The Role of Lawyers As Transitional Actors in Tunisia
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Of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO
Assessing the of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO REPORT 3/2019 Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 ISBN: 978-82-7002-346-2 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. Tey should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Te text may not be re-published in part or in full without the permission of NUPI and the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: effectivepeaceops.net | www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Assessing the Efectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC (MONUC-MONUSCO) Lead Author Dr Alexandra Novosseloff, International Peace Institute (IPI), New York and Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Oslo Co-authors Dr Adriana Erthal Abdenur, Igarapé Institute, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Prof. Tomas Mandrup, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, and Royal Danish Defence College, Copenhagen Aaron Pangburn, Social Science Research Council (SSRC), New York Data Contributors Ryan Rappa and Paul von Chamier, Center on International Cooperation (CIC), New York University, New York EPON Series Editor Dr Cedric de Coning, NUPI External Reference Group Dr Tatiana Carayannis, SSRC, New York Lisa Sharland, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Canberra Dr Charles Hunt, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT) University, Australia Adam Day, Centre for Policy Research, UN University, New York Cover photo: UN Photo/Sylvain Liechti UN Photo/ Abel Kavanagh Contents Acknowledgements 5 Acronyms 7 Executive Summary 13 Te effectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC across eight critical dimensions 14 Strategic and Operational Impact of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Constraints and Challenges of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Current Dilemmas 19 Introduction 21 Section 1. -
Africa Report
PROJECT ON BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Africa April to June 2008 Volume: 1 Reports for the period April to May 2008 Principal Investigator: Prof. Dr. Ijaz Shafi Gilani Contributors Abbas S Lamptey Snr Research Associate Reports on Sub-Saharan AFrica Abdirisak Ismail Research Assistant Reports on East Africa INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Asia April to June 2008 Reports for the period April to May 2008 Volume: 1 Department of Politics and International Relations International Islamic University Islamabad 2 BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Africa 2008 Table of contents Reports for the month of April Week-1 April 01, 2008 05 Week-2 April 08, 2008 63 Week-3 April 15, 2008 120 Week-4 April 22, 2008 185 Week-5 April 29, 2008 247 Reports for the month of May Week-1 May 06, 2008 305 Week-2 May 12, 2008 374 Week-3 May 20, 2008 442 Country profiles Sources 3 4 BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD Weekly Presentation: April 1, 2008 Sub-Saharan Africa Abbas S Lamptey Period: From March 23 to March 29 2008 1. CHINA -AFRICA RELATIONS WEST AFRICA Sierra Leone: Chinese May Evade Govt Ban On Logging: Concord Times (Freetown):28 March 2008. Liberia: Chinese Women Donate U.S. $36,000 Materials: The NEWS (Monrovia):28 March 2008. Africa: China/Africa Trade May Hit $100bn in 2010:This Day (Lagos):28 March 2008. -
Political Transition in Tunisia
Political Transition in Tunisia Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs April 15, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21666 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Political Transition in Tunisia Summary On January 14, 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country for Saudi Arabia following weeks of mounting anti-government protests. Tunisia’s mass popular uprising, dubbed the “Jasmine Revolution,” appears to have added momentum to anti-government and pro-reform sentiment in other countries across the region, and some policy makers view Tunisia as an important “test case” for democratic transitions elsewhere in the Middle East. Ben Ali’s departure was greeted by widespread euphoria within Tunisia. However, political instability, economic crisis, and insecurity are continuing challenges. On February 27, amid a resurgence in anti-government demonstrations, Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi (a holdover from Ben Ali’s administration) stepped down and was replaced by Béji Caïd Essebsi, an elder statesman from the administration of the late founding President Habib Bourguiba. On March 3, the interim government announced a new transition “road map” that would entail the election on July 24 of a “National Constituent Assembly.” The Assembly would, in turn, be charged with promulgating a new constitution ahead of expected presidential and parliamentary elections, which have not been scheduled. The protest movement has greeted the road map as a victory, but many questions remain concerning its implementation. Until January, Ben Ali and his Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party exerted near-total control over parliament, state and local governments, and most political activity. -
Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia's Ennahda and Algeria's HMS
Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang Hughes Hall College Department of Politics and International Studies University of Cambridge The dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2018 1 Declaration of Originality This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the relevant Degree Committee. 2 Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang, Department of Politics and International Studies SUMMARY The study aims to explore how Islamist parties mobilize citizens in electoral authoritarian systems. Specifically, I analyze how Islamist parties develop identity, outreach, structure, and linkages to wide sections of the population, so that when the political opportunity presents itself, people are informed of their existence, goals, and representatives, and hence, primed to vote for them. -
Les Partis Politiques Tunisiens : Fragmente S, Autocentres Et a L a Recherche D’Un Profi L
PROGRAMME RÉGIONAL DIALOGUE POLITIQUE SUD MEDITERRANÉE LES PARTIS POLITIQUES TUNISIENS : FRAGMENTE S, AUTOCENTRES ET A L A RECHERCHE D’UN PROFI L Auteur: Isabel Schäfer | Traduction : Gudrun Meddeb Résumé Depuis la chute du régime autoritaire du président Ben Ali le 14 janvier 2011, le paysage des partis politiques tunisien a connu de profonds changements. S’il est vrai que depuis son indépendance en 1956, le multipartisme était, du moins sur le papier, le régime politique de la Tunisie, il n’en demeure pas moins que le pays avait été gouverné jusqu’en 2011 par un seul parti dont le nom avait été modifié plusieurs fois. Après la rupture politique de 2011, le RCD, le parti qui avait gouverné le pays, a été interdit alors que des partis interdits avant cette date ont été autorisés et de nombreux nouveaux partis fondés. Après des décennies de stagnation politique, de censure et de blocage, le pluralisme politique peut aujourd’hui s’épanouir librement. Le paysage politique est devenu extrêmement dynamique mais aussi volatil : les partis politiques forment des alliances toujours renouvelées, changent de nom, se fracturent ou se réinventent à nouveau. Les effets négatifs de cette prolifération sont évidents : les 206 partis (décembre 2016) que le pays compte actuellement, sont surtout de tout petits partis sans véritable puissance d’action. Des luttes internes autour des personnes ou pour l’obtention de certains postes dominent aussi les partis représentés au parlement dont 1 seulement deux – le parti islamiste Ennahdha et le parti séculier Nidaa Tounes – disposent plus de 60 sièges (sur un total de 217 sièges). -
The Distinction of Peace: a Social Analysis of Peacebuilding Catherine Goetze the Distinction of Peace
0/-*/&4637&: *ODPMMBCPSBUJPOXJUI6OHMVFJU XFIBWFTFUVQBTVSWFZ POMZUFORVFTUJPOT UP MFBSONPSFBCPVUIPXPQFOBDDFTTFCPPLTBSFEJTDPWFSFEBOEVTFE 8FSFBMMZWBMVFZPVSQBSUJDJQBUJPOQMFBTFUBLFQBSU $-*$,)&3& "OFMFDUSPOJDWFSTJPOPGUIJTCPPLJTGSFFMZBWBJMBCMF UIBOLTUP UIFTVQQPSUPGMJCSBSJFTXPSLJOHXJUI,OPXMFEHF6OMBUDIFE ,6JTBDPMMBCPSBUJWFJOJUJBUJWFEFTJHOFEUPNBLFIJHIRVBMJUZ CPPLT0QFO"DDFTTGPSUIFQVCMJDHPPE The Distinction of Peace “Peacebuilding” serves as a catch- all term to describe efforts by an array of international organizations, nongovernmental organizations, and even agencies of foreign states to restore or construct a peaceful society in the wake—or even in the midst— of conflict. Despite this variety, practitioners consider themselves members of a global profession. In this study, Cath- erine Goetze investigates the genesis of peacebuilding as a pro- fessional field of expertise since the 1960s, its increasing influ- ence, and the ways in which it reflects global power structures. Step- by- step, Goetze describes how the peacebuilding field came into being, how it defines who belongs to it and who does not, and what kind of group culture it has generated. Using an innovative and original methodology, she investigates the motivations of individuals who become peacebuilders, their professional trajectories and networks, and the “good peace- builder” as an ideal. For many, working in peacebuilding in various ways— as an aid worker on the ground, as a lawyer at the United Nations, or as an academic in a think tank—has become not merely a livelihood but also a form of participa- tion in world politics. As a field, peacebuilding has developed its techniques for incorporating and training new members, yet its internal politics also create the conditions of exclusion that often result in practical failures of the peacebuilding enterprise. By providing a critical account of the social mechanisms that make up the peacebuilding field, Goetze offers deep insights into the workings of Western domination and global inequalities. -
Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia: Final Report
ELECTION REPORT ✩ Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia Final Report October, November, and December 2014 ELECTION REPORT ✩ Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia Final Report October, November, and December 2014 One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Foreword . 4 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns . 34 Executive Summary . 6 Campaign Finance .. 37 Voter Registration . 7 The Campaign Period . 39 Candidate Registration . 8 Civil Society .. 45 Campaign . 9 Electoral Dispute Resolution . 47 Voting and Counting. 11 Election Day . 49 Tabulation . 11 Legislative Elections . 51 Election Dispute Resolution .. 12 First Round of the Presidential Election. 54 Results . 12 Second Round of the Presidential Election . .55 Recommendations . 13 Security . 57 The Carter Center in Tunisia . 14 Postelection Complaints . 58 Carter Center Election Complaints Against the Preliminary Results of Observation Methodology . 15 the Legislative Election . 58 International Obligations . 17 Complaints Against the Preliminary Results of the First Round of the Presidential Election . 59 Historical and Political Background . 18 Conclusions and Recommendations . 61 Electoral Institutions and the Framework for the Presidential and Legislative Elections . 22 Appendix A: Acknowledgments . 64 Legal Framework . 22 Appendix B: The Carter Center Boundary Delimitation . 23 Delegation and Staff . 65 Electoral System . .. 24 Appendix C: Terms and Abbreviations . 68 Election Management . 25 Appendix D: Statements and Press Releases . 70 Pre-election Developments . 30 Appendix E: Deployment Plan . 138 Voter Registration . 30 Appendix F: Checklists (Short Form) . 144 Voter Education . .. 33 Appendix G: Electoral Results . 161 Appendix H: Letter of Invitation . 165 Foreword By Ambassador (Ret.) Mary Ann Peters and security concerns to promote stability and Chief Executive Officer of The Carter Center satisfy citizens’ aspirations. -
Arab Spring': Major Victories Or Failures for Human Rights? Hayat Alvi
Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 19 Jul-2015 Women's Rights Movements in the 'Arab Spring': Major Victories or Failures for Human Rights? Hayat Alvi Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Alvi, Hayat (2015). Women's Rights Movements in the 'Arab Spring': Major Victories or Failures for Human Rights?. Journal of International Women's Studies, 16(3), 294-318. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol16/iss3/19 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2015 Journal of International Women’s Studies. Women’s Rights Movements in the ‘Arab Spring’: Major Victories or Failures for Human Rights? By Hayat Alvi1 Abstract With the 2011 “Arab Spring”, the issue of women’s empowerment has emerged as a parallel movement in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). What are the implications of the women’s empowerment movements in the MENA for improved political representation and rights? Do these developments contribute to long-term socio-political, legal, judicial, and economic reforms that would improve overall human rights, and especially women’s rights in the MENA? This paper is a comparative survey of women’s empowerment and rights, especially in terms of general human rights principles, as well as in terms of political representation in post- revolution Tunisia and Egypt. -
STI Tunis Aktualizace K 1.9.2009
SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Tunisko Souhrnná teritoriální informace Tunisko Zpracováno a aktualizováno zastupitelským ú řadem ČR v Tunisu ke dni 01.09.2009 Seznam kapitol souhrnné teritoriálné informace: 1. Základní informace o teritoriu 2. Vnitropolitická charakteristika 3. Zahrani čně-politická orientace 4. Ekonomická charakteristika zem ě 5. Finan ční a da ňový sektor 6. Zahrani ční obchod zem ě 7. Obchodní a ekonomická spolupráce s ČR 8. Základní podmínky pro uplatn ění českého zboží na trhu 9. Investi ční klima 10. Očekávaný vývoj v teritoriu © Zastupitelský ú řad Tunis (Tunisko) 1. Základní informace o teritoriu 1.1. Oficiální název státu • Tuniská republika • Al Džumhúrija At Tunisia • La République Tunisienne 1.2. Rozloha • 162 155 km 2 (z toho 25 000 km 2 pouš ť) 1.3. Po čet obyvatel, hustota na km², podíl ekonomicky činného obyvatelstva • Po čet obyvatelstva 10.326 600 tis. (r. 2008) • Hustota na 1 km 2 63,8 obyv. (r. 2005) • Podíl ekonomicky činného obyvatelstva 46,4 % 1.4. Pr ůměrný ro ční p řír ůstek obyvatelstva a jeho demografické složení • Pr ůměrný ro ční p řír ůstek obyvatelstva, 0,99 % (r. 2006) • Demografické složení obyvatelstva 0–4 roky 8,0 %0–14 let 24,6 % • 15–64 let 68,6 % • 65 let a více 6,7 % 1.5. Národnostní složení • Arabové 97 %, Berbe ři 1 %, Evropané 1 %, Židé 1 % 1.6. Náboženské složení • 98 % muslimové (islám sunnitského ritu), k řes ťané 1 %, židé a ostatní 1 % 1.7. Úřední jazyk a ostatní nej čast ěji používané jazyky • arabština • ostatní nej čast ěji používané jazyky: francouzština, mén ě angli čtina, italština a n ěmčina 1.8. -
Electoral Practice of Tunisian Women in the Context of a Democratic Transition
Electoral Practice of Tunisian Women in the Context of a Democratic Transition Lilia Labidi, Fellow, Woodrow Wilson Center, and former Minister for Women’s Affairs, Tunisia Women gained the right to vote in the Arab and Muslim worlds at different times that varied from country to country. In some countries this took place in the 1930s, and the most recent one was in 2011 (see Appendix 1). The 1980s marked a turning point in most of these countries because of the emergence of new women elites—women who had benefitted from the improved health services that had lowered the rate of maternal mortality and access to their countries’ universities and to the labor force (see Appendix 2, 3). By the 2000s, these elites were demanding greater participation in formal politics and the application of quotas, which stipulated that women are guaranteed a certain proportion of representatives in elected bodies (see Appendix 4). Images showing women in several countries waiting in long lines to vote appeared in newspapers, on television, and, most recently, on social media. These images had a great impact on the political education of the region’s youth. The “Arab Spring” was one of the expressions of this.1 The younger generations are increasingly hostile to forms of discrimination, including when women candidates are not allowed to put their photographs on political posters whereas men are allowed to do this2 or when possible women presidential candidates are rejected in some countries and accepted in others.3 Our question here is whether all these factors are enough to produce a new political culture that includes women and whether we see changes in the behavior of the political elites, particularly in the Tunisian context. -
Cyber-Sovereignty: the Power of Social Media on the Arab
ABSTRACT POLITICAL SCIENCE RANDALL, JASON B.S. GEORGIA STATE UNIVERSITY, 2004 M.S.P.P. GEORGIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, 2007 CYBER-SOVEREIGNTY: THE POWER OF SOCIAL MEDIA ON THE ARAB SPRING IN TUNISIA AND EGYPT Committee Chair: William Boone, Ph.D. Dissertation dated December 2017 This dissertation assesses the role of social media and its effects on the Arab Spring. The research will be guided by two questions: Could the use of American Dot.com social networking websites (e.g. Facebook, Google, Twitter, and YouTube) by Tunisians and Egyptians during the Arab Spring, to overthrow their governments, be characterized as a violation of Tunisia’s and Egypt’s sovereignty (cyber-sovereignty)? Secondly, what was the significance of the abovementioned social networking websites during the Arab Spring? The first question will be examined by using Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Theory; the problem, policy, and political streams have to converge simultaneously in order to create a window of opportunity to enact change. For this to occur, it is the responsibility of the policy entrepreneur to combine the three streams. The policy entrepreneur is an i individual(s) who are tasked with the responsibility of integrating the three streams. During the Arab Spring, social media served as a mechanism for citizens to bypass government censorship to chronicle and narrate events as they occurred. As a result, I assert that it was the use of social media in this manner by the policy entrepreneurs that violated the sovereignty of both Tunisia and Egypt. The second question will be analyzed by administering questionnaires and reviewing tertiary sources to assess the significance of the abovementioned social networking websites during the Arab Spring. -
Diplomarbeit
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OTHES Diplomarbeit Titel der Diplomarbeit „Bilaterale Beziehungen der Europäischen Union und Tunesiens unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Mittelmeerunion“ Verfasserin Daniela Christiana Bichiou angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. phil.) Wien, im Oktober 2010 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 300 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Politikwissenschaft Betreuer: Univ. Prof. Dr. Otmar Höll Bilaterale Beziehungen der Europäischen Union und Tunesiens unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Mittelmeerunion Seite 2 Bilaterale Beziehungen der Europäischen Union und Tunesiens unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Mittelmeerunion Je vous remercie. Seite 3 Bilaterale Beziehungen der Europäischen Union und Tunesiens unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Mittelmeerunion Seite 4 Bilaterale Beziehungen der Europäischen Union und Tunesiens unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Mittelmeerunion Inhalt ABKÜRZUNGSVERZEICHNIS .............................................................................................................................. 7 VORWORT ........................................................................................................................................................ 8 1. EINLEITUNG ............................................................................................................................................ 10 2. THEORETISCHE GRUNDLAGE ..................................................................................................................