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THE SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS DETERMINING THE DEVELOPMENT,PERSISTENCE, AND DECLINE OF GARDEN SYSTEMS1

BRIAN BELCHER,GENEVIEVE MICHON,ARILD ANGELSEN, MANUEL RUIZ PEÂ REZ, AND HEIDI ASBJORNSEN

Brian Belcher (Centre for International Research, P.O Box 6596 JKPWB, Jakarta, Indonesia; e-mail: [email protected]), Genevieve Michon (IRD Montpellier, BP 64501, 34394 Montpellier cedex 5, France), Arild Angelsen (Norwegian University of Life Sciences [UMB], P.O. Box 5033, N-1432 As, Norway), Manuel Ruiz PeÂrez (Universidad Autonoma de Madrid, 28049-Madrid, Spain), and Heidi Asbjornsen (Iowa State University, 234 Science II, Ames, IA 50010 USA). THE SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS DETERMINING THE DEVELOPMENT,PER- SISTENCE, AND DECLINE OF FOREST GARDEN SYSTEMS. Economic Botany 59(3):245±253, 2005. There is a range of systems between pure extraction and systems. Such ``intermediate systems'' range from wild modi®ed for increased production of selected products to anthropogenic forests with a high-density of valuable species growing within a relatively diverse and complex structure. These systems, classed here as ``Forest Garden Systems'' (FGS), have important socioeconomic and ecological bene®ts, and yet they have been largely overlooked by researchers, development practitioners, and policy makers. Based on case examples and the authors' experience, this analyzes the socioeconomic and institutional factors that explain the development, persistence, and decline of FGS. These systems combine productivity and values and are important components in the diverse economic systems of their managers. As such, the model warrants increased attention to protect existing values, to support the adaptation of existing systems to changing circum- stances, and to inform the development of new models of integrated forest management. Key Words: Forest garden systems, forest management, anthropogenic forests.

Rural households throughout the tropics have development practitioners and policy makers developed a range of systems for the manage- (Wiersum 2004). ment of forest resources, including an interesting There are two opposing sets of arguments and valuable class of systems intermediate on concerning the value and potential of FGS. the continuum between pure extraction and plan- Some question the economic and/or ecological tation management. These range from wild for- sustainability or pro®tability of these systems, ests modi®ed for increased production of select- arguing that they are just stages of ``primitive ed products to anthropogenic forests with a high '' in a transition from hunting/gath- density of valuable species within a relatively ering to modern agriculture or diverse and complex structure. Such ``forest gar- (Sauer 1952; Harris 1972; Purseglove 1991; den systems'' (FGS) offer important subsistence Homma 1992). This perception has resulted in a and cash incomes, as well as a means for capital lack of of®cial acknowledgment and inadequate accumulation, risk spreading, labor saving, and technical support for these systems. possible demonstration of ownership. They can Others argue that FGS are able to meet eco- also have biodiversity bene®ts at both local and nomic, ecological, and social objectives better global levels. And yet, for a number of reasons, than either extractive systems or specialized in- this seemingly promising and rich set of man- tensive systems (Padoch and Peters 1993; Mi- agement models has been largely overlooked by chon and de Foresta 1999). In particular, they provide a good compromise of biodiversity and 1 Received 18 December 2004; accepted 11 April productivity values (van Noordwijk et al. 1997). 2005. They also ®t well in rural household economies.

Economic Botany 59(3) pp. 245±253. 2005 ᭧ 2005 by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A. 246 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 59

Proponents argue that such systems can be more FOREST GARDENS WITHIN A FOREST MATRIX than just transitional stages, and may be viable More intensive systems involve greater and over long periods of time. If so, there is a strong longer-term interaction between human produc- rationale for investment and policy interventions tion efforts and natural forest cycles. While to protect existing FGS and to promote the ex- many are integrated with agricultural systems pansion of the model. (see next section), some are purposefully inte- This paper critically examines the different grated and maintained within existing forest positions in this debate. Drawing on a wide stands. A good example of this kind of integra- range of examples of FGS from a workshop on tion is the (Styrax paralleloneurum Per- the subject (Asbjornsen et al. 2004), from the kins) cultivation system practiced in North Su- broader literature, and from the authors' own ex- matra, Indonesia, to produce a fragrant perience, we summarize the common elements used as an ingredient in incense and perfumes of FGS and discuss important economic, social, (GarcõÂa FernaÂndez 2004). Benzoin are and ecological attributes of this class of man- planted in the undergrowth of a patch of mon- agement systems. We focus on two closely re- tane forest. trees and undergrowth spe- lated aspects: the driving forces and evolution of cies are selectively removed as the benzoin trees FGS over time, and their stability and sustain- develop to maintain an appropriate micro-envi- ability. We then examine the question of ``dy- ronment. The resulting benzoin garden begins namics,'' considering the development trends with a low diversity of mature trees, but the un- and key driving forces that in¯uence the emer- dergrowth retains many shrubs and epiphytes gence and development of FGS, asking how and typical of the surrounding montane forest. While why these systems emerge, persist, and decline. the trees are tapped for resinÐfrom as early as FOREST GARDEN SYSTEMS:OVERVIEW year 10 up to a maximum of 65Ðthe garden is AND EXAMPLES maintained with an open structure. But as pro- ductivity declines, the garden is gradually aban- There are numerous contemporary examples doned to recover as a ``pristine'' montane forest. of FGS. Some of them are centuries-old practic- es and others have developed more recently. We ANTHROPOGENIC FORESTS FROM classify the systems into four basic groups, AGRICULTURAL ANTECEDENTS: based on the degree and type of intervention. PERMANENT FOREST CULTURE MODIFIED WILD FORESTS Other models, such as the damar (Shorea ja- The most basic form of management beyond vanica Koord. & Valet.) gardens of Sumatra, use pure extraction is to modify the forest environ- domesticated forests with diversi®ed economic ment to favor the production of a valuable prod- and productive functions that are maintained uct. This might involve weeding around valued over long periods, and with structural and spe- species, opening the canopy for light-demanding cies diversity approaching those of late-succes- species, or encouraging shade plants for shade- sional or old-growth forests (Mary and Michon demanding species. The fostered plants might be 1987; Michon et al. 2000). The plantation starts self-sown, or they might be deliberately planted with damar seedlings co-planted in a swidden as seeds or wild seedlings moved to preferred ®eld and maturing with the fallow vegetation. locations. Practices like this have been docu- Damar gardens are not tapped before 25 years, mented for Euterpe spp. palms (Anderson 1987) and there is a high level of recruitment of other and Brazil nuts (Bertholletia excelsa Humb. & species in the interim. After 40±50 years, the Bonpl.) (BaleÂe 1989) in the Amazon region. Au- damar plantation reaches its peak production pe- bertin (2004) describes how Lao farmers plant riod. Damar resin provides the majority of cardamom (Amomum spp.) in forest-areas near household cash income and complements the their homes. In the miang tea (Camellia sinensis rice-based farming system (Mary and Michon [L.] Kuntze) production system, practiced from 1987; Levang and Wiyono 1993). northern Thailand to southern China, farmers In West and Central Sumatra, farmers inte- clear the vegetation around wild tea bushes, de- grate the production of (Cinnamomum veloping tea gardens that may be maintained for burmanii [C. Nees & T. Nees] C. Nees ex Blume) over a century (Watanabe et al. 1990). with coffee (Coffea arabica L.) or (My- 2005] BELCHER ET AL.: FOREST GARDEN SYSTEMS 247 ristica fragrans Houtt.) below a high canopy of riched through planting and/or otherwise favor- large trees cultivated for timber and fruit pro- ing the establishment of valuable species. South- duction. The cinnamon stand is usually com- east Asia has a particularly good representation pletely harvested after eight to 12 years and then of these systems. replanted. Self-established vegetation is usually (Calamus spp.) is cultivated as part of conserved. However, due to the high density of traditional swidden cultivation systems in Indo- the cinnamon stand, the main plant biodiversity nesia (Weinstock 1983; Fried 2000; Belcher et is in epiphytes on the canopy trees, small lianas, al. 2004a), and in southwestern China (Shengji and undergrowth herbs (Michon, Mary, and et al. 1994). The rattan is planted along with rice Bompard 1986; Aumeeruddy and Sansonnens and other annual crops and allowed to grow in 1994). the regenerating forest during the fallow period. Many types of fruit-based forest gardens are Rattan canes can be harvested beginning eight to be found throughout the Sumatran and Kali- to 12 years after planting, yielding canes for 30 mantan lowlands (de Foresta and Michon 1993; to 50 years. The rattan gardens resemble a nat- Salafsky 1994). Some of the better documented urally regenerated , but with systems are the highly diverse fruit gardens of higher densities of rattan and often other valu- East Kalimantan (Bompard 1988; Seibert 1989; able species as well. Sardjono 1992) and the illipe (Shorea spp.) A similar approach is used in rubber (Hevea gardens in West Kalimantan (Momberg 1993; brasiliensis MuÈll. Arg.) gardens in the lowlands Padoch and Peters 1993). In North Sulawesi and of Sumatra and Kalimantan, with harvesting be- in Lombok, forest garden systems are centered ginning at eight to 10 years and a typical cycle around a sugar-producing palm (Arenga pinnata of 35 to 40 years (Joshi et al. 2004; Danielsen [Wurmb] Merrill) and in the Moluccas and Heegaard 2004; Gouyon, de Foresta, and trees (Cocos nucifera L.), Tahitian chestnut (In- Levang 1993). ocarpus fagifer [Parkinson] Fosb), and tall nut- producing Canarium spp. are integrated in the COMMON ELEMENTS OF FOREST canopy layer, with nutmeg or (Syzygium GARDEN SYSTEMS aromaticum [L.] Merr. & Perry), or a mixture of Each of the FGS has been developed within these, plus (Musa spp.) groves, in the particular historical, economic, social, and polit- lower levels (Michon and de Foresta 1999). ical contexts. The driving forces and the dynam- Outside Indonesia, coffee, cocoa (Theobroma ics of their emergence, expansion, or decline are cacao L.), and many other commodities are also varied. However, beyond the local particu- sometimes grown with other trees. Native oil larities, there are universal characteristics iden- palm ( Jacq.) groves in Congo ti®ed in our review that, collectively, distinguish (Michon 1987), mixed fruit gardens in FGS from either extractive systems or true plan- southern Nigeria (Okigbo 1983), or cocoa grow- tation systems: ing in Cameroon (Dounias 2004) are good ex- Commercially valuable main crop. All the amples of African FGS. Some intensive cocoa FGS we reviewed are designed to produce at in Cameroon are reverting to mixed least one commercially valuable product, often systems (Ousseynou Ndoye, pers. comm.). representing the main or only source of cash in- come to producers. For example, rubber contrib- ANTHROPOGENIC FORESTS utes about 60% of the total income of the house- FROM AGRICULTURAL ANTECEDENTS: holds in a system in Riau, Indonesia, and ben- ROTATIONAL SYSTEMS zoin contributes 30% of producers' total income Most existing examples of FGS are closely (Angelsen et al. 2004). Products of FGS also integrated with agricultural systems. Examples make signi®cant contributions to national for- of anthropogenic forests in agricultural lands eign exchange earnings, though this is often con- range from rotational forest cultivation systems cealed in statistical categories such as ``tree that are integral parts of sys- products'' or ``NTFPs'' that may include pro- tems to permanent forest-gardens. In these sys- duction from industrial estates, horticultural tems, the original forest is cleared and the land crops, or extractivism. For example, 60% to is used for agriculture, usually for one to three 70% of the rubber exported from Indonesia seasons. The subsequent fallow forest is en- is produced by smallholders in ``jungle rubber'' 248 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 59 gardens (Joshi et al. 2004). A signi®cant pro- Their technical simplicity is complemented by portion of the crops (clove, nutmeg, cin- high utilization of natural processes, implying a namon) in Indonesia also derive from such sys- strong environmental knowledge base, especial- tems. A large part of the cocoa exported by ly of forest dynamics (Momberg 1993; Aumee- Cameroon is produced in agroforests, not in pure ruddy 1994). Fertility is maintained by natural plantations (Dounias 2004). nutrient cycling processes, shade controls Main crop has medium-term maturity and weeds, and regeneration relies on natural pro- regular harvesting. Typically, FGS feature prod- cesses. FGS represent good examples of the kind ucts with short to medium maturation: e.g., car- of small-scale, labor and energy ef®cient, bio- damom and coffee (four years), cocoa (®ve logically-based systems championed by the years), rattan, benzoin, rubber, or cinnamon ``permaculture'' school and others working on (eight to 10 years). The single exception in our agricultural designs that stress ecological con- examples is damar, with 25 years to the ®rst har- nections and closed energy and material loops vest. Most products can also be harvested re- (Diver 2001). currently, sometimes with multiple harvests Risk spreading and reduction. Managers of through the year (rubber, tea leaves, damar, ben- FGS tend to be limited in their ability to accu- zoin), annually (cocoa, coffee, cardamom, mulate capital and are therefore vulnerable to fruits), or bi- or tri-annually (rattan). risk. The diversi®cation of income sources and Diversi®cation of income sources. In almost products produced in FGS helps them to spread all cases, people who manage forest products in the risk. FGS also allow people to retain ``option FGS also manage several other crops and eco- values'': they can keep a range of economic nomic activities. They are typically smallholder choices open for the future, a critical consider- farmers with permanent or shifting cultivation ation in the rapidly changing socioeconomic en- systems that incorporate one or several ®eld vironments in which many forest-based people crops, and the forest garden may also produce now ®nd themselves. In contrast, monoculture other valuable plants, fungi, and animals that are plantations tend to have higher risk. used for self-consumption or sale. The diversity Diverse structure and high ecological func- of income sources and seasonal patterns is es- tion. The forest cover in FGS resembles second- sential in areas where capital accumulation is ary forest, with a diverse structure. They per- dif®cult, where habits of saving are not well de- form many forest functions, both in terms of veloped and where credit is expensive or un- supply of forest products and ecological func- available; that is to say, in rural areas throughout tion, including biodiversity conservation, soil the developing world. In contrast, intensive protection, watershed management, and carbon plantations are usually based on a single eco- sequestration. Even in cyclic systems, where for- nomically valuable product, are located near est cover is completely removed at the begin- markets, and so offer less ¯exibility, lacking al- ning, integrated management practices that uti- ternative products and resilience to changing lize natural regeneration result in a relatively market conditions. high level of recovery of the forest biodiversity. Integration with farming systems. Related to The resulting forest qualities and functions may the previous characteristic, FGS usually do not be lower than in undisturbed , but exist in isolation, but are integral components of they are superior to current models of plantation broader economic systems. There is a high level forestry. of economic integration, with farmers relying on There is often a trade-off between biodiversity a wide variety of income sources, as well as spa- at the scale of the production unit and economic tial integration in many FGS. Extractive systems productivity (either total value of production per are also highly integrated economically but not hectare, or pro®t per hectare). A key proposition spatially. Plantations tend (though not exclusive- is that FGS offer a compromise approach, and ly so) to be managed as separate systems, with that the relationship is convex, as illustrated in economic pressures to specialize. Fig. 1. Van Noordwijk et al. (1997) corroborate Intermediate levels of inputs. FGS are char- the trends presented in the ®gure (see also acterized by intermediate levels of energy, cap- GarcõÂa FernaÂndez et al. 2002). Thus FGS devel- ital, or labor inputs, and the use of simple and opment could be a valuable complement to ac- relatively low-cost indigenous technologies. tive forest conservation measures. For example, 2005] BELCHER ET AL.: FOREST GARDEN SYSTEMS 249

(Dove 1993; Angelsen 1995; Michon et al. 2000; Katz 2004; Michon 2004; Dounias 2004). This contrasts with the more common legal property rights recognition of industrial planta- tions and the common property or open access regimes typical of extractive systems.

DRIVING FORCES IN THE EVOLUTION OF FGS The question arises, if these systems are so bene®cial, why are they not more common or Fig. 1. Hypothesized trade-off between biodiversity widespread? Most theories of agricultural devel- and productivity. opment hold that there is a systematic evolution from hunting and gathering to agriculture in in- rubber gardens of Sumatra represent the largest tensively managed systems, with FGS repre- local reservoir of plant and animal diversity (de senting a transitional phase. Are FGS gradually Foresta and Michon 1993). In southern Sumatra, disappearing, or can they be stable and sustain- damar agroforests surrounding the Bukit Barisan able alternatives to more intensive management Selatan National Park constitute an effective ex- systems? To help answer these questions, we tension of the natural forest and contributes to consider the processes related to the emergence, the conservation of large mammals (Michon et intensi®cation, and decline of these systems, al. 2000). with emphasis on ecological, economic, and so- Locally de®ned access and control systems. ciopolitical drivers. Table 1 summarizes the in- Property regimes associated with FGS are usu- ¯uence of the key drivers. ally de®ned by customary rules, even if these Although the origins of most FGS are poorly are rarely acknowledged in national legal sys- documented, it is easy to imagine how tradition- tems. In these systems, planting of perennial al managers would incorporate or intensify the species is commonly acknowledged to confer production of a particular product in response to long-term use rights or ownership to individuals. demand. Homma (1992) uses a simple supply In some places these rights are inheritable. Tree and demand model to explain how increased planting can therefore be used as a strategy to market demand and reduced supply creates the establish or reestablish property rights over land. stimulus for people to manage/cultivate a prod- The spectacular expansion of rubber, benzoin, uct that was previously harvested from wild and damar plantations in Indonesian swiddens sources. Belcher et al. (2004b) discuss the ori- was partly driven by the need to establish stron- gins of rattan cultivation in this context. Farmers ger rights to forest lands or to the resource itself were able to incorporate a familiar product into

TABLE 1. KEY DRIVERS IN THE EMERGENCE, INTENSIFICATION, AND DECLINE OF FGS.

Drivers Emergence Intensi®cation Decline Land scarcity (population density) *** *** *** Market accessÐprice * *** *** Labour costs ** ** *** Availability of risk spreading & insur- ance systems ** ** ** Infrastructure ** *** *** TenureÐresource control *** ** ** Political recognition of FGS * * *** Local perceptions of FGS * * *** Synthetic substitutes *** Suitability for mono-cultivation *** Access to appropriate technologies * ***

Importance: * ϭ low; ** ϭ medium; *** ϭ high. 250 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 59 their existing farming system at relatively low from extensive to specialized intensive rubber cost and low risk. production. More often, policy effects are indi- Some level of tenure security is a minimum rect. Government research and extension typi- condition for investing in any resource manage- cally criticizes or ignores traditional forms of ment. is also a tool for establishing tree management. In West Sumatra, extension and maintaining tenure control and may be trig- agents provided insecticides for nutmeg produc- gered by an actual or perceived change in tenure tion only for well-ordered orchards, not in the status, such as where local control and owner- native diversi®ed fruit gardens (Michon, Mary, ship is challenged by external actors. The ex- and Bompard 1986). Forest conversion policies pansion of benzoin gardens in the highland for- consistently fail to acknowledge local systems of est of North Sumatra, even with relatively poor forest management and the related customary market prospects for the product, represents a systems of resource control. Many rattan gar- local strategy of reappropriation of customary dens in East Kalimantan have been affected by lands in the -independence context (Michon conversion policies that transferred large tracts 2004). Likewise, many rubber trees throughout of ``degraded forest''Ðincluding well-estab- Indonesia have been integrated in fallow lands lished and productive rattan gardensÐto oil not just for production purposes, but also to sup- palm or fast-growing tree plantation companies. port claims for compensation in case of forced Many of the conditions that lead to abandon- expropriation. ing FGS (as opposed to intensifying) are just the Homma's model suggests that there is an evo- inverse of the conditions that lead to establish- lutionary path, driven by economic forces, that ment and intensi®cation. For example, if the leads from low to high management intensity. main commercial product becomes less valu- This proposition is congruent with the Boserup able, farmers might abandon the system. Many (1965) theory that higher population densities formerly important natural products have been (often equated with increased land scarcity) lead completely or partially replaced by chemical to more intensive use of land. It implies that substitutes, including rubbers and other natural FGS will be replaced by more intensive man- latex (gutta percha (Palaquium gutta Burck), agement with higher land productivity as devel- (Manilkara zapota [L.] van Royen), je- opment proceeds and population densities in- lutung (Dyera spp.), oleo-, gums, ¯avoring crease. Several studies suggest, however, that it agents like (Vanilla planifolia Andrews) is possible to improve the pro®tability of a FGS and cinnamon, and essences like sandalwood without substantially changing its structure. (Santalum album L.) and rosewood (Aniba ro- Damar producers have added high-value fruits saeodora Ducke). production to the system to increase revenues Changing opportunity cost of labor is also a (Michon et al. 2000). Nevertheless, economies critical factor, re¯ecting new and changing in- of scale in trade and marketing encourage spe- come and employment opportunities. While cialization, intensi®cation, and expansion of pro- FGS have relatively high returns to labor, they duction of the most rewarding products (Ruiz do not normally offer opportunities for full-time PeÂrez et al. 2004). employment and can easily be out-competed by Tenure is important here as well. Whereas the alternative wage employment. development of FGS needs a minimum level of The importance of having diversi®ed produc- tenure security, further improvement in tenure tion systems to spread household risk may also security over land, coupled with higher land val- decline where opportunities for more secure em- ues, is likely to drive intensi®ed land-use (Ot- ployment, bank savings, and commercial insur- suka and Place 2001). This suggests that FGS ance emerge. This hypothesis could be tested by may be most appropriate at some intermediate observing the evolution of FGS in conditions of level of tenure security, where farmers have either reduced or increased risk. With reduced some security, but their rights are less than le- risk (or better alternative risk management strat- gally recognized free-hold tenure. egies), one would expect to see a decline in the Forest and agricultural policies also drive in- importance of FGS and diversi®cation strategies tensi®cation (and abandonment) of FGS. Policy generally. With increased risk (or less reliable impacts may be direct, as in Indonesia, where alternative risk management strategies), one national policies actively encouraged a shift would expect to see increased importance of 2005] BELCHER ET AL.: FOREST GARDEN SYSTEMS 251

FGS. Good examples of the latter situation occur overall system, complementing other in parts of Africa; where the costs and risk of land uses in time and in space. They have im- intensive management are increasing, there is a portant ecological functions and they shape and tendency to revert to less intensive/more diver- support social relationships as important element si®ed production strategies (Dounias 2004). in contests over land tenure and forest devel- Perceptions of development and modernity opment. also have a role. Indigenous practices of forest Accordingly, current FGS exist where these resource and agricultural development are com- features are advantageous to the managersÐar- monly regarded as ``primitive'' if not as a threat eas where customary institutions offer some de- to the environment, and the multiple values of gree of tenure security, where the local economy such systems often go unrecognized. Develop- is a mixture of subsistence and cash-based ac- ment plans, policies, and regulations tend to fa- tivities with limited opportunity for cash income, vor more intensive land management systems. where labor is the limiting factor of production Crop improvement research has focused on pro- (and land is relatively abundant), and where for- ducing light-demanding varieties of crops best mal mechanisms for risk management such as suited to cultivation in open ®elds, without cash savings or insurance are not available or shade trees. Farmers have therefore abandoned not affordable. traditional mixed-systems. FGS have not bene- Under these conditions, the model is appro- ®ted from the kind of technological improve- priate and there may be scope to extend and de- ments developed for agriculture or forestry, and velop it, for example in buffer zones around pro- have not been supported by extension or other tected areas and in remote areas more generally. policy instruments. (Conklin 1957; Geertz 1966; Researchers, policy makers and planners, and Barrau 1967). the development community need to recognize The perceptions of the managers themselves FGS where they exist and appreciate their im- in¯uence these processes. Intensive systems of portance to current users. Given that many of forest management or agriculture are typically these systems have persisted despite adverse regarded as being more modern and local sys- policy environments, there is also scope for sup- tems as ``bush work.'' On the other hand, with porting FGS. For example, in many places new attention to the need for ecologically sound small-scale forest managers are negatively af- practices for environmental management, inter- fected by government regulations designed for mediate management systems can appear as timber or wild-harvested products, with unfair ``green'' and be promoted for their technical val- restrictions and fees. There is also a widespread ue. In many of the FGS discussed here, the per- need for research and extension that supports ceptions of the systems by the managers them- small-scale forest managers through enhanced selves have changed over the last 10 to 15 years, silviculture and management and/or improved from shame for their ``primitiveness'' to pride in varieties suitable for cultivation in mixed sys- their environmental stewardship. This trend is tems. In all of this, it is critical to consider whole highlighted by growing world-wide initiatives to systems and not view a particular product or promote various forms of ``green labeling'' or even FGS itself in isolation. Interventions ``fair trade,'' aimed at directly rewarding pro- should protect (and not compromise) the inher- ducers that practice environmentally and social- ent ¯exibility and resilience of the overall sys- ly sound practices through economic incentives. tems, while facilitating their evolution to other systems that might offer better opportunities as CONCLUSIONS circumstances change. FGS offer a range of bene®ts and perform There are also clearly limitations on FGS. functions different from the more intensive mod- They may not be competitive when the oppor- els of forest management that tend to be pro- tunity cost of land and labor increase. If prices moted by research and extension agencies. They for the main product decline, due to substitution provide diversi®ed income-earning opportuni- or increasing production elsewhere, the whole ties, spread risk, and serve as sources of capital FGS may become unviable. When prices for a accumulation. The labor requirements are low, particular product increase (through increased with ¯exible timing, and the returns to labor demand for a commodity or improved transpor- tend to be high. They also ®t well as part of an tation infrastructure that reduced the costs of 252 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 59 trade, for example), and with strong private limantan (Indonesia) and in Malaysia. IBPGR± property rights, producers have incentives to IUCN±WWF. shift to more intensively managed crops. Boserup, E. 1965. The conditions for agricultural growth. George Allen & Unwin, London. Conklin, H. C. 1957. HanunoÂo agriculture. Rome, LITERATURE CITED FAO. Anderson, A. B. 1987. Management of native palm Danielsen, F., and M. Heegaard. 2004. The biodi- forest: A comparison of case studies in Indonesia versity value of ``intermediate systems'' of forest and Brazil. Pages 155±167 in H. L. Gholz, ed. 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