāli Canon favors contemplation over action. That is not the case. There is an important symbiosis between dwelling in compassion and acting compassionately. And it is the behaviors exhibited out of compassion that figure most prominently in the master table. Bhikkhu

Anālayo reports similar findings in his own research.

Compassion in the early Buddhist discourses finds its most prominent expression in teaching activity, undertaken by the Buddha and his arhant disciples alike.

Compassionate activity has its complement and source in the meditative cultivation of compassion, which in the early discourses takes the form of a boundless radiation in all directions.257

255 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 703. 256 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 271. 257 Bhikkhu Anālayo, “Compassion in the Āgamas and Nikāyas,” Dharma Drum Journal of Buddhist Studies 16 (2015): 21–22. 113

In AN 36.5, the Buddha teaches how both bodily and verbal actions are the direct result of peaceful sense faculties and peaceful minds.258 Therefore, Sāriputta, you should train yourselves thus:

We will have peaceful sense faculties and peaceful minds. It is in such a way that you should train yourselves. When you have peaceful sense faculties and peaceful minds, your bodily action will be peaceful, your verbal action will be peaceful, and. your mental action will be peaceful. [Thinking:] “We will offer only peaceful service to our fellow monks,” it is in such a. way, Sāriputta, that you should train yourselves.259

AN 219, the Karajakāya Suttam, offers another look at the connection between contemplation and action. The man, woman or child who liberates their minds using loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity, will not commit bad deeds and will transition from possessing a mind that is limited and undeveloped to a mind that is measureless and well-developed.260

The dwelling on or meditation on karuṇā encourages active karuṇā, frequently referred to as anukampā. In “The Buddha’s Attitude Towards Social Concerns as

Depicted in the Pali Canon,” Mudagamuwe Maithrimurthi asserts:

258 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 155–57. 259 Ibid., 157. 260 Ibid., 1541–43. 114

By cultivating meditation of the four so-called 'Unlimited' (appmanna) or the “Sublime States [of mind]” (brahmaviharas) the meditator basically tries to purify his mind from ill-will and cruelty by radiating the whole world with boundless benevolence and compassion. By doing so he hopes to succeed in achieving the final liberation ultimately. When the canonical suttas (such as A IV 150 or V 342) discuss the advantages of practicing these mental attitudes they exclusively mention those which the practitioners derive from them. It is perhaps considered self-evident that the habitual practice of this meditation manifests in daily activities of the meditator. His performances become gradually more altruistic, and this is definitely for the benefit and the welfare of others.261

Does the one who extends the compassion really understand what the one who is suffering is feeling? Or is it enough to know that another is suffering, and to understand the concept of suffering? How can a monk or a layperson possess unlimited compassion?

Lawrence A. Blum says of compassion: “Compassion is not a simple feeling-state but a complex emotional attitude toward another, characteristically involving imaginative dwelling on the condition of the other person, an active regard for his good, a view of him as a fellow human being, and emotional responses of a certain degree of intensity.”262 His reference to imaginative dwelling on the condition of the other person, is similar to the state of dwelling, abiding in compassion, and wishing that the other person would be free from suffering.

Robert C. Solomon, interpreted Blum’s definition of compassion as “a felt concern for another who is in some serious or grave condition.”263 Solomon describes compassion as “fundamentally other-regarding rather than self-regarding.”264 For him, compassion is not just an emotion, it is a mode of having emotions. Compassion may be

261 Mudagamuwe Maithrimurthi, “The Buddha’s Attitude Towards Social Concerns as Depicted in the Pali Canon”, Journal of Buddhist Ethics,10 (2003): 127. 262 Ibid., 28. 263 Steve Bein, Compassion and Moral Guidance, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2013), 17. 264 Ibid. 115

based upon or driven by emotions, but it goes beyond simply having or experiencing these emotions. An interesting component of Solomon’s theory of compassion is that an individual cannot enter this mode of having emotions without having experienced his or her own painful experiences and the difficult emotions which arise from such experiences. Solomon’s compassion incorporates anger, because without this anger and sense of injustice one cannot have a sense of justice. He finds the Buddha to be an admirable exception, an individual who was able to experience compassion without having experienced injustice.265

Nancy Snow, interprets Lawrence A. Blum’s compassion as an emotion that is highly important to the foundation of society. It is an emotion which occurs based on a reasonable belief that what is being suffered by another could be suffered by me. She does not believe that compassion occurs because the one who feels the compassion – or in her nomenclature the “C-feeler” – imagines an identification with another – or in her nomenclature the “C-object” – it occurs because the “C-feeler” thinks, “that could be me.”266 Snow understands that the C-feeler might imagine that they are similar to the C- object but does not think that this is enough to account for a true experience of compassion. In order for an individual to truly experience compassion, that individual must move from reconstructing the experience of the C-object in their imagination and really believe “that could be me.” The C-feeler must truly be able to believe that whatever unfortunate scenario is being faced by the C-object is something that could

265 Bein, Compassion and Moral Guidance, 38–39. 266 Ibid., 39–40. 116

really happen to them as well.267 When this is the case, the C-feeler reaches a place of altruistic concern coupled with a sense of urgency to do something to help alleviate the suffering that the C-object is experiencing.268

Blum’s description of imaginative dwelling is very close to ‘dwells abiding in compassion.’ Solomon’s finding of the Buddha as an exception is interesting, but the data does not support this theory. The practice of contemplating compassion is used in the early stages of a monk’s career. The Brahma-vihāras is taught to help liberate the mind, an important step on the way to final liberation. Although there is no academic proof of liberation of the mind, or final liberation, the Pāli Canon teachings show repeatedly a firm belief that the Buddha and many of his followers were enlightened well past the early stages of dwelling abiding in compassion. The Buddha was the shining example, but not the only example. It is hard to accept that compassion as discussed in the Pāli Canon is only a result if the C-feeler really believes that he or she could be in the same circumstances as the C-object.

Some context is needed here. In the Dhammacakkappavattana Suttam, the

Buddha taught the Four Noble Truths.269 There is no need for compassion without the noble truth of dukkha or suffering. “Now this, bhikkhus, is the noble truth of suffering: birth is suffering, aging is suffering, illness is suffering, death is suffering, union with what is displeasing is suffering; separation from what is pleasing is suffering; not to get

267 Richard Reilly, Ethics of Compassion: Bridging Ethical Theory and Religious Moral Discourse (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2010), 30. 268 Bein, Compassion and Moral Guidance, 41. 269 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1843–47. 117

what one wants is suffering; in brief the five aggregates subject to clinging are suffering.”270

Compassion, in the teachings analyzed for this report, is the desire to see others free from dukkha. There are three levels of suffering. Obvious suffering is readily identifiable. This is illness and pain. It is the difficult emotions, like grief and stress and mental anguish.271 The suffering of transience comes from trying to acquire and keep the things we view as pleasant and secure, and it comes from the unpleasantness we feel when we lose the things we thought gave us happiness and security 272 Shoring up these two types of suffering is self-centered conditioning. This includes continuous attempts by the subconscious to create a permanent unchanging self, resulting in anxiety and fear toward anything that threatens this belief in a fixed and unchanging self. 273 Most of us are not fully aware of the sufferings of transience and self-centered conditioning.

Returning to the previous questions, does the one who extends the compassion really understand what the one who is suffering is feeling? Or is it enough to know that another is suffering and to understand the concept of suffering? How can a monk or a layperson possess unlimited compassion? A monk or a layperson who really understands the truth of dukkha does not need to have had the exact same experience as the one suffering in order to extend compassion. It is enough to understand that there is suffering, to understand where that suffering comes from, and to wish to see that suffering

270 Ibid., 1844. 271 Christopher K Germer and Ronald D Siegel, Wisdom and Compassion in Psychotherapy: Deepening Mindfulness in Clinical Practice, (New York: The Guilford Press, 2014), 62. 272 Ibid. 273 Ibid. 118

alleviated. A monk who is advanced in the teachings would see beyond the fact that someone is suffering because they are in pain, or sad, or has lost material possessions. He would see the underlying suffering that comes from self-centered conditioning. In that way, he would be able to respond with compassion, even in situations that are completely unfamiliar to him.

To be compassionate is not the ultimate goal of the teachings in the Pāli Canon.

And yet, without compassion, these teachings might not exist. The suttas state that the

Buddha did not want to teach the Dhamma. The Bramin Sahampati makes an appeal to the Buddha, “Teach the Dhamma, O Blessed One: There will be those who will understand.”274 As a result of this request, the Buddha, out of compassion for beings, surveyed the world and understood that some would understand and so he consented to teach. The role of compassion in the Pāli Canon is small, yet powerful.

274 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 232–33. 119

Chapter 4: Important Individuals to Early Buddhism and Compassion

4.1 Introduction

Selecting just a few individuals to focus on as relevant to the role of compassion in early Buddhism is daunting. Yet, that is the task that is undertaken in this chapter. It is about more than the number of times someone taught or listened to a lesson on compassion. And while the number of relationships is essential, it is more than just how many first and second acquaintances were held and where they traveled. It is these things plus how that individual embodied compassion. The embodiment of compassion is measured using the three types of compassion categories that were first identified in

Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data, and then elaborated on in Chapter 3: The Role of

Compassion in the Pāli Canon. With these contributing factors, it is Sāriputta, King

Bimbisāra, Anāthapiṇḍika and Ānanda who have been elected as the seminal role players.

Mahāpajāpatīgotamī and Sigālaka are not included as key individuals. The reasons for their omission from the list are covered in the exclusions section of this chapter.

Sāriputta, Anāthapiṇḍika, and Ānanda have already appeared as key individuals in the data. Their inclusion is not surprising. What is new is the reasons which go beyond being the chief disciple or the Great Benefactor, or an attendant to the Buddha. Due to his overall contributions, King Bimbisāra is here too. He does not show up in the teachings, and is easy to overlook. And this is why the methodology employed in this dissertation is so powerful. King Bimbisāra is not a speaker and is rarely an audience member for the teachings on compassion. It is due to the analysis of the social networks of the key

120

individuals that the importance of King Bimbisāra emerges. He is connected to Gautama

Buddha, Sāriputta, Anāthapiṇḍika, and Ānanda. He is also directly connected to other kings. His support gave early Buddhism credibility, and his importance cannot be overstated.

The biographies included here are not meant to recount life stories. These can be found elsewhere. These are compassion-centric biographies describing how these individuals and their actions expressed compassion as it is represented in the Pāli Canon.

In addition to the discussion of the contributors, their impact as a group is examined. Part of the new approach used in this report is to introduce social networks, and show how ideas flow across these networks. Sāriputta, King Bimbisāra, Anāthapiṇḍika, and Ānanda all had strong social networks, and they all had ties to one another. These relationships, or links that they share are largely responsible for the successful spread of early Buddhism and the teachings on compassion.

4.2 Biographies of Key Individuals

Sāriputta

Rather than his role as the chief disciple to the Buddha, it is the way in which

Sāriputta conducted himself and his skillfulness as a teacher that requires his inclusion as a key person for consideration. The qualities that make him essential to the teachings on compassion are the qualities that also made him a qualified right-hand to the Buddha. Of the individuals discussed in this chapter, Sāriputta has the second most documented relationships at a total of one hundred and sixty. Ānanda holds the first position.

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Figure 4-1: Sāriputta and his primary relationships Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

Sāriputta was close friends with Ānanda and went forth with Mahā Moggallāna.

He was linked with Sakka, the divine being who holds many relationships of his own.

Highly regarded by Anāthapiṇḍika he had three brothers and three sisters, all of whom went forth.275 He traveled extensively with the Buddha, and he participated in teachings at Kosambi, Rājagaha, Campā, Pāvā, and Sāvatthi. He appears more times than any others in lessons mentioning compassion.

Within the context that the Buddha consented to teach the Dhamma out of compassion, Sāriputta’s choice to become a skilled and prolific teacher was similarly rooted in compassion. When he first heard of the Buddha’s teachings, he made sure that

275 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Sāriputta.” 122

his friend Mahā Moggallāna came with him to hear from the enlightened one. And before they set out, he made sure that they encouraged their previous teacher Sañjaya

Belatthiputta to accompany them.276

He teaches The Great Compassion: “yamakapāṭihīre ñāṇaṃ buddhañāṇaṃ, mahākaruṇāsamāpattiyā ñāṇaṃ buddhañāṇaṃ, sabbaññutaññāṇaṃ buddhañāṇaṃ, anāvaraṇañāṇaṃ buddhañāṇaṃ — imāni cuddasa buddhañāṇāni. imesaṃ cuddasannaṃ buddhañāṇānaṃ aṭṭha ñāṇāni sāvakasādhāraṇāni; cha ñāṇāni asādhāraṇāni sāvakehi”.277 Or, “Upon the Enlightened Ones, the Blessed Ones, who see in many aspects, there descends, the Great Compassion for beings. Upon the Enlightened Ones, the Blessed Ones, who see thus 'Worldly Life' is burning there descends the Great

Compassion for beings.”278

Through this great compassion he helps others. In MN 3.1, the Dhammadāyāda

Suttaṃ, before turning the saṇgha over to Sāriputta for instruction on training in seclusion, the Buddha tells the assembly that out of compassion he wishes them to be heirs in the Dhamma and not heirs in material things.279 Sāriputta is the Buddha’s assistant in creating heirs to the Dhamma. The Buddha supports and encourages him in this role. Sāriputta receives consistent feedback from the Buddha on how to best use his teaching skills to be of service to monks and laypeople.

276 Nyanaponika, Hellmuth Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha: Their Lives, Their Works, Their Legacy (Boston: Wisdom Publications in collaboration with the Buddhist Publication Society of Kandy, Sri Lanka, 2003), 8–9. 277 Ñāṇamoli and A. K Warder, The Path of Discrimination (Paṭisambhidāmagga) (Oxford: Pali Text Soc., 1991), 127–28. 278 Ibid. 279 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 97–98. 123

Once, when Sāriputta was teaching the assembly regarding internal and external fetters, some deities went to the Buddha and told him of the teaching. They described how well it was received and told him that out of compassion he should come to

Sāriputta. He listens to them and proceeds to instruct Sāriputta in developing peaceful sense faculties and a quiet mind with the goal of being able to offer peaceful service to his fellow monks.280

The rare instance where the Buddha reprimands Sāriputta is when out of compassion he goes to the Brahmin Dhānañjāni, who is dying. He instructs Dhānañjāni on how to reach the Brahma-world. In MN 97.1 Dhānañjāni Suttam, we have behavior that stems from compassion along with the instruction to dwell pervading the quarters, above, below, around, and everywhere with a mind imbued with loving-kindness, compassion, altruistic joy, and equanimity. 281 Each is part of the path to the company of

Brahmā. After teaching the way to Brahmā, Sāriputta believed his work to be completed.

Soon after, Dhānañjāni dies and successfully appears in the Brahma-world. For this, the

Buddha admonishes Sāriputta, stating that he left too early. That he should have helped

Dhānañjāni attain more than just the Brahma-world.282

A significant point for a monk who has just gone forth is to dwell abiding in compassion for all living beings. It is this state of mind that lays the groundwork for additional spiritual attainment. Sāriputta played a primary role in teaching new monks. In

MN 141, the Saccavibhaṇga Suttam, the Buddha states:

280 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 155–57. 281 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 791–97. 282 Ibid. 124

Cultivate the friendship of Sāriputta and Moggallāna, bhikkhus; associate with Sāriputta and Moggallāna. They are wise and helpful to their companions in the holy life. Sāriputta is like a mother; Moggallāna is like a nurse. Sāriputta trains others for the fruit of stream-entry, Moggallāna for the supreme goal. Sāriputta, bhikkhus, is able to announce, teach, describe, establish, reveal, expound, and exhibit the Four Noble Truths.283

In DN 33.7 the Saṅgīti Suttaṃ, monks are reminded by Sāriputta of the importance of dwelling, abiding in compassion:

iti uddhamadho tiriyaṃ sabbadhi sabbattatāya sabbāvantaṃ lokaṃ mettāsahagatena cetasā vipulena mahaggatena appamāṇena averena abyāpajjena pharitvā viharati. karuṇāsahagatena cetasā . pe . muditāsahagatena cetasā . pe . upekkhāsahagatena cetasā ekaṃ disaṃ pharitvā viharati. tathā dutiyaṃ.284

Or,

Four boundless states. Here a monk, with a heart filled with loving-kindness, pervades first one quarter, then the second, then the third and the fourth. Thus he stays spreading the thought of loving-kindness, abundant, magnified, unbounded, without hatred or ill-will. And likewise with compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity.285

The state of abiding in compassion is a meditative state. The result is the acceptance of other living beings. In the Treatise on Liberation, to dwell intent upon loving kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity is the remedy for those who have conditioned love, as opposed to unconditional love for all beings. 286

Here, a bhikkhu dwells intent upon one quarter with his will embued with loving- kindness, likewise the second quarter, likewise the third quarter, likewise the fourth quarter; so above, below and around; he dwells intent on the entire world everywhere and equally with his will embued with loving-kindness, abundant,

283 Ibid. 284 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 285 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 2012, 489. 286 Ñāṇamoli and Warder, The Path of Discrimination (Paṭisambhidāmagga), 240–41. 125

exalted, measureless, free from afflication. Because of the development of loving- kindness, beings are unrepulsive.287

That same passage repeats for compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity. All ending with the idea that because of the development of each, beings are not repulsive. 288

Sāriputta was a skilled meditator. He was able to concentrate and overcome distractions like no other. His friend and brother monk Mahā Moggallāna once observed a demon striking a meditating Sāriputta in the head. No impact was made on Sāriputta’s concentration. When he arose from meditation, Mahā Moggallāna asked if he was well.

Sāriputta’s replied that he was fine, aside from a slight headache.289

MN 111, the Anudpada Suttam, is dedicated to Sāriputta and consists of the

Buddha extolling the many ways in which Sāriputta has achieved mastery and perfection.

Much of this sutta focuses on his skill in meditation and details how he traverses the jhānas, ultimately abiding in the cessation of perception and feeling, having his taints destroyed through his ability to see with wisdom.290 The Buddha concludes that:

“Bhikkhus, rightly speaking, were it to be said of anyone: ‘He has attained mastery and perfection in noble virtue, attained mastery and perfection in noble concentration, mastery and perfection in noble wisdom, mastery and perfection in noble deliverance,’ it is of Sāriputta indeed that rightly speaking, this should be said.”291

Sāriputta was the right disciple to teach new bhikkhus how to master contemplative compassion.

287 Ibid. 288 Ibid. 289 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 36–37. 290 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 899–902. 291 Ibid., 902. 126

In addition to teaching out of compassion and helping others to develop contemplative compassion, Sāriputta also provided lessons on how to be compassionate to others. In this passage, he emphasizes the use of compassion as a means for overcoming resentment toward others.

How, friends, should resentment be removed toward the person whose bodily and verbal behavior are impure and who does not gain an opening of the mind, placidity of mind, from time to time? Suppose a sick, afflicted, gravely ill person was traveling along a highway, and the last village behind him and the next village ahead of him were both far away. He would not obtain suitable food and medicine or a qualified attendant; he would not get [to meet] the leader of the village district. Another man traveling along the highway might see him and arouse sheer compassion, sympathy, and tender concern for him, thinking: 'Oh, may this man obtain suitable food, suitable medicine, and a qualified attendant! May he get [to meet] the leader of the village district! For what reason? So that this man does not encounter calamity and disaster right here.' So too, when a person's bodily and verbal behavior are impure and he does not gain from time to time an opening of the mind, placidity Of mind, on that occasion one should arouse sheer compassion, sympathy, and tender concern for him, thinking, 'Oh, may this venerable one abandon bodily misbehavior and develop good bodily behavior; may he abandon verbal misbehavior and develop good verbal behavior; may he abandon mental misbehavior and develop good mental behavior! For what reason? So that, with the breakup of the body, after death, he will not be reborn in the plane of misery, in a bad destination, in the lower world, in hell.' In this way resentment toward that person should be removed.292

When he challenges the bhikkhu Yamaka for holding and stating an incorrect view, he does so out of compassion, and when Yakama finally releases his clinging he recognizes him by saying: “So it is, friend Sāriputta, for those venerable ones who have such compassionate and benevolent brothers in the holy life to admonish and instruct

292 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 774–77. 127

them. And now that I have heard this Dhamma teaching of the Venerable Sāriputta, my mind is liberated from the taints by nonclinging.” 293

What is the legacy of Sāriputta? He is given credit for the Niddesa, the

Pațisambhidāmagga, and for learning the Abhidhamma from the Buddha and organizing it into a friendly series for teaching the Dhamma to current and future generations.294

Regarding the continuation of Buddhism, it is his teachings and his disciples where his lasting impact can be found. His disciples were many: Panḍita, Mahāgavaccha Thera,

Rādha-Thera, Losaka-Tissa Thera, Samiddhi Thera, Sarabhū Thera, Suhka, Susārada

Thera, Uttara Thera, Channa Thera, Tambadāțhika, Kosiya Thera, Kanhadinna Thera,

Vanavāsi Tissa, and Sankicca Thera. These are all considered to have followed and learned from Sāriputta.295 Not every disciple is a success story, however. Channa Thera committed suicide and the Buddha states that Samiddhi Thera is not very bright. 296 But

Sankicca Thera is credited with converting five hundred robbers. Vanavāsi Tissa is said to have generated alms for over one thousand monks.

Sankicca Thera’s story describes how he and a group of other monks left Sāvatthi to meditate. They found a location where the villagers were happy to have them nearby.

They allowed a poor man to stay with them. Eventually, he leaves, and in the forest he is attacked by robbers who have the intention of offering him as a human sacrifice to a forest spirit. To save himself, the man promises them someone who will make a more prestigious sacrifice. He then brings the robbers to the monks. Each of them offers

293 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 936. 294 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 44–46. 295 Huyè̂ n-Vi Thích., “A Critical Study of the Life and Works of Sāriputta Thera” (PhD diss., Van-Hanh University, 1972), 131–38. 296 Ibid., 133–35. 128

themselves for the ritual, but Sankicca persuades them all to allow him to go with the robbers. When the time comes for the sacrifice, Sankicca enters into deep concentration and no sword can harm him. When the thieves see this, they bow to him, ask for his teaching, and beg to join the order.297

Vanavāsi Tissa is renowned for two reasons. First, for his ability to generate donations for the saṇgha, and second for his unusual approach to teaching the Dhamma.

He became a monk when he was just seven years old. His parents held a seven-day festival in his honor. The day after the festival ended he went on alms rounds. The people of Sāvatthi gave him one thousand bowls of food and one thousand pieces of cloth. All of these he passed along to his fellow monks. In the cold season, he took one thousand monks into the city where the people willingly provided all of them with blankets.298

Because he was visited too often by his family, Vanavāsi Tissa retreated to the forest. This is how he came to be called Vanavāsi. After the rains retreats, he was visited by Sāriputta and a large group of monks. The people of the area complained to Sāriputta that Vanavāsi did not teach them, but simply repeated the same phrase, "May you be happy, may you obtain release from suffering!" Sāriputta asked him to explain what he meant by this statement and Vanavāsi spent until the sunrise expounding the Dhamma of the Buddha. 299

Ānanda

When Sāriputta died, Ānanda was so devastated that he felt depressed and drained of strength. For a brief period it was as if he had lost the guidance he had received from

297 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Sankicca Thera.” 298 Ibid. 299 Ibid. 129

all of the teachings. It was the Buddha who consoled him by reminding him that the absence of Sāriputta did not remove his virtue, his ability to meditate, or even his wisdom. The loss of such a powerful friend in the Dhamma was a reminder that he needed to be his own refuge.300 Ānanda held many relationships; more than any other individual captured in the master table. His network chart is available for review in

Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data. He interacted with the senior monks, with King

Pasenadi, and with Brahmins and householders. His relationship table reflects two hundred and seventeen connections. He is the Buddha’s attendant for the final twenty years of the Buddha’s life and he is often called the Guardian of the Dhamma. The fact that he asks others, especially the Buddha, to honor a request out of compassion and that many requests are made of him to be honored out of compassion is what makes him a pivotal figure to the theme of compassion in the Pāli Canon.

His influence on those around him is significant because he is perceived as not gaining enlightenment until late in his career. His amazing recall of the Dhamma kept him in demand. Perhaps he was highly sought after because he was the Buddha’s attendant, but he did not let this go to his head. He made sure that when he accepted the position some rules were established to make it clear that he expected no benefit or special treatment. 301 The first four rules were that the Buddha should never give to

Ānanda robes that were intended for him, almsfood designed for him, a dwelling place that was planned for him, nor should he extend an invitation to Ānanda that was meant for him. The next four rules allowed Ānanda to transfer invitations made to him to the

300 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 158–59. 301 Ibid., 140. 130

Buddha, to introduce visitors from outlying areas to the Buddha, to be able to ask the

Buddha for specific guidance on the Dhamma, and if the Buddha gave a teaching while

Ānanda was absent, then he had the right to ask the Buddha to repeat the lesson to him privately.302

In MN 26, the Ariyapariyesanā Suttam, Ānanda says to the Buddha, "Venerable sir, the Brahmin Rammaka's hermitage is nearby. That hermitage is agreeable and delightful. Venerable sir, it would be good if the Blessed One went there out of compassion."303 The Buddha silently agreed and when he arrived, he found a group of bhikkhus. He counseled them that in their time together, they should either discuss the

Dhamma, or observe noble silence. He then went on to teach them. As part of his discourse, he told the story of how he initially considered not teaching the Dhamma.

“Then I listened to the Brahma’s pleading, and out of compassion for beings, I surveyed the world with the eye of the Buddha … Then the Brahmā Sahampati thought: ‘The

Blessed One has consented to my request that he teach the Dhamma.’”304

In another instance, Ānanda saw the opportunity for the Buddha to teach.

Saccaka, the son of Nigaņțha came to the Hall with the Peaked Roof in Vesālī. He was known to be a clever debater and a highly regarded religious figure. Ānanda correctly assumed that his goal was to discredit the teachings of the Buddha. “Venerable Sir, here comes Saccaka the Nigaņțha's son, a debator and a clever speaker regarded by many as a saint. He wants to discredit the Buddha, the Dhamma and the Saṇgha. It would be good if

302 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, 140. 303 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 253. 304 Ibid., 261–62. 131

the Blessed One would sit down for a while out of compassion.”305 In this instance, the

Buddha proceeded to debate him, never showing anger, as he calmly guided him through the Four Noble Truths.

The Buddha did not agree to Ānanda’s every request to teach. “Bhante, the

Venerable Girimananda is sick, afflicted, and gravely ill. It would be good if the Blessed

One would visit him out of compassion."306 In this instance, the Buddha did not go.

Instead he gave Ānanda a teaching on the ten perceptions and encouraged him to visit the

Venerable Girimananda out of his own sense of compassion. Ānanda went and delivered the teaching, becoming the one who, out of compassion, assisted the ailing monk.

On more than one occasion the Buddha reminded Ānanda that he was compassionate toward him. In two similar passages, he states that he has fulfilled his responsibilities as a teacher to his disciples. In MN 106, the Aneñjasappāya Suttaṃ, he concludes the lesson of the way to the imperturbable by saying, “What should be done for his disciples out of compassion by a teacher who seeks their welfare and has compassion for them, that I have done for you, Ānanda. There are these roots of trees, these empty huts. Meditate, Ānanda, do not delay, or else you will regret it later. This is our instruction to you.”307 MN 152, the Indriyabhāvanā Suttaṃ, ends with a virtually identical passage.308 And similarly, in one of the final paragraphs of MN 122, the

Mahāsuññata Suttaṃ,

305 Ibid., 332. 306 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 1411. 307 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 873. 308 Ibid., 1150–51. 132

And how do disciples behave toward the Teacher with friendliness, not with hostility? Here, Ānanda, compassionate and seeking their welfare, the Teacher teaches the Dhamma to the disciples out of compassion: ‘This is for your welfare, this is for your happiness.’ His disciples want to hear and give ear and exert their minds to understand; they do not err and turn aside from the Teacher’s Dispensation. Thus do disciples behave towards the Teacher with friendliness, not with hostility.309

The above passages serve three purposes. First, they are a reminder that the

Dhamma exists in the world because the Buddha made the compassionate decision to teach. Second, a teacher takes responsibility for the spiritual well-being of his or her disciples. And third, disciples must put forth the effort to comprehend the lessons.

Ānanda was the ultimate student, following the Buddha, committing the Dhamma to memory, and continuously seeking clarification to understand and to teach those who approached him.

Ānanda understood that the Buddha showed him tremendous compassion. When he comprehended that the Buddha would soon pass away, he laments, “ahañca vatamhi sekho sakaraṇīyo, satthu ca me parinibbānaṃ bhavissati, yo mama anukampak”ti. Or,

“Alas, I am still a learner with much to do! And the Teacher is passing away, who was so compassionate to me.”310

The importance of the deliverance of the mind through compassion (one of the initial steps for a new monk) is impressed upon him. In MN 83, the Maghadeva Suttaṃ, he heard the story of King Maghadeva who, upon seeing that he was aging, abdicates to his son and goes forth.311

309 Ibid., 977. 310 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 2012, 265. 311 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 693. 133

After he shaves his head and goes into homelessness his next action is to abide pervading one quarter with a mind imbued with loving-kindness, followed by the second, and the third, and then the fourth; so above, below, around, and everywhere. Next, he repeats this contemplation using compassion, followed by sympathetic joy, and then equanimity.312

He understands that contemplating others with compassion is part of the path but in no way is it the full path. When the householder Dasama of Ațțhakanāgara approached him to ask:

Venerable Ānanda, has any one thing been proclaimed by the Blessed One who knows and sees, accomplished and fully enlightened, wherein if a bhikkhu abides diligent, ardent, and resolute, his unliberated mind comes to be liberated, his undestroyed taints, come to be destroyed, and he attains the supreme security from bondage that he had not attained before?313

Ānanda gave a full response. And in his response, he took Dasama through the jhānas and through abiding in loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity.

But with each he makes a statement like this one, “He considers this and understands it thus: ‘This deliverance of mind through compassion is conditioned and volitionally produced. But whatever is conditioned and volitionally produced is impermanent, subject to cessation.’ If he is steady in that, he attains the destruction of taints…without ever returning from that world.”314

Like his good friend Sāriputta, Ānanda is called upon to visit and teach and help others and when he is, he is asked to do so out of compassion. He visits a bhikkhuni who because she is enamored of him, asks for him out of false pretenses. “It would be good,

312 Ibid. 313 Ibid,. 454. 314 Ibid., 456. 134

Bhante, if, out of compassion, Master Ānanda would come to visit that bhikkhunī in the bhikkhunīs' quarters.” Knowing that her behavior is inappropriate, he goes to see her and then teaches her that the body has been created out of conceit and out of craving. Both of which are to be abandoned. She sees the error of her ways and apologizes for her transgression. 315

When the householder Sirivaḍḍha is ill, he calls for Ānanda. He sends a messenger to request, out of compassion, a visit. Ānanda complies and reminds him to dwell in the four establishments of mindfulness. Sirivaḍḍha does and he is deemed to have gained the fruit of non-returning.316

Not every example points to Ānanda as the perfect representation of compassion.

On one occasion, the Buddha chastises him in front of the saṇgha, for his lack of compassion. In AN 5.166, Sāriputta declares that a bhikkhu of specific accomplishments might be reborn among a group of deities and could once again emerge from the cessation of perception and feeling. 317 Venerable Udayi challenges him and says that there is no possibility that what he describes can occur. Sāriputta makes the same statement, two more times, and both times Venerable Udayi disagrees. No other monks in the assembly comment. Sāriputta decides to bring the discussion to the Buddha. The results are the same. Sāriputta makes his statements, and each time Venerable Udayi tells him he is wrong and the assembly says nothing. The Buddha questions Venerable Udayi and upon hearing his response tells him that he is foolish and has some nerve to speak up.

He then turns to Ānanda saying, “Ānanda, do you just look on passively as an elder

315 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 524. 316 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1654–55. 317 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 777–80. 135

bhikkhu is being harassed? Don't you have any compassion toward an elder bhikkhu when he's being harassed?"318

In addition to his legacy as the Guardian of the Dhamma, Ānanda is known for his compassion toward women. The most famous reference to this is the story of the alleged role he played in working with the Buddha to establish the order of bhikkhunīs.319 This story is not without controversy, much of which has to do with the chronology of when the creation of the bhikkhunī order occured. A major problem with the story is that the bhikkhunī order was set up five years after the Buddha's enlightenment, but Ānanda only became his attendant twenty years after the Buddha's enlightenment.320 Oskar von

Hinüber argues that the establishment of the bhikkhunī order may have been initiated by

Ānanda after the Buddha's death, and the introduction of Mahāpajāpati as the person requesting to do so is merely a literary device to connect the female ordination with the

Buddha through his foster mother.321 Whether or not the story is true, it is recounted enough times that the idea of Ānanda as a champion of women’s rights has become part of his legend and therefore, his legacy.

Fortunately, other examples depict him as showing compassion toward women on the path. There is the story of the wives of King Pasenadi who wished to learn the

Dhamma but were not allowed to leave the grounds of the palace. They went to the king with their request, who in turn agreed to speak to the Buddha on their behalf. Their

318 Ibid., 777–80. 319 Ibid., 1188–92. 320 Thea Mohr and Jampa Tsedroen, Dignity and Discipline: Reviving Full Ordination for Buddhist Nuns (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2014), 90. 321 Ibid., 138. 136

teacher of choice was Ānanda. From that point forward, when he was in the area, he became their regular teacher.322

Ānanda also left another legacy. Throughout the literature, he provides an example of what an advanced seeker of enlightenment looks like. It is repeatedly stated that he is not enlightened. Where the Buddha’s other trusted disciples are described as having achieved enlightenment, this is not said of Ānanda until after the Buddha’s death.

He is educated, well-spoken, an apt student, and a sought-after teacher. He is not perfect but lives a morale life. In this way, Ānanda can be considered as an example of how to traverse the path.

Anāthapiṇḍika

A great fan of both Sāriputta and Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika is visited by both of them while on his death bed. Sāriputta observes that Anāthapiṇḍika is dying and teaches him to stop clinging to what is seen, heard, cognized, encountered, sought after, and examined by the mind: to stop clinging to this world. 323Anāthapiṇḍika is overcome with the depth of this teaching. Sāriputta proceeds to tell him that this teaching is typically reserved for those who have gone forth and not given to lay people. Anāthapiṇḍika declares that there are lay people who are worthy of this type of teaching.324 The fact that

Sāriputta provides the instruction to him indicates that he was held in high regard.

Sāriputta’s regard for Anāthapiṇḍika as an advanced practitioner is evident in SN

55.26 and 55.27, the Sotāpattisaṃyutta Suttam. He describes Anāthapiṇḍika as without distrust of the Buddha, or the Dhamma, or the saṇgha. He also states that he is not

322 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 157. 323 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 1109–13. 324 Ibid. 137

immoral and does not possess the wrong view, nor does he act out of the wrong intention.

He goes on to note that he lives according to the Noble Eightfold Path. He concludes:

When one has faith in the Tathāgata, Unshakeable and well established, And good conduct built on virtue, Dear to the noble ones and praised;

When one has confidence in the Saṇgha And view that has been rectified, They say that one is not poor, That one’s life is not vain.

Therefore the person of intelligence, Remembering the Buddha’s Teaching, Should be devoted to faith and virtue, To confidence and vision of the Dhamma.”325

Anāthapiṇḍika, called the Buddha’s Chief Patron or the Great Benefactor, is the reason that the Buddha and his monks were able to spend approximately twenty-five rains retreats in Sāvatthi at Jeta Grove. It was through his generosity that the monastery known as Jeta’s Grove came to exist. And when they were present on retreat,

Anāthapiṇḍika provided food and clothing for all of the monks. Part of his story is about a wealthy merchant banker who risks poverty to support the saṇgha. But it is not only his generosity that places him on the list as crucial to early Buddhism and the spread of compassion. It is what his generosity created that is his most significant contribution. His gift led to the creation of a lasting body of knowledge. In the master table, there are over two hundred occurrences with Sāvatthi as the location. Many of these passages are discussed in previous sections of this dissertation. They include teachings on the

325 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1816–19. 138

inheritance of the Dhamma (MN 3.1.3),326 qualities a woman should possess so that, with the breakup of the body, after death, she is reborn in companionship with the agreeable- bodied deities (AN 8.47),327 how to live in solitude (MN 4.1.4), 328teachings on effacement (MN 8.1.8),329 the greater exhortation to Rahula (MN 62.1),330 the person who is fettered internally and externally (AN 2.33), 331where to find true and lasting happiness (MN 26.1),332 and the unconditioned and the path leading to the unconditioned

(SN 43.12).333

There are teachings not captured for this project that were also delivered at

Sāvatthi. Anāthapiṇḍika was hesitant to ask questions of the Buddha or his disciples.

Allegedly, he did not want to be accused of trading his donations for personal advice or special attention. He was often in the audience when the Buddha spoke, but waited to see what he would teach. Sometimes he would discuss his own life experiences to hear if the

Buddha would incorporate these experiences into the teachings.334 Direct teachings from

Buddha to Anāthapiṇḍika himself appeared in nineteen suttas and from Buddha’s disciples in three.335 His legacy is the comprehensive code of conduct for the

326 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 97–101. 327 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 1185. 328 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 102–7. 329 Ibid., 124. 330 Ibid., 527–32. 331 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 153–54. 332 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 253–68. 333 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1374. 334 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 351. 335 Yongyut Khamkhong, “Anathapindika Upasaka: A Model Leadership in Buddhism,” St. Theresa Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (December 2, 2017), http://www.stic.ac.th/ojs/index.php/sjhs/article/view/128. 139

conscientious layperson. 336 When the Buddha gave him instructions, much of it was later recorded in the Pāli Canon. In this way, he was not just the benefactor to the Buddha and his monks, he was the benefactor for those to come.

The lessons taught to Anāthapiṇḍika include the four things a disciple is to provide to monks (AN 4.60),337 the four types of bliss that are available to a householder

(AN 4. 62),338 the five desirable, pleasant, and agreeable things that a householder may experience if he or she follows the correct path (AN 5.43),339 five ways in which a noble disciple acquires wealth (AN 5.41),340 the difference between right and wrong conduct for a layperson (AN 10.91),341 the four mental abidings that bring happiness in the present and purify the mind (AN 5:179),342 and how to attain stream-entry (AN 10.92).343

In “Anāthapiṇḍika Upasaka: A Model Leadership in Buddhism,” Dr. Yongyut

Khamkhong states that “Anāthapiṇḍika’s life is the ideal life of all Buddhists in past and present.”344 Dr. Khamkhong supports this statement by giving examples of how

Anāthapiṇḍika possessed what he calls the Buddha Dhamma of leadership.345 He possessed the Rajadhamma, or the virtues of the king or a leader, consisting of ten virtues to be practiced daily, the Sappurisadhamma, or the qualities of a gentleman, the Disā or the directions a good man should keep reflecting upon, and Brahma-vihāras, or the holy

336 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 351. 337 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 448. 338 Ibid., 452–53. 339 Ibid., 667–69. 340 Ibid., 665–67. 341 Ibid., 1456–61. 342 Ibid., 792–95. 343 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 352–58. 344 Khamkhong, “Anathapindika Upasaka,” 121. 345 Ibid. 140

shelter for all good leaders.346 The influence of Anāthapiṇḍika continues today. It is easy to include him as a top influencer in the spread of early Buddhism and the theme of compassion.

King Bimbisāra

In the kingdom of Magadha Anāthapiṇḍika, the Great Benefactor met the King of

Bimbisāra, the First Benefactor. When Anāthapiṇḍika met the Buddha, he converted immediately. He invited him to a meal the next day. He wanted to host the entire thing, but the Mayor of Rājagaha and King Bimbisāra ask to be allowed to help.347

In some ways, King Bimbisāra is a less obvious choice here than Sāriputta,

Ānanda, and Anāthapiṇḍika. He does not show up in any of the teachings on compassion and he does not receive any particular lessons from the Buddha.348 There are stories of his support of the Buddha, for example, the creation of what is considered to be the first monastery. Or the story of when the Buddha agreed to visit Vesālī and King Bimbisāra repaired the whole road from Rājagaha to the Ganges, just for the Buddha, placing rest houses at regular intervals and spreading flowers along the route. The story even has

King Bimbisāra accompanying the Buddha on the five-day journey, allegedly waiting for his return by the banks of the river, and then escorting him back to Rājagaha.349

But King Bimbisāra does not show up in the key individuals table. However, when the relationships for the initial six key individuals were captured and analyzed, it became clear that King Bimbisāra held some very significant connections which warrant

346 Ibid., 118–19. 347 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Bimbisāra.” 348 Ibid. 349 Ibid. 141

his inclusion. In particular, he fostered communications between himself and other rulers, maintaining positive relationships with his peers, improving peace, which is good for trade. There is also some evidence that in his communications he inquired after the spiritual well-being of his peers and shared his confidence in the Buddha’s teachings. The kings with whom he maintained strong relationships were King Candappajjota of

Ujjenī/Ujjain, King Pukkasāti of Taxila, and King Tissa of Roruva.350 Once, out of concern for the health of his friend, he was alleged to have sent his own physician Jīvaka to tend to Candappajjota, King of Ujjenī who was ill.351 He and King Pasenadi were related through marriage, having each married a sister of the other.352 Because there were more families of great wealth in Magadha than in Kosala, Bimbisāra agreed to have a family from his kingdom relocate in Pasenadi’s kingdom.

350 Amr̥tānanda, Kings of Buddha’s Time, 36. 351 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. “Bimbisāra.” 352 Ibid. 142

Figure 4-2: King Bimbisāra and his primary relationships, with emphasis on other monarchs. Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

King Bimbisāra communicated with other monarchs through merchants traveling to Rājagaha from Takkasilā/Taxila who brought him presents on behalf of King

Pukkasāti. Bimbisāra granted those merchants tax exemptions and ensured that they were provided food and lodging. He sent them back to Takkasilā/Taxila with gifts and wishes for the health and prosperity of their king. Due to the friendship between the two kings, merchants from Rājagaha were given tax exemptions and special treatment in Taxila.353

The two kings exchanged gifts with one another regularly. And in one instance King

Bimbisāra may have given gifts from King Pukkasāti to the Buddha.354 There is a story that involves King Bimbisāra inscribing golden palm leaves with the Triple Gems and

353 Amr̥tānanda, Kings of Buddha’s Time, 52–53. 354 Ibid., 53. 143

other teachings and escorting those palm leaves, wrapped in silk and in a jeweled casket, enclosed by a silver casket and then a wooden casket, to the border of King Pukkasāti’s kingdom of Pratyanta. Representatives of King Pukkasāti met the party and took this gift of Dhamma to their king. The story ends with King Pukkasāti becoming inspired to secretly travel to Rājagaha in search of the Buddha. He does find the Buddha, but during his time in Rājagaha, a bull attacks him and he dies. A grief-stricken Bimbisāra presides over his last rites.355 This story is not being presented here as absolute fact, rather as an indicator of the belief that King Bimbisāra was a strong supporter of the Buddha’s teachings. These stories support the belief that he helped to spread those teachings and that he was an important connection across the trade routes and kingdoms of his time. He is included with Sāriputta, Ānanda, and Anāthapiṇḍika as an important link in the spread of early Buddhism and compassion.

4.3 Exclusions

A typical reaction for readers of this report would be to question why certain individuals are excluded. Part of the response lies in a review of section 1.2

Methodological Approach. The data drives the results. However, that data serves to inform this report and is subject to interpretation. This discussion provides a response to questions around the people excluded from the final report. All individuals omitted will not be discussed, only those captured in the data.

In Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data, Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika,

Mahāpajāpatīgotamī Therī, Pañcasikha, Sāriputta, and Sigālaka are all noted as individuals who, based on the data, are worthy of examination. Each of these individuals

355 Ibid., 53–58. 144

was considered for inclusion.. Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, and Sāriputta are among those deemed significant. The list is edited down to four, dropping Mahāpajāpatīgotamī Therī,

Pañcasikha, and Sigālaka. Then King Bimbisāra is added.

Why were the others removed? Pañcasikha is a Gandhabbā, a semi-divine being.356 The Pāli Canon has many references to divine and semi-divine beings. Sakka, the chief of the Devas, also makes an appearance in the data, as a very well-connected being. The purpose of this project is to focus on human beings who shaped the teachings on compassion and the spread of early Buddhism. It is clear that the divine and semi- divine are a vital part of early Buddhist literature. Perhaps a future effort can focus entirely on the roles played by Devas and others.

The appearance of Sigālaka and his corresponding sutta in the data is misleading.

Here we have one sutta, to one person on how to behave skillfully with his parents, spouse, children, pupils, teachers, employers, employees, friends, and spiritual mentors.

A passage similar to this one is repeated more than once, “imehi kho, gahapatiputta, pañcahi ṭhānehi puttena puratthimā disā mātāpitaro paccupaṭṭhitā pañcahi ṭhānehi puttaṃ anukampanti.”357 Or “And the mother and father so respected reciprocate with compassion…”358 The word compassion appears multiple times and this leads to corresponding entries in the master table. Analysis of Sigālaka in terms of his other contributions and his network reveals nothing that indicates that he belongs on the list of important individuals.

356 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Gandhabbā.” 357 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 358 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 467. 145

The case of Mahāpajāpatīgotamī Therī is another instance where a few passages influence the master table. In this case, there are two suttas. Most of the data occurrences come from her story, KN 11.17, Mahāpajāpatigotamītherīapadānaṃ.359 MN 142, the

Dānavaggo Suttaṃ, supplies the other references to compassion.360 Beyond these references, there is not sufficient data about her to include her.

4.4 Conclusion

Sāriputta, Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, and King Bimbisāra each in their own right are significant contributors to the spread of early Buddhism, sometimes part of lessons on compassion, but overall part of a path that only exists because of the compassionate decision of the Buddha to share it with his world. The power of the social network is clearly at work. Each of the four had strong networks. It is most likely that what has been represented for them here is much smaller than the true extent of their outreach. Not all of their relationships and interaction are in the literature. Anāthapiṇḍika is said to have a large group of friends who came to listen to the Buddha. When the Buddha was in residence at Sāvatthi, they came for teachings and provided support for the assembly.

They fell away when the Buddha was gone. But during a future visit, they heard him teach of the Triple Gem and the need to be consistent and not leave the path. He showed them the Four Noble Truths. The story concludes with all of those in attendance achieving stream-entry.361 Such a claim cannot be verified. However, the story does help to illustrate the point that Anāthapiṇḍika was an influencer of many, not all of those

359 Walters, Legends of the Buddhist Saints: Apadanapali, 1021–43. 360 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 1102–6. 361 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 350. 146

individuals have been named. It helps to make the case that his network was even more extensive than captured for this project.

Social physics involves the study of reliable mathematical connections between information and idea flow and people’s behavior. It helps to understand how ideas flow from person to person through social learning, ultimately showing how this idea flow shapes the norms, productivity, and creative output of companies, cities, and societies.362

The name social physics has been in use since the early 1800s, when it was used to theorize that society functioned as a vast machine. While that theory did not hold, the concept of social physics continued on and was revived in the mid-twentieth century, and continues today.363 Social physics is meant to be predictive, and this project looks backward at events that have already occurred. The concept of idea flow, which is critical to forecasting how information is moved along a social network can be found to exist in the data. Idea flow is the spreading of ideas, by example or by story, through a social network. It aids in the transfer of habits from person to person and from generation to generation.364 This is the combined network chart for Sāriputta, Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, and King Bimbisāra.

362 Alex Pentland, Social Physics: How Social Networks Can Make Us Smarter (New York: Penguin, 2014), 4. 363 Ibid., 5. 364 Ibid., 44. 147

Figure 4-3: Sāriputta, King Bimbisāra, Anāthapiṇḍika, and Ānanda and their primary relationships. Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

Excluded from the diagram is the Buddha. This is purposeful, because the point of this study is to look at the other players. To have a fuller discussion of idea flow, it is necessary to return to the Buddha. The original teachings come from the Buddha. He has direct contact with each of our key individuals. The link between the Buddha and

Sāriputta is a stong link. The same is true of his link with King Bimbisāra,

Anāthapiṇḍika, and Ānanda. Each of them hear his teachings directly from him. Once his teachings are repeated by Ānanda, or any of the others, those teachings are now coming

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from a weak link. Ānanda recites the Dhamma at the First Council. 365 The Pāli Canon was compiled based on a weak link. The spread of early Buddhism and the teachings on compassion depended on the effectiveness of weak links.

The above network tells a story. In The Datafied Society: Studying Culture through Data, Tommaso Venturini, Liliana Bounegru, Mathieu Jacomy, and Jonathan Gray show how to take a network diagram and tell a story. To accomplish this, they draw upon six types of narrative views or reading paths: The Camps, The Balance of Forces, The

Crossroads, The Bridge, The Shortcut, and the Grand Tour.366 In their example, they use critical characters from the Iliad. Here, the diagram for Sāriputta, Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, and King Bimbisāra will be used to test these six network stories.

The first view is The Camps. The Camps is a panoramic view, emphasizing the clustering of the network.367 This high-level view shows the division of relationships into groups. Looking at the diagram, each primary individual has clear groups of relationships. Camps can be relationship based, or can also be driven by geography. King

Bimbisāra’s camp was Rājagaha and the kingdom of Maghadha. In his camp he exerts his most powerful influence. His camp is created though relationships and geography.

Anāthapiṇḍika’s camp is Savatthi. Ānanda and Sāriputta are less location constrainted.

They are wandering ascetics. Their camps are much more about their relationships. And the network clusters show that they hold more relationships in their networks.

Next is another high-level view, this time emphasizing the balance or imbalance of the nodes and edges within the clusters. By looking at the clusters and interpreting the

365 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Rājagaha.” 366 Mirko Tobias Schäfer and Karin Van Es, eds., The Datafied Society: Studying Culture through Data (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2017), 158–67. 367 Ibid., 160. 149

nodes as weights and the edges as lines of force, the evolution of the network can be predicted.368 In our diagram, the size of the node for each person indicates the number of their relationships. Ānanda holds the most connections, followed by Sāriputta, then King

Bimbisāra, and then Anāthapiṇḍika. In our diagram, it provides insight into whose relationships are most likely to lead to the spread of an idea. All things being equal, if

Ānanda shares an idea with his network, that idea is most likely to spread to more people, than if Anāthapiṇḍika shares that same idea with his network. What this view does not factor in is the longevity of the individuals or the personal or political power they held.

This speaks to the need to use an integrated approach. It is not just the number of relationships that determine who wields the most influence. The size of a social network is a contributing factor, and supplies one approach to filtering data, such as that found in the master table.

The Crossroads view looks at locations and size of nodes with an eye for having a specific vantage point in the network.369 Who is highly connected, and is at the crossroads between various regions in the graph? In this way, additional persons of interest are identified.

In our, it is Devadatta who emerges at the crossroads. He has a strong link to

Ānanda, Sāriputta, and King Bimbisāra. A look back at Figure 2-14 Devadatta and his immediate social connections, shows that Devadatta has a large social network of his own. In theory, this makes him an ideal person to act as a liaison between the others. He has access to strong influencers. Unfortunately, Devadatta uses his position to spread

368 Ibid., 161–62. 369 Ibid., 162–63. 150

discontent. Later, he does gain the support of King Bimbisāra’s son, Ajātasattu.

Devadatta’s failure to kill the Buddha, is an important story to early Buddhism. If the story is to be believed it denotes the triumph of the Buddha and his way over adversity and over those who would do him harm.

Figure 4-4: A crossroads view of the primary relationships, showing Devadatta in the crossroads between Sāriputta, King Bimbisāra, Anāthapiṇḍika, and Ānanda Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

Next is the Bridge view. The individuals occupying this place in the network exist on the outskirts, yet serve to connect two or more clusters, often functioning as a

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liaison.370 The difference between a bridge and a crossroads is that a bridge is typically between two sections or camps, while the crossroads links more sections or camps. A bridge is described as being on the outskirts, this is a contact that is not as well-known or as well-connected as a crossroads. Here, we have Abhaya, a Licchavi who comes to

Ānanda for teaching.371Abhaya, the bridge is far less known than Devadatta, the crossroads. Because Abhaya is a lesser-known player, his role in early Buddhism is difficult to determine.

Figure 4-5: A bridge view of the primary relationships, showing Abhaya in the role of the bridge between King Bimbisāra, and Ānanda Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

370 Ibid., 163–64. 371 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Abhaya Thera.” 152

Abhaya and other lesser-known players are not to be discounted. It is possible that some day, additional research will trace the spread of a critical message or teaching, back to someone like Abhaya.

In the network, the distance between two nodes does not indicate any spatial distance. It is a drawing convention that stems from the number of neighbors that they share between them. In Figure 4-6 below, King Bimbisāra and Sāriputta appear to be far apart. This is merely due to their relationships Anāthapiṇḍika. He is displayed inbetween them. The Shortcut view shows how two nodes that are spatially separated might have surprising short paths or direct links between them.372 In the data, shortcuts exist between

Sāriputta and Ānanda, Sāriputta and Anāthapiṇḍika, Ānanda and Anāthapiṇḍika, and

Anāthapiṇḍika and King Bimbisāra. It is this view which also really helps to emphasize the role of Anāthapiṇḍika as the primary link between our key players. He connects both

Sāriputta and Ānanda to King Bimbisāra. And as a merchant who travels between two primary locations – Sāvatthi and Rājagaha – this makes sense.

372 Schäfer and Van Es, The Datafied Society, 165–66. 153

Figure 4-6: A shortcut view of the primary relationships Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

The final view or story of the data is that of the Grand Tour. Instead of looking for the shortest paths through the network, the Grand Tour is about looking at the far edges and how they connect.373 What can be learned by following the connections between those who are on the fringe of the network? In our diagram, this view is more challenging to apply. Each primary node has several smaller nodes surrounding it in a semi-circle.

Figure 4-3 indicates that there is more than one way to create a Grand Tour view of the data. Paṇḍita to Ānanda to Sāriputta to Anāthapiṇḍika to Visākhā to King Bimbisāra is one version. And this version can be recreated multiple times by merely substituting any of the nodes from the same graph region as Paṇḍita – Saccaka, Sandaka, Udayi, and several others. What does that mean? It identifies some of the many communications

373 Ibid., 166–67. 154

channels that exist and have the potential for spanning the entire network. An idea could come from Paṇḍita, who then tells it to Ānanda, who then tells it to Sāriputta, who tells it to Anāthapiṇḍika, who tells it to Visākhā and finally the idea gets to King Bimbisāra.

This idea flow can occur in many different ways across the network. Taking this network to the next level and diagramming the relationships for those smaller external nodes would bring different communication channels to light. Additional analysis of this kind is out of scope for this project but could be a valuable future endeavor.

The connections between individuals does not prove the transmission of early

Buddhist but it makes a strong case. Especially when some of the known factors for good idea flow are present. People who see others in their close circles adopt similar ideas develop more confidence in those ideas.374 Each time that Anāthapiṇḍika communicated his own beliefs to others in his network, it made it more likely that they too would follow his path. This is also a form of social learning. People see others living a certain lifestyle which is attractive or they copy someone who they consider to be successful.375 Many of the monks who joined the order did so after listening to Dhamma talks and seeing the tranquility and happiness experienced by other monks. Sāriputta’s large group of disciples is a testament to this type of influence. Diversity and contrarianism assist with good idea flow.376 In the data there are monks, merchants, kings, householders, and others. The end result is an avoidance of groupthink. Both Sāriputta and Ānanda invite debate. There are many who become followers after unsuccessfully arguing the philosophies of other rival teachers.

374 Pentland, Social Physics, 36. 375 Ibid., 39–40. 376 Ibid. 155

We know that in today’s world, Buddhism exists in many forms and in many locations. Sāriputta, Ānanda Anāthapiṇḍika, and King Bimbisāra were not the only ones who propagated the teachings and support of the path. It is possible that there is one person, unknown, whose actions remain unrecorded, who in one trip up and down a trade route made the biggest impact. This is the challenge with data that is over twenty-five hundred years old. It provides hints and theories, many of which may never be proven.

The diagram that the data creates can be read and used to tell a plausible story. There is enough evidence to show that the required elements of idea flow are in place and that these four helped to drive the flow of the teachings of early Buddhism.

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Chapter 5: Key Locations to Early Buddhism and Compassion

5.1 Introduction

The Pāli Canon provides considerable insight into the locations where Gautama

Buddha taught, where he visited or rested during his travels and where he and his disciples stayed during the rains retreats. An argument can be constructed in favor of the importance of most of the locations visited by either Gautama Buddha or his disciples.

But for the purposes of this dissertation, a location must have received more than a visit from Gautama Buddha or his disciples, it must have acted as a strategic hub. In this chapter, locations that are noted as important in the scriptures are discussed, and the idea of locations as strategic hubs is used to identify five locations that were critical to the spread of early Buddhism and the teachings on compassion.

In the DN 16.6.24:27, the Mahāparinibbāna Suttaṃ, after the cremation of the

Buddha, the Mallas expressed the opinion that they should be able to keep all of his remains.377 Their claim was based upon the fact that he passed away in Kusinārā, which was under their domain. Others made similar claims, not based on geography but based on association or lineage. King Ajātasattu of Magadha stated that both he and the Buddha were Khattiya’s and that this qualified him to receive a portion of the remains. The

Licchavis of Vesālī made a similar claim, and the Sākyas of Kapilavatthu made their claim based on the Buddha as chief of their clan. 378 In the midst of the arguments, the

Brahmin Doṇa stepped in and offered to divide the remains into eight equal portions. In

377 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 275–77. 378 Ibid. 157

exchange, he asked for the urn.379 Later, the Moriyas of Pipphalavana made a request, but there was nothing left but the ashes and embers from the funeral pyre. The Moriyas accepted the ashes and embers.380 This table documents the distribution of the Buddha’s remains.

Table 5-1: The distribution of the Buddha’s relics, as described in DN 16.6.24:27.381 Recipient(s) Location What?

King Ajātasattu Rājagaha Remains

Licchavis Vesālī Remains

Sākyans Kapilavatthu Remains

Bulayas Allakappa Remains

Koliyas Rāmagāma Remains

The Vețhadīpa Vețhadīpa Remains

Brahmin

Mallas of Pāvā Pāvā Remains

Mallas of Kusinara Kusinārā Remains

The Brahman Doṇa Unknown Urn

Moriyas Pipphalivana Ashes and embers

The story from the Dīgha Nikāya mentions, but does not dwell on, the fact that before others learned of the Buddha’s passing, the Mallas had already placed the remains in a casket surrounded by spears and bows. It does not discuss the tremendous grief

379 Ibid., 276. 380 Ibid., 276–77. 381 Ibid. 158

allegedly experienced by King Ajātasattu when he learned of the Buddha’s passing.

Buddhaghosa’s commentary states that the king’s ministers were very cautious about breaking the news to him. 382 They filled four separate baths with cool and soothing liquids. They had him lie down in the first one and then gave him the report. The king became overheated and passed out. His ministers then carefully lifted him into the next bath and repeated the process. Finally, he recovered and took action, sending a message to the Mallas, demanding the remains of the Buddha. But he did not just send a message.

He arrived with an army to claim the remains.383 The story of the “War of the Relics” posits that it was not just King Ajātasattu who came with an army, others did too. Two friezes on the Southern and Western gateways at the great stūpa at Sāñcī, depict this conflict.384 However it happened, the story still ends with the distribution of the remains, the urn, and the embers, and stūpas constructed at each location. The location where

Doṇa built the stūpa over the urn is unknown, although it is thought to be close to

Rājagaha.385 Aside from Rājagaha, most of the sites are near Kusinārā. It is surprising that Bārānasī and Sāvatthi did not receive any remains. To obtain the remains of the

Buddha was quite an honor. It is not clear if it was a statement of a leader’s political power, or of his support of the order. If any part of the “Relic Wars” story is true, it signaled military strength. The story in the Dīgha Nikāya and the commentary do not

382 John S. Strong, Relics of the Buddha (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018), 118. 383 Ibid. 384 Ibid., 119. 385 T. W. Rhys Davids, “Asoka and the Buddha - Relics,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1901, 401. 159

indicate that the allocation of the remains was strategic. There is no indication of a master plan. What is not known is who asked for remains and went away empty-handed?

What happened to the stūpas and the relics? Among the more famous relic finds in India are those made at Piprahwa, a site that some have identified with the Buddha’s hometown of Kapilavastu, and at Vesālī, relics unearthed may have come from one of the original stūpas.386 The story of King Aśoka is often presented to describe what may have happened to the Buddha’s remains. One of King Aśoka’s alleged deeds was the redistribution of the Buddha relics into eighty-four thousand stūpas.387 The story in the

Samyuktāgama is that the king went to all but one of the original stūpas. He broke into each stūpa, taking most of the relics, but carefully leaving some behind. He ordered the construction of eighty-four-thousand stūpas, spreading the stolen relics throughout, so that each stūpa had a relic. Rāmagāma was said to be guarded by Nāgas so he left it untouched.388 T. W. Rhys Davids took issue with stories such as this one. He found them to be a convenient retelling of history, asserting that the eighty-four thousand stūpas correspond to eighty-four thousand sections of the Dhamma and that stories which present King Aśoka breaking into the original stūpas are not mentioned in ancient

Buddhist texts and do not appear until long after his death.389

In the Mahāparinibbāna Suttaṃ, the Buddha specifically mentions four locations to Ānanda. “Ānanda, there are four places the sight of which should arouse emotion in the faithful. Which are they? “Here the Tathāgata was born” is the first. “Here the

386 Strong, Relics of the Buddha, 13. 387 Ibid., 124. 388 Ibid., 126. 389 Davids, “Asoka and the Buddha - Relics,” 408–9. 160

Tathāgata attained supreme enlightenment” is the second. “Here the Tathāgata set in motion the Wheel of Dhamma” is the third. “Here the Tathāgata attained the Nibbāna- element without remainder” is the fourth. And, Ānanda, the faithful monks and nuns, male and female lay-followes will visit those places.”390

Lumbini, Uruvelā, Isipatana, and Kusinārā are still important pilgrimage sites.

Only Kusinārā is on the list of sites that received the Buddha’s remains. And during the time of the Buddha, Lumbini is not given importance, nor is Uruvelā. He spends his first rains retreat in Isipatana.391 Kusinārā was on his path between Pāvā and Haliddavasana.

During his last tour, the Buddha walked from Rājagaha to Ambalathikkā, to

Nāļanda, to Pāțaligāma, to Koțigāma, to Nādika, to Beluva, and then to Vesālī, where he spent his last rains retreat. After the rains, he walked north stopping in Bhaņdagāma,

Hatthigāma, Ambagāma, Jambugāma, Bhoganagara, Pāvā and finally Kusinārā.392 A quick review of Table 5-1 confirms that Rājagaha, Vesālī, Pāvā, and Kusinārā are the locations on his tour which received remains.

Looking back at Figure 2-7: Locations where compassion was taught and number of occurrences in Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data, the location which shows up the most is Sāvatthi, followed by Rājagaha, and Pāvā, with Campā rounding out the top four.

All of the locations mentioned in the Mahāparinibbāna Suttaṃ provide insight into perceived importance of groups and leaders and their geographic regions: where the remains went, where the Buddha encouraged pilgrims to visit, and where the Buddha went on his last tour. Some places were rest stops on the journey. What occurred at each

390 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 263–64. 391 Bhikkhu, Maps of Ancient Buddhist India, 30. 392 Ibid., 32–33. 161

of these places is essential from a spiritual perspective, but the locations that are important to early Buddhism and compassion are more than pilgrimage sites. They are hubs. In terms of networking, a hub is a connection point. A connection point exists to exchange information. In Chapter 4: Important Individuals to Early Buddhism and

Compassion, we saw how people and their social networks contribute to idea flow. Now it is about where the ideas were developed. Each location selected here is a strategic hub.

These hubs have been selected based on the teachings, who was there, who may have passed through, and other events that occurred. Most often, a location on a well-traveled trade route is more impactful than an isolated site, but some places that show up marginally in the data are still worthy of attention. After considering these factors, the locations or hubs selected in this study are: Ujjain, Taxila, Kosambi, Sāvatthi, and

Rājagaha.

162

5.2 Important Geographic Locations and their Significance

Figure 5-1: Mapping: Important geographic locations and their significance Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

It is useful to begin by looking at the locations as a whole, within their geographical context and their socio-political roles, and then as individual sites with

163

unique contributions. The map above is very similar to Figure 2-1: Mapping: Trade routes, travels, teachings and social networks in Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data. The critical difference is that it has been edited to show only the locations discussed in this section. Also included are the trade routes and the route traveled by the Buddha, along with the route used by Anāthapiṇḍika.

Ujjain is on the Trans-Iranian route and the Southern and Western route. Both the

Trans-Iranian and the Southern and Western routes intersect with the Northern route.

Taxila sits on both the Trans-Iranian and the Northern routes. These routes intersect with the Southern and Western route at Mathurā, an important meeting place for caravans.

Many caravans traversed these routes; at Mathurā they continued to Ujjain and then to

Baruch for sea transport, or instead headed east toward Kosambi.393

Mathurā does not show up in the master table. It is possible that the king was related to the royal family in Ujjain. The Buddha passed through the area and was visited by householders on the outskirts of the town.394 His comments about Mathurā were not favorable. AN 5.220 states, “Bhikkhus, there are these five dangers in Madhura.What five? It is uneven; it is dusty; its dogs are fierce; it has wild spirits; and it is difficult to gain almsfood there.” These are the five dangers in Madhura.395" Later, after the death of the Buddha, this is where Mahākaccāna preaches about castes and points out that wealth provides power to all and that all live out the results of their actions. He preaches that

Brahmins are not necessarily superior.396

393 Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, 4–26. 394 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Mathurā.” 395 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 826. 396 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Madhura Sutta." 164

Figure 5-2:Mathurā trade route intersection. Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

According to the story of Bāvarī and his disciples, Kosambi provided a resting place on the journey from Patițțhāna to Rājagaha. Others who came from the south would also stop in Kosambi before continuing to Sāketa and Sāvatthi.397

397 Bimala Churn Law, Kauśāmbī in Ancient Literature (Delhi: Manager of publications, 1939), 4, https://dds.crl.edu/crldelivery/3522. 165

The Northern route provided more direct access to Sāvatthi from Taxila and connected all the way to Rājagaha.398 The role of the river systems in the routes between these locations cannot be overemphasized. The rivers acted as a type of natural highway for easy transportation.

Figure 5-3: Common river crossing location on the Ganges Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

In the Divyāvadāna, a post-Nikāya work, the Buddha tells the bhikkhus that to go to Rājagaha from Sāvatthi they must cross the Ganges by boats, using either the ones kept by King Ajātasattu or by the Licchavis of Vesālī.399

398 Bimala Churn Law, Geography of Early Buddhism (Varanasi: Bhartiya Publishing House, 1932), 49. 399 Ibid., 10. 166

Figure 5-4:Kosambi on the river Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

The more commonly used route from Rājagaha to Kosambi was by the river.

Kosambi was located by the Yamunā, and the Yamunā intersected with the Ganges.400

At the time of the Buddha, different types of urban formations had emerged. 401

There were commercial towns, existing primarily for the exchange of commodities;

Sāvatthi is an example of this formation. There were bureaucratic towns, such as

Rājagaha, where administrative functions made up a large portion of the work performed.

There were tribal towns, providing a center for tribal leadership and their clans to meet

(Kapilavatthu), and transportation centers, like Ujjain, providing way stations on the way

400 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Kosambi.” 401 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” 8. 167

to and from major ports or other areas of exchange. . 402 Some locations functioned as more than one type of formation. There must have been administrative work performed in

Sāvatthi, and while Rājagaha was not as commercially significant as Sāvatthi it attracted merchants and bankers. The locations discussed in this chapter are clear examples of these urban formations.

For each town to thrive, a particular type of population was necessary. Trade and economic gain were considered suitable endeavors for the Vaisya caste. In the Nikāyas, these are the Gahapatis or householders. By becoming wealthy through trade via the land and the sea, they supported the rest of society. As they grew in number and increased their wealth, they also began to wield political power. They often had a seat on the royal council.403 When King Bimbisāra agreed to have a family from his kingdom relocate in

Pasenadi’s kingdom, it was a generous act. He was transferring income from his domain to Pasenadi’s kingdom.404 The merchant who left Rājagaha was Dhanañjaya. He was a

Sețțhi, a class within the Vaisya caste considered to be the most aristocratic. The story of his daughter’s dowry provides insight into his wealth. 405 When his daughter wed, he sent five hundred carts of money, plus five hundred vessels of gold, silver, and copper. Many more carts filled with silks, ghee, rice, plows, plowshares, and other farm equipment followed. Approximately fifteen hundred slave-women were part of the dowry. More

402 Ibid. 403 Prakash Charan Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1990), Location 375-376, Kindle. 404 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Bimbisāra.” 405 Prakash Charan Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, Location 780. 168

than sixty thousand bulls and sixty thousand milk cows were part of this generous gift.406

This type of story, detailing the wealth of a merchant, is not uncommon. Trade created a class of extremely wealthy individuals in Taxila, Sāvatthi, Rājagaha, Kosambi, and other locations like Benares, Vesālī, Campā, and Mithilā.407

Ujjain

Figure 5-5:Ujjain the stop before the port at Bharuch Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

“Few cities can boast of a more continuous reputation, as it has been a place of great note, from the earliest periods of Hindu tradition down to the present day.”408

Considered to be one of the seven sacred cities of India, it is in Ujjain that, per Hindu

406 Ibid. 407 Ibid., Location 375-376. 408 Arvind Sharma, “A City in a Khaṇḍtoakāvya: Ujjain in the Meghadūta of Kālidāsa,” Journal of South Asian Literature 25, no. 1 (1990): 127. 169

mythology, a portion of Satī’s body fell after she was cut to pieces by Vişņu’s cakra.409

During the time of the Buddha, Ujjain was the capital of the kingdom of Avanti, ruled by

King Candappajjota and ascending in power.410

It is included here because of its position on the Trans-Iranian and the Southern and Western routes, its access to the port at Bharuch, its interactions with Taxila, ties with Kosambi and Sāvatthi, and because King Bimbisāra maintained a friendly relationship with King Candappajjota. Ujjain and Kosambi were linked by marriage.

King Candappajjota gave his daughter Vāsavadattā to King Udena in marriage.411

In the master table, there is one entry that mentions Ujjain. KN 10.533, the

Mahākaccāyanattherāpadānaṃ, tells the story of Mahākaccāna. 412 In his story, he speaks of how in his final life he will be born in Ujjain.

Now, in [my] final existence, I was born in Ujjain city, sharp, a master of the Vedas, the son of Tiriṭivaccha, who was the brahmin counselor of the [king], Pajjota Caṇḍa; my mother’s Candapaduma; [I’m] Kaccāna, with superb skin.413

Mahākaccāna was the son of King Candappajjota’s Vedic chaplain. After his fathers’ death, he took on the role of chaplain. At the request of the king, he visited the

409 Ibid., 128. 410 Mahendradatta Jayadi, “India at the Time of the Buddha: Social and Political Backgrounds,” 3, accessed January 30, 2019, https://www.academia.edu/4990710/India_at_the_Time_of_the_Buddha_Social_and_Pol itical_Backgrounds. 411 Law, Geography of Early Buddhism, 23. 412 Walters, Legends of the Buddhist Saints: Apadanapali, 878–79. 413 Ibid., 878–79. 170

Buddha. According to the master table, Mahākaccāna was at Sāvatthi and in the audience when the Buddha taught MN 118, the Ānāpānasati Suttaṃ. 414

The Ānāpānasati Suttaṃ focuses on the sixteen steps in mindfulness of breathing and how this meditation relates to the seven enlightenment factors and the four foundations of mindfulness.415 The compassion-based component of this teaching occurs at the beginning when the Buddha describes the saṇgha of bhikkhus as containing members who abide devoted to the development of loving-kindness, compassion, altruistic joy, and equanimity.416 After hearing the Buddha teach, Mahākaccāna becomes a follower and shortly after becomes an arahant. Before leaving, he extends an invitation to the Buddha to visit Ujjain. The Buddha declines, stating that now that Mahākaccāna has become an arahant, he will be able to bring the teachings back to the kingdom.417

Mahākaccāna did become known for being one of the leading male disciples of the

Buddha, revered for his ability to teach the Dhamma.418

The saṇgha in Ujjain was small, making it difficult to meet the requirement of having ten fully-ordained monks present at the ordination ceremony for new monks. Due to this and other challenges, Mahākaccāna sent his disciple Sona Kutikanna to Sāvatthi to discuss their specific needs. The soil was rough and the ground was hard, making it unbearable to walk without thickly lined shoes. The people placed high importance on cleanliness and bathed often. They did not wish to be around monks who did not wash as

414 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 943. 415 Ibid., 941-948.. 416 Ibid., 943. 417 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Mahā-Kaccāna.” 418 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” 15– 16. 171

frequently as they did. The hides of cattle, sheep, goats, and deer were used for coverlets.419After listening to Sona Kutikanna enumerate these differences, the Buddha agreed to change the rules for them, allowing them hard-soled shoes, more frequent bathing, the use of coverlets made of animal hides and perhaps most importantly, ordination could occur with the presence of only five fully ordained monks.420 In this way, the small assembly in Ujjain influenced the Vinaya. From this story, it becomes clear that in addition to being an important stop before proceeding to the port at Bharuch,

Ujjain had significant livestock.

Taxila

Figure 5-6: Taxila on the Trans-Iranian Route Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation.

In addition to its essential role on the northern road, Taxila also connected from

Kashmir in the North to the Indian Ocean, and between Babylonia in the far west to

419 Ibid. 420 Ibid. 172

China in the far east.421 Even in the time of the Buddha, the Khyber pass to Kabul was in use, as was the Bolan pass into Gandhāra.422 Taxila is possibly the site of the first recitation of the Mahābhārata.423 Sometimes called the world’s longest poem, the

Mahābhārata details the epic battle between two sets of cousins over the kingdom of

Kuru. It also contains the Bhagavad Gītā.

Part of the Gandhāra kingdom, Taxila was a highly regarded center for learning.

Many princes and young men from the Brāhmaņa and Khattiya castes came to Taxila to learn archery, swordsmanship, medicine, and literature.424 King Pasenadi, Mahāli, chief of the Licchavis, and Bandhula, prince of the Mallas, were classmates at Taxila.425

Jīvaka, physician to King Bimbisāra, also trained here. 426

The Bhisapuppha-Jātaka tells the story of a certain monk who bent down to smell a lotus and was frightened when a goddess appeared and said to him that he was guilty of stealing the flowers scent. The Buddha advised this monk that many had a similar experience. In a past life, he was also startled by a goddess who told him that by enjoying the flowers scent, he was a thief. The story includes a brief biography: “Once upon a time when Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, the Bodhisatta was born in a brahmin family

421 Pooran Lal Meena, Taxila (Delhi: Shivalik Prakashan, 2013), 2. 422 Prakash Charan Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, Location 233. 423 Meena, Taxila, 9. 424 Law, Geography of Early Buddhism, 53. 425 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Takkasilā.” 426 Law, Geography of Early Buddhism, 11. 173

of a village in Kāsi: when he grew up he learned the arts at Takkasilā, and afterwards became an ascetic and lived near a lotus-pool.”427

Here is the phrase that earned this story a place in the master table, “addhā maṃ yakkha jānāsi, atho maṃ anukampasi.”428 Robert Chalmers translate this as,

“Surely, fairy, you know me well, to pity me you deign.”429 But it could just as easily be translated as “Surely, fairy, you know me well, to have compassion for me” or “Surely, fairy, you know me well, and have compassion for me.”

AN 70, Uposatha names the Gandhāra kingdom.

Suppose, Visākhā, one were to exercise sovereignty and kingship over these sixteen great countries abounding in the seven precious substances, that is, [the countries of] the Aņgans, the Magadhans, the Kāsis, the Kosalans, the Vajjis, the Mallas, the Cetis, the Vaņgas, the Kurus, the Pañcālas, the Macchas, the Sūrasenas, the Assakas, the Avantis, the Gandhārans, and the Kambojans: this would not be worth a sixteenth part of the uposatha observance complete in those eight factors. For what reason? Because human kingship is poor compared to celestial happiness.430

After the dissolution of the Third Buddhist Council, Moggaliputta-Tissa sent

Majjhantika to Kāsmire-Gandhāra for the propagation of the Buddhist faith.431 Taxila, and the surrounding region has yielded many significant archaeological finds. The

“Pillared Hall,” dates from approximately 250 – 175 BCE, and is possibly the oldest known Hindu shrine. The “Pillared Hall” consists of multiple spaces, built over many

427 Robert Chalmers, “Jataka 392: Bhisapuppha-Jātaka,” Wisdom Library, July 21, 2014, https://www.wisdomlib.org/buddhism/book/jataka-tales- english/d/doc80562.html. 428 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 429 Chalmers, “Jataka 392.” 430 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 300. 431 Law, Geography of Early Buddhism, 49. 174

years. The speculation that it is a temple or shrine stems from the discovery of reliefs and figurines depicting Hindu deities.432

Before ascending the throne, King Aśoka served as governor of the Taxila region.

Minor Rock Edict II notes it as the headquarters of the Provincial Government of

Gandhāra.433 When he became a Buddhist king and created stūpas, he selected Taxila as the site of what is called the Dharmarājika Stūpa. Some believe that this stūpa may even contain small pieces of the Buddha’s relics. It is the largest known Buddhist structure in this region. The Kunala Stūpa is much later than the Dharmarājika Stūpa. It commemorates a legend about Kunala, Aśoka’s son. The story is that Kunala’s stepmother made romantic advances toward him, which he rejected. She then had him blinded. He became a wandering minstrel and eventually his father heard him sing and recognized him. He was subject to a miracle at Bodh Gaya, where his vision was restored. This stūpa, dated to the 3 – 4 CE, is built over an older stūpa, yet to be dated.

Jaulian “Seat of Saints” Stūpa dates to 2 CE and is in the nearby city of Sirsukh. More highly decorated than the Dharmarājika or Kunala stūpas, it was built when creating and displaying images of the Buddha was very popular. Other sites include the Mohra

Moradu complex, Jinna Wali Dheri and the recently re-excavated Bhamala stūpa (a rare cruciform stūpa).434

The Gandhāra kingdom is still making impressive contributions to the study of

Buddhism. Manuscripts from this area show a wide diversity of texts, in both content and

432 “Taxila,” Ancient History Encyclopedia, accessed February 1, 2019, https://www.ancient.eu/taxila/. 433 Law, Geography of Early Buddhism, 52–53. 434 “Taxila.” 175

format. In 1994, the British Library acquired birch bark scrolls from this region. These are scrolls written in Kharosthi script and Gandhari (Prakrit). In 1996, the British

Library/University of Washington Early Buddhist Manuscripts Project was constituted to study and publish this new collection. After the start of the project, other materials surfaced. There are four known collections, the British Library collection, the Schøyen fragments, those found by the Pelliot expedition, and the Senior collection.435

The British Library collection has different genres, formats, styles, and are written by different scribes. The Schøyen fragments are similarly diverse but differ from the

British Library collection and Senior group collections because they are on palm leaf rather than birch-bark. The Senior Collection consists mostly of sutta texts. The British

Library has fragments of the Rhinoceros sutta. The Schøyen fragments also have the

Mahāparinibbāna Suttaṃ.436 These manuscripts date back to between the 1 and 2 CE. In the words of Richard Saloman, from the University of Washington, “Even though the

Gandhāran finds predate all other Buddhist holdings, the tradition links up with the other strains of Buddhism in "very complicated, messy ways" that do not tell any straightforward historical tale, Mr. Salomon explains. "In a way, that's disappointing. But that's a superficial reaction. Then it's daunting. And then it's exciting. It really does shake things up."437

435 Richard Salomon, “The Senior Manuscripts: Another Collection of Gandhāran Buddhist Scrolls,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 123, no. 1 (January 2003): 73, https://doi.org/10.2307/3217845. 436 Patrick Olivelle, ed., Between the Empires: Society in India 300 BCE to 400 CE, South Asia Research (Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 354–55. 437 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” 15. 176

Why Taxila? In a time when the Buddha was just another wandering ascetic, this was the location where the privileged men received their education. Never visited by the

Buddha, it’s role in his past life and of others surfaces in the Jātaka tales. Some of the men educated here did become followers of the Buddha. King Bimbisāra maintained friendly communications with the king, King Pukkasāti. The teachings of the Buddha, including those discussing compassion, found their way to Taxila. For centuries, Taxila was a thriving Buddhist center. The seeds planted during the time of the Buddha continued to grow and to spread from this major meeting place in the trade routes: from

Taxila, along the Silk Route and beyond.

Kosambi

Figure 5-7: Kosambi as staging area Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

177

With regard to commerce, Kosambi was equally as important as Sāvatthi.438 As the capital of Vaṃsa, Kosambi was an important staging area connecting Kosala and

Magadaha. The Buddha did not receive support from King Udena but did receive support from three wealthy bankers living in Udena’s kingdom. Ghosita, Kukkata, and Pāvārika may have been the three wealthiest men living in Kosambi at this time. In one story, it is told that the three of them rode elephants from Kosambi to Sāvatthi to invite the Buddha to visit their city. Each of them built separate retreat centers for the Buddha and his monks. The Ghositārāma, the Kukkutārāma, and the Pāvārika-ambavana.439 Excavations in 1951 unearthed the Ghositārāma. Kosambi is also the site of one of King Aśoka’s pillars. 440

In SN 22.90, the Channasuttaṃ, Venerable Channa is dissatisfied with the way that some of the senior monks teach him clinging and impermanence. He seeks out

Ānanda who is staying at the Ghositārāma. Ānanda assures him that he is capable of understanding the Dhamma. There is a small, yet interesting link to Ujjain in this sutta.

As he teaches Channa, Ānanda draws upon words that he once heard the Buddha say to

Mahākaccāna, “This world, Kaccāna, for the most part relies upon a duality…Such is the cessation of this whole mass of suffering.” The sutta ends with Channa appreciating

Ānanda for being a compassionate and benevolent brother in the holy life. 441

438 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” 15. 439 Law, Kauśāmbī in Ancient Literature, 5. 440 Thanat ʻAtthačhārī Phra Mahā. and Duwayne. Engelhart, Walking on the Path of the Buddha : History, Scripture, and Archeology : A Brief Study Regarding Some Ancient Buddhist Sites, (Samutprakarn:Pimpinit Printing LTD., 2007), 94. 441 Bodhi, The Discourses of the Buddha, 946–47. 178

It is also in Kosambi, that Ānanda rebuffs a bhikkhunī who has become enamored of him.442

Commentarial tradition states that the Itivuttaka was preached by the Buddha in

Kosambi. King Udena’s consort wanted to hear the Buddha, but the king would not allow it. Instead, one of her servants heard and memorized the teachings, later repeating them to her mistress. The passages she memorized and recited became the Itivuttaka443

It was in Kosambi where the first major dispute between the monks occurred. The second paragraph of MN 128, the Upakkilesa suttaṃ, describes the bhikkhus as quarrelling and brawling, deep in disputes and stabbing each other with verbal daggers.444

After being asked to speak to the brawling monks (out of compassion), the Buddha says,

“Enough, bhikkhus, let there be no quarrelling, brawling, wrangling or dispute.” Instead of acquiescing, one of the monks replies, “Wait, venerable sir! Let the Blessed One, the

Lord of the Dhamma, live at ease devoted to a pleasant abiding here and now. We are the ones who will be responsible for this quarrelling, brawling, wrangling, and dispute.” This exchange happened two more times. The next morning after his alms rounds, the Buddha returned, gave the bhikkhus some thoughts around letting go of anger and hatred, and then continued on his way to another village.445

442 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 524. 443 Thanat ʻAtthačhārī Phra Mahā. and Engelhart, Walking on the Path of the Buddha : History, Scripture, and Archeology : A Brief Study Regarding Some Ancient Buddhist Sites, 93. 444 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 1008. 445 Ibid., 1008–10. 179

Sāvatthi

There are two stories about how Sāvatthi was named. One is that there was a sage of that same name who dwelled in that area, and the other is that it came from the reply to this question "Kim bhandam atthi?" "Sabbam atthi." Or, “What do you have? We have everything.”446 As a major trade center, eventually it became true that they did have everything. In “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” Balkrishna Govind Gokhale calls Sāvatthi the most important center of early Buddhism before the rise of imperial

Magadha.447 He states,

The choice of Sāvatthi, therefore, was deliberate for a variety of reasons, not the least important being the high degree of mercantilism and urbanism represented by the city. It was in Sāvatthi, as our evidence indicates, that the first contours of the new urbanism, with its new powerful classes of merchant-bankers and kings, began to take shape. It was this combination that became the basic support of the early Buddhist movement and it was this class coalition that lent its distinguishing character to the philosophical content of the movement. This new urbanism created complex problems of individual, familial and social relationships which early Buddhism sought to address with its emphasis on moral values and individual ethical and spiritual culture.448

Of particular interest is his comment about complex problems for individuals, families, and social relationships. In Chapter 4: Important Individuals to Early Buddhism and Compassion, it is stated that part of Anāthapiṇḍika’s legacy is the comprehensive code of conduct for the conscientious layperson as taught in Sāvatthi by the Buddha and his disciples. Having the Buddha and his monks in Sāvatthi for twenty-five rains retreats made it possible for the members of this new urban class to have access to many valuable lessons on how to navigate the new world order.

446 Law, Geography of Early Buddhism, 5. 447 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” 12. 448 Ibid., 13. 180

There are more than eighty occurrences with Sāvatthi as the location in the master table. Seventeen of these involve Ānanda and Sāriputta. For example, in DN 10, the

Subha suttaṃ, Ānanda inspires Subha to become a lay follower by teaching him about morality, concentration, and wisdom.449 And in AN 3:26, Sevitabba suttaṃ, Sāriputta discusses the three persons to be associated with in this world.450 It is in Sāvatthi where the Buddha agreed to allow women into the saṇgha, and it is on the road outside of

Sāvatthi that the Buddha meets and converts Aṇgulimala.

Excavations have been ongoing in Sāvatthi from the 1860s CE until the present day. Kansi University conducted excavations in the late 1980s and early 1990s, focusing on four areas where they discovered six cultural periods. 451 In the absence of carbon dating, the cultural periods were determined based on objects found, with an emphasis on pottery types. Period 1 is from the 8th to 7th BCE, Period 2 from the 6th to 4th BCE, Period

3 from 3rd to 1st BCE, Period 4 from 1 to 3rd CE, Period 5 from 4th to 6th CE and Period 6 from 7th to 10th CE.452

449 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 171–74. 450 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 220–21. 451 Akinori Uesugi, “The Ancient City of Sravasti: Its Significance on the Urbanisation of North India,” Purātattva 30 (2000 1999): 75. 452 Ibid. 181

Figure 5-8: Sāvatthi, a strategic point on the trade routes Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

The findings of the Kansi University team confirm the importance of Sāvatthi as a trade center and a strategic point connecting the Gangetic plain and the Himalayan region.453 Their basis for confirmation is predicated upon the review of other sites in the

Gaṇgā basin and seeing that their material culture has uniformity. Uniformity becomes evident during the period where Black and Red Ware (BRW) and Black Slip Ware

(BSW) pottery is found. This corresponds to Period 1. 454 From the 8th to 7th BCE, the

Kansi University team documented evidence of socio-cultural integration along an inter- regional network. Sāvatthi grew into the hub connecting North and North-West India. It was located on the border of at least two different pottery creation and distribution zones,

453 Ibid., 79. 454 Ibid., 78–79. 182

and on a significant trade route. During Period 2, there is evidence that Sāvatthi created new versions of Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW) and exported it to the southern foothills of the Himalayas.455

When Fa Hien made his pilgrimage in the early 400s CE, Sāvatthi was a small town, but the monastery at Jeta’s Grove still thrived. Fa Hien wrote that fire had destroyed the original seven-story structure, but that a two-story version stood in its place. When Huien Tsang made a similar visit, in the early 600s CE, the site was abandoned. All that remained were the foundations of the monastery. Other archaeological evidence suggests that around this time the site experienced renewed interest lasting until the 1100s CE.456 The work completed by the Kansi team corroborates this story. The excavations show that Sāvatthi experienced a sudden decrease in size during the late Kushan period, 1st to 3rd CE.457 Material evidence uncovered in Period 6 indicates that during this time, activity was devotional. The findings are mostly temple artifacts, not dwelling artifacts.458

Rājagaha

There was not just one Rājagaha. There was an old city and a new city. The older city was a hill fortress, while the more modern city was at the base of the hills. Some stories name King Bimbisāra as the creator of the new city, and other stories give that

455 Ibid., 78–79. 456 Thanat ʻAtthačhārī Phra Mahā. and Engelhart, Walking on the Path of the Buddha : History, Scripture, and Archeology : A Brief Study Regarding Some Ancient Buddhist Sites, 65. 457 Uesugi, “The Ancient City of Sravasti,” 80. 458 Ibid., 75. 183

credit to his son, Ajātasattu.459 Possibly it was started by the father and completed by the son.

Figure 5-9: Rājagaha at the base of the hills Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

There is no doubt that Rājagaha was a prominent location. It was the capital of

Magadha, and the largest city in the Majjimadesa during the time of the Buddha.

Merchants and bankers came to Rājagaha, even though it did not have the level of the commercial importance of a Sāvatthi or Ujjain.460 What it did have was access to minerals and a good defensive position. To the south lay iron oxide, and to the southeast

459 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Rājagaha.” 460 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” 13. 184

was copper ore. Surrounded by hills, and walls, Rājagaha had four well-guarded entry gates.461

Religious teachers and wanderers were welcome in the city. Traders and merchants supplied them with food. It was an ideal place for missionary work. The leaders of the different sects could meet and debate and there were many caves for shelter and meditation.462

In some ways, King Bimbisāra was a promoter of the Buddha’s teachings. He shared them in his correspondence with some of his fellow monarchs.

Many important teachings containing advice and guidance to laypeople were taught in Sāvatthi, but one of the most well-known, DN 31, the Siṅgāla suttaṃ, was preached here. The householders’ code of discipline provides advice from the Buddha to the layman Sigalāka on how to behave skillfully with his parents, spouse, children, pupils, teachers, employers, employees, friends, and spiritual mentors. “cattārome, gahapatiputta, mittā suhadā veditabbā. upakāro mitto suhado veditabbo, samānasukhadukkho mitto suhado veditabbo, atthakkhāyī mitto suhado veditabbo, anukampako mitto suhado veditabbo.”463 Or “Householder's son, there are these four types who can be seen to be loyal friends: the friend who is a helper, the friend who is the same in happy and unhappy times is one, the friend who points out what is good for you is one, and the friend who is sympathetic (compassionate) is one.”464

461 Hans Wolfgang Schumann, The Historical Buddha: The Times, Life, and Teachings of the Founder of Buddhism (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publ., 2004), 88–89. 462 Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 52. 463 Mahidol University Computing Center, BUDSIR V for Windows. 464 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 2012, 465. 185

With regard to occurrences in the master table, Rājagaha is second only to

Sāvatthi. There are forty-five occurrences with Rājagaha as the location. Many of these are references to the Siṅgāla suttaṃ, but both Ānanda and Sāriputta speak here. It is here, that the Buddha reprimands Sāriputta for teaching the dying Brahmin Dhānañjāni how to reach the Brahma-world, instead of teaching him how to reach a higher level of attainment.465 And where Ānanda trains the dying householder Sirivaḍḍha, who then becomes a non-returner before his death.466

Ajātasattu, son of Bimbisāra, welcomed Devadatta to his city. He was impressed by his powers, and even built him his own monastery. Devadatta convinced Ajātasattu to commit patricide. He also convinced Ajātasattu to help him kill the Buddha. The plan was to release Nālagiri, a wild elephant in the path of the Buddha, where the elephant would crush him. The Buddha learned of this plan and decided to go into Rājagaha anyway. Nālagiri charged the Buddha and Ānanda threw himself in his path. At this point, the story asserts that the Buddha used special supernatural powers to move Ānanda out of the way. He was the able to speak to Nālāgiri and soothe him, thwarting

Devadatta’s plan.467 Devadatta was cast out of the order, and years later Ajātasattu died at the hand of his own son.

Approximately three months after the Buddha died, senior monks convened for

The First Buddhist council at the Sattapanniguhā, a cave outside of the city. The outcome was the arrangement of the teachings into the Dhamma and Vinaya.468

465 Ñāṇamoli and Bodhi, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, 791–97. 466 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1654–55. 467 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Nālāgiri.” 468 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Rājagaha.” 186

When Fa Hien visited, there were two monasteries within the city. When Huien

Tsian followed approximately two hundred years later, everything was abandoned. Now there are remnants of both the old town in the mountains and the new city on the plain.

The walls of the new town are somewhat rectangular shaped and more than three miles long. The walls for the old town extend to almost twenty-five miles.469 Also in the area is a large stūpa considered to be one of the Aśokan stūpas. This site is more than one stūpa built over other stūpas. It lies outside the western walls of the new city. The stūpa for

Ajātasattu is east of the north-south running road that runs between the old and new cities. It is called Ajātasattu’s stūpa, not because it contains his remains, but because it was allegedly built to hold his portion of the Buddha’s relics. 470 The Veluvana or

Bamboo Grove still exists as a park. Jivakambavana or Jivaka’s mango grove was excavated in 1954, uncovering foundations from what might be a dwelling built for the

471 Buddha.

5.3 Exclusions

In Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data, two separate charts – Figure 2-5 and

Figure 2-7, depict the locations where teachings referencing compassion occurred. Figure

2-5 provides counts for all occurrences in the master table. Figure 2-7 has numbers for a subset of what is in the master table. This subset consists of occurrences combining key individuals and locations. In both tables, Sāvatthi and Rājagaha figure prominently. In

Figure 2-5, Kapilavatthu, Vesālī, and Benares round out the top five. Those spots go to

469 Thanat ʻAtthačhārī Phra Mahā. and Engelhart, Walking on the Path of the Buddha : History, Scripture, and Archeology : A Brief Study Regarding Some Ancient Buddhist Sites, 104–5. 470 Ibid. 471 Ibid., 105. 187

Campā, Mithilā, and Pāvā in Figure 2-7. Only Sāvatthi and Rājagaha make the final list of critical geographic locations. As was the case with those who did not make the final list of influential individuals, the omission of these sites relies on the data. Kapilavatthu appears in the master table most often when the Buddha is speaking to a group of bhikkhus. This does not mean that Kapilavatthu is unimportant, the methodology and the screening criteria filter it out. The master table does contain occurrences with Ānanda speaking at Vesālī. At the time of the Buddha, Vesālī was a large thriving city, located on the Trans-Iranian and Northern India routes. It just did not have the same connections to the teachings and the primary players as covered in this report. Benares suffers a similar fate. Benares was a center of trade and industry. People from here did travel to Taxila and

Sāvatthi. When compared to other locations and their potential as hubs, Benares is edged out.

Sāriputta spoke at Campā and Pāvā. At Mithilā, Ānanda listens to the Buddha tell the story of King Makhādeva, who went forth once the divine messengers appeared and he realized that old age and death were approaching. There is a case to be made for most of the locations visited by the Buddha and by his disciples and devoted followers. They did travel from city to city in an area that was becoming more and more defined by trade.

Each represents a type of hub. But not every hub is equal. Ujjain, Taxila, Kosambi,

Sāvatthi, and Rājagaha have been found in this report to be strategic hubs. Kapilavatthu,

Vesālī, Benares, Campā, Mithilā, and Pāvā, are all potential sites for future research.

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5.4 Conclusion

From at least the 4th BCE, the lower valley of the Indus was covered with highly developed cities and markets, granaries, municipal systems, and luxury goods. In Foreign

Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, Prakash Charan calls the area, “A cradle of commerce.”472 This cradle did not spring up overnight. Increased contact with the outside world, led to the introduction of traders who knew who how to navigate the land routes, including the rivers and the deserts. Sea travel started to become more successful.

The cradle grew as imports and exports increased. Gold, silver, copper, and lead came from the Trans-Iranian route. The Badkshan region was known for lapis lazuli. Beads, knobbed pottery vases, and cloth made their way on the Northern, Southern, and Western

Indian trade routes.473 Trade was not just about things changing hands; it included information and ideas, too. The trade routes were the ancient equivalent of the information superhighway. The information superhighway existed in the past and it continues to thrive, it merely changes to reflect the times and the technology. Along the information superhighways are hubs or areas where connections take place.

Returning to the travels of Bāvari’s disciples, SN V, the Pārāyanavagga, lists the important stops that they made on their journey from the banks of the Godhāvari River to

Sāvatthi, and eventually to Rājagaha. 474 Their trip took them to Patițțhāna, to Māhissati, to Ujjain, Gonaddha, Vedisā, Vanasa, Kosambi, Sāketa, Sāvatthi, Setavya, Kapilavatthu

472 Prakash Charan Prasad, Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India, 16. 473 Ibid., 16–18. 474 Bodhi and Buddhaghosa, The Suttanipāta, 1225–31. 189

Kusinārā, Pāvā, Bhoga City, to Vesālī, and Rājagaha. 475 A quick look at Figure 5-2:

Mapping: Important geographic locations and their significance, shows that Ujjain

(Ujjeni), Kosambi, Sāvatthi, and Rājagaha each act as a hub. They are each located at a strategic intersection. And while Taxila is not part of Bāvari’s story, it too was a hub.

Figure 5-10: The route taken by Bāvari’s disciples Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation

475 Ibid. 190

During the time of the Buddha, Ujjain, Taxila, Kosambi, Sāvatthi, and Rājagaha are significant because of their relationships to the trade routes, to the teachings, to other locations, and to key individuals. The following table ties together information contained in earlier sections of this or other chapters. When a teaching is listed it is because it was given in the location or because the location is mentioned in that teaching. In the case of

Sāvatthi and Rājagaha, there are too many teachings to list, so just a few primary suttas have been included. The people column notes individuals with strong associations to a location. For example, King Candappajjota was king of Ujjain, King Bimbisāra maintained a friendly relationship with him and King Udena was married to King

Candappajjota’s daughter.

Table 5-2: Locations, trade routes, teachings, and people Source: Derived from research conducted for this dissertation Location Trade Teachings People Other Routes Locations/ Events Ujjain Trans- KN 10.533 King Linked to Iranian route Mahākaccāyana- Candappajjota Kosambi by and the ttherāpadānaṃ marriage. Southern and King Western Bimbisāra Mahākaccāna the route king’s chaplain King Udena goes to Sāvatthi

Jīvaka A disciple of Mahākaccāna goes to Sāvatthi Taxila Trans- The King Pukkasāti Center of Iranian and Bhisapuppha- education for the Northern Jātaka King Pasenadi upper caste men. routes Students come AN 70 Uposatha King from Sāvatthi, Bimbisāra Rājagaha and other locations to Jīvaka be educated. King Pasenadi was educated

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Location Trade Teachings People Other Routes Locations/ Events here. Kosambi Northern Itivuttaka King Udena Linked to Ujjain route and Ānanda by marriage. Southern and SN 22.90 Sāriputta Western Channasuttaṃ King Monks first route Candappajjota schism AN 8:46 Anuruddhasuttaṃ

MN 128 Upakkilesasuttaṃ Sāvatthi Northern More than eighty King Pasenadi King Pasenadi route teachings appear was educated in in the master Anāthapiṇḍika Taxila. table. Ānanda Sāriputta Rājagaha Trans- Forty-five King Linked to Ujjain, Iranian and teachings appear Bimbisāra and Taxila by the Northern in the master King Bimbisāra’s routes table. King correspondence Candappajjota with their The monarchs. Siṅgālasuttaṃ King Pukkasāti Devadatta Ānanda attempts to kill Sāriputta the Buddha

Anāthapiṇḍika

Jīvaka

These hubs thrived until after the fall of the Mauryan empire. Under Mauryan rule, tariffs and road systems and administrative requirements fell under one great umbrella. When this changed, requiring merchants to pass through multiple states and pay tolls to more kingdoms, the old routes became less lucrative. At the same time that these routes were becoming less trade friendly, sea vessels were becoming more reliable,

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and many looked to the sea to increase their profits. The land routes changed to support this new way of exchanging goods.

Applying the concept of the strategic hub is a more complete method of analyzing the geography of early Buddhism. Ujjain, Taxila, Kosambi, Sāvatthi, and Rājagaha all are strategic hubs. The data captured and analyzed for this dissertation makes it possible to integrate trade routes, teachings, social networks, events and archaeology. This combination presents a much more comprehensive view of each location. For example,

Rājagaha is a location where each of our key individuals lived or visited, and where many teachings occurred and where the Trans-Iranian and Northern trade routes met. This analysis of a location is made possible by the methodology employed in this dissertation.

Each step in the methodology and each finding contribute to a new level of understanding of the teachings on compassion and early Buddhism. The compilation of the teachings is the foundational layer, the next layer, an understanding of those teachings contributes to a new perspective on the key individuals, and all of that information paves the way for the selection of specific locations as critical to the flow of ideas. This approach represents a new and more complete way of reconstructing the story of early Buddhism.

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Chapter 6: Conclusion

In the case of compassion, the study of a single concept leads to an analysis of the teachings, and the primary actors and locations of early Buddhism. The Budsir V for

Windows digital Pāli reader makes it possible to capture occurrences of karuṇā or anukampā within the texts. And, the six causes and conditions structure of the majority of the passages in the Pāli Canon (see Chapter 2: Presentation of the Data); makes it possible to quickly identify a speaker, a location and audience members. With over four hundred records for analysis, more than enough data exists to present plausible theories around how compassion was taught, the primary actors, who made up their networks, and what locations acted as strategic hubs for the exchange of ideas and material goods.

In the beginning of the dissertation, specific statements were made about the outcomes. Here I will revisit and validate each of those statements.

1) Compassion is not the goal of the early Buddhist teachings.

As stated in AN 245:3 Training, “And how is liberation its core? Here,

the teachings have been taught by me to my disciples for the utterly complete

destruction of suffering. Through liberation one experiences those teaching in just

the way that I have taught them to my disciples for the utterly complete

destruction of suffering. It is in this way that liberation is its core.”476

The purpose of the teachings is to obtain liberation. However, the Buddha

only consented to teach out of compassion for all beings. The Brahmā Sahampati

became aware that the Buddha did not want to teach the Dhamma and appealed to

476 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 610–11. 194

him, “Teach the Dhamma, O Blessed One: There will be those who will

understand.” SN 6.1477 As a result of this request, the Buddha, out of compassion

for beings, surveyed the world and saw that there would be those who would be

challenging to teach and those who would be easy to train and consented. The

teachings exist because of compassion, but the goal of the teachings is freedom

from suffering.

2) The Pāli Canon (the Sutta Piṭaka, and the Abhidhamma Piṭaka), consistently

presents compassion using clear categories.

The creation and review of the master table led to a clear emergence of the

categories shown in Chapter 3: The Role of Compassion in the Pāli Canon.

Passage after passage states, “One dwells suffusing one quarter with a mind filled

with compassion, then a second, then a third and a fourth quarter,” 478or

“Whatever should be done, bhikkhus, by a compassionate teacher out of

compassion for his disciples, desiring their welfare, that I have for you,” 479 or

“Taking compassion on her, acting out of compassion for her.” 480 Teaching the

Dhamma is an act of compassion, monks are expected to behave compassionately,

and the Buddha and his monks teach and visit the sick and dying because it is the

compassionate thing to do. The relationship between dwelling in compassion and

acting compassionately is symbiotic.

AN 10.219, the Karajakāya Suttam, offers another look at the connection

477 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 232–33. 478 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 194. 479 Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, 1212. 480 Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 524. 195

between contemplation and action.481 The man, woman or child who liberates

their minds using loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity,

will not commit bad deeds and will transition from possessing a mind that is

limited and undeveloped to a mind that is measureless and well-developed. 482

How can a monk or a layperson possess unlimited compassion? Compassion, in

the teachings analyzed for this report, is the desire to see others free from dukkha.

A monk or a layperson who understands the truth of dukkha will always be able to

generate the desire to see others free from suffering. The common theme is the

ability to recognize that it is self-centered conditioning that is the basis for

suffering. With this understanding, it is not necessary to have shared the same

experience as the one suffering in order to extend compassion. It is enough to

understand that there is suffering, to know where that suffering comes from, and

to wish to see that suffering alleviated.

3) Some individuals play a critical role in the spread of early Buddhism and in the

teachings on compassion.

Sāriputta, Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, and King Bimbisāra are the champions

of compassion. Each is important in his own right. Sāriputta was the Buddha’s

chief disciple. Ānanda was the Buddha’s cousin and attendant. Anāthapiṇḍika, the

Great Benefactor spent his fortune to provide a location for the Buddha and his

monks. King Bimbisāra was the First Benefactor. Each already played an

essential role in the spread of early Buddhism. None of those are the reasons they

481 Ibid., 1541–43. 482 Ibid. 196

appear here. It is how their actions fit within the context of the three categories of compassion, and how through their relationships they influenced many others.

Of course, Sāriputta and Ānanda practiced contemplative compassion and acted out of compassion for others. According to the teachings, Sāriputta as an arahant would have more mastery than Ānanda who per the literature became an arahant later, after the deaths of Sāriputta and the Buddha. In addition to their practice of compassion, each left a legacy that allowed the teachings to prosper, long after their deaths. Sāriputta’s lasting impact comes from his teachings and his disciples. Ānanda is the Guardian of the Dhamma. The literature recounts that he memorized all of the teachings and recited them during the First Council. The teachings made out of compassion, continue because of Ānanda’s memory.

Anāthapiṇḍika’s legacy is not just that he created the monastery at Jeta’s

Grove, it is what occurred because he created Jeta’s Grove. His gift led to the creation of a lasting body of knowledge. In the master table, there are over two hundred occurrences with Sāvatthi as the location. His legacy is the comprehensive code of conduct for the conscientious layperson. 483 In this way, he was not just the benefactor to the Buddha and his monks, he was the benefactor for those to come.

If the Buddha mapped out a plan to propagate his teachings, and to ensure the spread of his ideas, in addition to a relevant message, he would need early adopters of the message, competent representatives to teach his words, and funding to support his work. Sāriputta, Ānanda, and Anāthapiṇḍika meet these

483 Nyanaponika, Hecker, and Bodhi, Great Disciples of the Buddha, 351. 197

conditions. For an even better guarantee of success, add the support of someone

who is influential, respected and well-known. Now, that is King Bimbisāra. Royal

and bureaucratic support led to the success of the spread of early Buddhism.

Later, Buddhism would flourish under the support of King Aśoka.484 King

Bimbisāra did more than provide regional support. He used his relationships with

monarchs in other areas to promote the teachings of the Buddha.

Sāriputta, Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika, and King Bimbisāra are all strong

individual contributors, and as a group, with their combined social networks the

conditions were in place for idea flow; the spreading of ideas, by example or by a

story, through a social network.485

4) Certain locations serve as hubs for the flow of ideas.

The Buddha and his monks traveled a path that was either on a trade route

or intersected a trade route. After the Buddha was cremated, there were at least

eight requests, from eight different locations for his remains. People from many

locations felt a strong connection to the Buddha, but not all of these locations

were significant to the spread of early Buddhism and compassion. The locations

that are important to early Buddhism and compassion are hubs. To successfully

spread ideas, a hub needs the right geography, the right socio-political

environment and influencers. King Bimbisāra was one such influencer, and his

capital Rājagaha acted as a strategic hub. Ujjain, Taxila, Kosambi, and Sāvatthi

also acted as hubs. King Candappajjota of Ujjain corresponded with King

484 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, “Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution,” 13. 485 Pentland, Social Physics, 44. 198

Bimbisāra and was linked to Kosambi by marriage. Ujjain was a major transport

center, and after leaving Ujjain, some went to Baruch for sea transport, some

continued north toward Taxila, while others went east toward Kosambi. Kosambi

provided a resting place for merchants who were on their way to Sāketa and

Sāvatthi, or to Rājagaha. Taxila was a respected center of education. King

Pasenadi of Sāvatthi was educated in Taxila. So was Jīvaka, physician to King

Bimbisāra. King Pukkasāti and King Bimbisāra communicated and special

treatment to merchants from one anothers kingdoms.

Data analysis and the corresponding research show that early Buddhism and the teachings on compassion spread not simply because of the Buddha, and not simply because specific individuals adopted his teachings. Early Buddhism and the teachings on compassion spread due to the emergence of certain socio-economi factors. The introduction of banking, the emergence of guilds, and the increased reliance on trade all helped to set the stage. 486

Brahmanism had many caste restrictions. These restrictions made business difficult. Interactions between various castes were regulated or discouraged or required purification after the fact. Visitation to specific geographic locations was also restricted.

For example, Magadha was an area that was considered less desirable for orthodox

Brahmins. 487It was viewed as unsuitable for sacrifices and other rituals and also inadequate as a place to dwell.488 This view was helpful to the spread of early Buddhism,

486 Lamb, “The Indian Merchant,” 233. 487 Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, 45. 488 Ibid. 199

because it allowed the Buddha’s followers unfettered access to large portions of the population.

The conclusions reached in this dissertation add new information to the study of early Buddhism and compassion, and shine a spotlight on the knowledge that is worthy of greater attention. In addition to these findings, the methodology employed here is an essential contribution to the study of Buddhism. The omission of the word “early,” and the omission of the phrase, “the study of early Buddhism and compassion” is intentional.

This methodology is applicable to more than one period or topic.

The work completed here demonstrates how the integration of traditional approaches can create an outcome that leads to a more complete understanding of the spread of ideas, in this case, the concept of compassion in early Buddhism. By treating the Pāli Canon as a source of data to be filtered and analyzed, I have shown that it is possible to start with a word or an idea and create a lens. A lens to apply to gain an understanding of not just a concept, but of how that concept traveled across social networks, and how strategic hubs provided a place for the exchange of goods and ideas.

Up until this point, I have referred to the approach used here as a combination of textual analysis, information mapping and social networking. Throughout the process of gathering and analyzing the data, it has been difficult to provide a traditional name for this methodology. Like higher criticism, the work completed here seeks to understand some of the historical contexts around the teaching of compassion, and the period within which it occurred. As academic work, the intention is to examine the Pāli Canon, a body of literature compiled by human beings, using a secular perspective. Unlike higher criticism, no attempt has been made to determine the origin of the texts. It is like lower

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criticism in only the loosest of associations. And that is in the effort to define the expression of compassion.489 All of this helps to acknowledge what this approach is not.

Integrated social sciences explore what people do, how they understand their world and how that understanding shapes social practice. The approach used here can be considered a form of integrated social sciences. Due to the age of the literature and peoples studied, perhaps historical integrated social science is a more fitting term.

I approached this project with two goals that extend beyond the work presented in this dissertation. 1) Create a baseline database to inform future research, and 2) identify future research and analysis projects. Both of these goals accomplished, there is much more work to be done. Here is a list of potential next projects.

1) Investigate the role of the divine and the semi-divine in the spread of early

Buddhism. In reviewing the social network diagrams it becomes clear that Sakka,

the chief of the Devas has many connections. Pañcasikha narrates a sutta

describing a past life of the Buddha (DN 19, the Mahāgovinda Suttam.)490 What

role do they and other similar beings play in the teachings on compassion, and in

the spread of early Buddhism?

2) Illuminate the role of the nuns in the spread of early Buddhism. The literature tells

the story of Ānanda’s compassion toward women, and his role in convincing the

Buddha to create an order of bhikkhunīs. Once established, how did the order of

bhikkhunīs contribute to the spread of early Buddhism?

489 Ernest Cadman Colwell, “Biblical Criticism: Lower and Higher,” Journal of Biblical Literature 67, no. 1 (1948): 1–5, https://doi.org/10.2307/3261423. 490 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 301–13. 201

3) Research and report on the activities of specific individuals. For example, Doṇa is

cited as an individual who was present during the teaching of AN 5: 192. Doṇa

was a teacher with a large following and the commentaries state that the Buddha

met him on the road between Ukkattha and Setavayā.491 Doṇa also makes an

appearance in DN 16.6.24:27, the Mahāparinibbāna Suttaṃ, where he helps to

divide up the Buddha’s remains.492

Khemā Therī is another candidate for further research. She does not figure

prominently in the master table, but her story places her in quite a few geographic

locations including, Haṃsavatī, Tāvatiṃsa, Yāma, Nimmānarati, Vāsavatti City

and Sāgalā. 493

4) Research locations not emphasized in this work.

5) Delve more deeply into the social networks of Sāriputta, Ānanda, Anāthapiṇḍika,

and King Bimbisāra, by going to the third, fourth or even fifth level.

6) Create social network charts for a larger set of individuals, potentially for those

found in the master table, but not included in this report.

7) Expand the creation of social networks to beyond individuals identified in the

master table. Perhaps by Nikāya or using some other selection criteria.

8) Conduct further analysis on how the idea of compassion has evolved. Bhikkhu

Anālayo notes a discrepancy between how meditative compassion is taught in the

Visuddhimagga and other, presumably earlier passages. The Visuddhimagga

prescribes an approach that invokes compassion for specific individuals, starting

491 Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, s.v. "Doṇa." 492 Walshe, The Long Discourses of the Buddha, 276–77. 493 Walters, Legends of the Buddhist Saints: Apadanapali, 1044–56. 202

with friends and loved ones, and eventually contemplating compassion for

enemies.494 The earlier discourses do not mention this approach at all. The earlier

instruction is to radiate boundless compassion to all, not to specific individuals.495

9) Compare early Mahāyāna writings on compassion to the passages found here with

an eye for differences in interpretation.

In time, the above list will change. New ideas will emerge, existing ideas reconsidered, and with some inspiration and hard work, some will come to fruition.

494 Analayo, Compassion and Emptiness in Early Buddhist Meditation, 24. 495 Ibid., 25. 203

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Appendix A: Translation Resources

Below is the list of resources referenced in 1.3 Methodological Approach, Step 4, footnote 38.

Bhikkhu Bodhi, ed. A Comprehensive Manual of Abhidhamma The Abhidhammattha Sangaha of Ācariya Anuruddha. Translated by Mahāthera Nārada. Onalaska, WA: BPS Pariyatti Editions, 2012.

———. The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Aṅguttara Nikāya. Sommerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2012.

———. The Connected Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Saṃyutta Nikāya ; Translated from the Pāli.. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2000.

Cowell, Edward Byles. The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha’s Former Births. Delhi: M. Banarsidass, 1994.

Davids, Mrs. Rhys,. “Khuddaka-Pātha: The Text of the Minor Sayings.” In The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon Part I, Oxford: The Pali Text Society, 1996.

Dhammapāla, and Peter Masefield. The Udāna Commentary: Paramatthadīpanī Nāma Udānaṭṭhakathā. Vol. 1. Oxford: Pali Text Society, 2001.

Dhammapāla, and William Pruitt. The Commentary on the Verses of the Therīs: Paramatthadīpanī VI. Oxford: Pali Text Society, 1999.

Gehman, H.S., trans. The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon Part IV Pettavatthu: Stories of the Departed. Chippenham, Wiltshire: Pali Text Society, 1993.

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Horner, I. B., and Henry Snyder Gehman, eds. The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon. London : Boston: Pali Text Society ; distributed by Routledge & K. Paul, 1974.

Horner, I. B., and N. A. Jayawickrama, eds. Vimānavatthu: Stories of the Mansions ; New Translation of the Verses and Commentarial Excerpts. Oxford: Pali Text Society, 1998.

Ñāṇamoli, and Bodhi. The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Majjhima Nikāya. Sommerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2015.

Ñāṇamoli, and A. K Warder. The Path of Discrimination (Paṭisambhidāmagga). Oxford: Pali Text Society, 1991.

Norman, Kenneth R., ed. Therigāthā. Vol. 2. The Elders’ Verses, transl. with an introd. and notes by K. R. Norman; 2. Oxford: Pali Text Society, 1995.

Thittila and Pali Text Society, The Book of Analysis (Vibhaṅga): The Second Book of the Abhidhamma Piṭaka. Oxford: Pali Text Society, 2002.

Walshe, Maurice O’C. The Long Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the Dīgha Nikāya. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2012.

Walters, Jonathan S., Legends of the Buddhist Saints: Apadanapali. Walla Walla: Jonathan S. Walters and Whitman College, 2018.

Woodward, F.L., The Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon Part II. London: The Pali Text Society, 1987.

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