Political Transition in Tunisia
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Note De L'ifri
NNoottee ddee ll’’IIffrrii ______________________________________________________________________ Migrations and Revolutions: Reflections on the Recent Events in North Africa from an International Relations Perspective __________________________________________________________________ Emanuela Paoletti October 2011 . Center for Migrations and Citizenship The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-86592-949-8 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2011 IFRI IFRI-BRUXELLES 27, RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 – BRUXELLES – BELGIQUE Tel: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tel: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] WEBSITE: Ifri.org Author Emanuela Paoletti is Fulford Junior Research Fellow in International Relations. She completed her PhD at the Oxford Department of International Development (ODID). Her doctoral research on Italian- Libyan relations published with Palgrave Macmillan examines the negotiations on migration between Italy and Libya. -
L E M a G a Z I N E
LE MAGAZINE D E FRANCE IC PUBLICATIONS L’AFRIQUEoctobre - novembre 2015 | N° 45 609 Bât. A 77, RUE BAYEN 75017 PARIS EN COUVERTURE Tél : + 33 1 44 30 81 00 MAGHREB Fax : + 33 1 44 30 81 11 Courriel : [email protected] 4 LA DIPLOMATIE AFRICAINE www.magazinedelafrique.com ALGÉRIE DE LA FRANCE 50 Bouteflika-Mediène GRANDE-BRETAGNE 5 Hollande et l’Afrique La fin du bras de fer IC PUBLICATIONS 7 COLDBATH SQUARE 8 Les dessous de la nouvelle 53 Nouria Benghabrit, la ministre qui dérange LONDON EC1R 4LQ Tél : + 44 20 7841 32 10 approche française 54 Derrière la langue, l’idéologie Fax : + 44 20 7713 78 98 11 Les généraux « africains » à la manœuvre E.mail : [email protected] MAROC www.newafricanmagazine.com 13 Quels changements 56 Les élections locales confortent le PJD DIRECTEUR DE LA PUBLICATION dans la dépendance africaine ? Afif Ben Yedder TUNISIE ÉDITEUR 58 En quête de gouvernance Omar Ben Yedder 15 Le point de vue des journalistes DIRECTRICE GÉNÉRALE Serge Michel, Jean-Dominique Merchet, LIBYE Leila Ben Hassen [email protected] Malick Diawara, Frédéric Lejeal 60 Le kadhafisme est mort, RÉDACTEUR EN CHEF pas les kadhafistes Hichem Ben Yaïche ENTRETIENS [email protected] 18 Général Lamine Cissé AFRIQUE SUBSAHARIENNE COORDONNATEUR DE LA RÉDACTION La France n’a pas vocation de gendarme Junior Ouattara TCHAD 20 SECRÉTAIRE DE RÉDACTION Herman J. Cohen 62 La guerre intense contre Boko Haram Laurent Soucaille La collaboration est totale entre RÉDACTION la France et les États-Unis NIGER Christian d’Alayer, -
'The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings' Jillian Schwedler
1 From Street Mobilization to Political Mobilization September 1-2, 2012- Skhirat, Morocco ‘The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings’ Jillian Schwedler 1 2 The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings Jillian Schwedler Like many major events in world politics—such as the outbreak of World War I or the fall of the Soviet Union—the Arab uprisings that began in late 2010 may have taken much of the world by surprise, but that does not mean that they came out of nowhere. In the way that the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand is said to have started World War I, the Arab uprisings are now commonly said to have begun with the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit-cart vendor Mohamad Bouazizi on December 17, 2010. Protests then spread throughout Tunisia within weeks, culminating in the resignation of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on January 14, 2011. From there, the revolutionary spirit spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria, seeing serious challenges to repressive regimes that just months earlier appeared as stable as they had been for decades. But of course the story is not so simple. In Tunisia, at least two other citizens had self-immolated in the months before Bouazizi, and yet those brutal deaths sparked nothing. In Egypt, protests and demonstrations had been escalating almost steadily since at least 2004, notably as more than a million organized laborers participated in strikes and marchers that brought portions of the country to a standstill (Beinin and el-Hamalawy 2007). The 2011 protests may have escalated to revolutionary proportions unexpectedly, but they did not emerge out of thin air. -
Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a Series)
human rights & human welfare a forum for works in progress working paper no. 60 Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a series) by Rob Prince University of Denver Posted on 16 October 2010 http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/working/2010/60-prince-2010.pdf © Rob Prince. All rights reserved. This paper may be freely circulated in electronic or hard copy provided it is not modified in any way, the rights of the author not infringed, and the paper is not quoted or cited without express permission of the author. The editors cannot guarantee a stable URL for any paper posted here, nor will they be responsible for notifying others if the URL is changed or the paper is taken off the site. Electronic copies of this paper may not be posted on any other website without express permission of the author. The posting of this paper on the hrhw working papers website does not constitute any position of opinion or judgment about the contents, arguments or claims made in the paper by the editors. For more information about the hrhw working papers series or website, please visit the site online at http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/working Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a series) August 2, 2010 “The only way that the [Tunisian] state deals with social problems is with police repression” -Moktar Trifi, President of the Tunisian League of Human Rights By Rob Prince (Note: it has come to my attention that this little harmless blog is currently censored by the Tunisian government, meaning that the content is blocked by the authorities there. -
Forming the New Tunisian Government
Viewpoints No. 71 Forming the New Tunisian Government: “Relative Majority” and the Reality Principle Lilia Labidi Fellow, Woodrow Wilson Center and former Minister for Women’s Affairs, Tunisia February 2015 After peaceful legislative and presidential elections in Tunisia toward the end of 2014, which were lauded on both the national and international levels, the attempt to form a new government reveals the tensions among the various political forces and the difficulties of constructing a democratic system in the country that was the birthplace of the "Arab Spring." Middle East Program 0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ On January 23, 2015, Prime Minister Habib Essid announced the members of the new Tunisian government after much negotiation with the various political parties. Did Prime Minister Essid intend to give a political lesson to Tunisians, both to those who had been elected to the Assembly of the People’s Representatives (ARP) and to civil society? The ARP’s situation is worrisome for two reasons. First, 76 percent of the groups in political parties elected to the ARP have not submitted the required financial documents to the appropriate authorities in a timely manner. They therefore run the risk of losing their seats. Second, ARP members are debating the rules and regulations of the parliament as well as the definition of parliamentary opposition. They have been unable to reach an agreement on this last issue; without an agreement, the ARP is unable to vote on approval for a proposed government. There is conflict within a number of political parties in this context. In Nidaa Tounes, some members of the party, including MP Abdelaziz Kotti, have argued that there has been no exchange of information within the party regarding the formation of the government. -
Arab Spring Incidents in the End of the “Green Era” in Libya: Questions on the Right to Intervene and the Duty to Interfere
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations | e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.2, n.3, Jan-Jun 2013 | p.145-165 ARAB SPRING INCIDENTS IN THE END OF THE “GREEN ERA” IN LIBYA: QUESTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO INTERVENE AND THE DUTY TO INTERFERE Gladys Lechini de Álvarez1, Noemí S. Rabbia2 The Arab Spring has quietly started in the end of 2010 with the wave of protests against the Tunisian regime of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, in power for more than two decades. Nonetheless, it caused a domino effect that fully impacted the oldest autocracies in Northern Africa and the Middle East. In this context, the Tunis’ case has been constituted in the beginning of a long series of successes that reshaped the Arab and Maghrebi regional political scene with similar results, considering the specifics of each scenario. It is interesting to highlight that Tunis paradoxically had been sustained many times by the same Western countries that defended the end of the Libyan autocracy. In reference to this particular case, Muammar Gaddafi has died in obscure circumstances during the seizure of his hometown, Sirte, in October 20th, 2011. The elucidation of this fact has been diluted with the euphoria and increasing successes, and Western employees like the Vice-President of the United States of America, Joseph Biden, have limited themselves to affirm that 1 Gladys Lechini is Profesor of International Relations at Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Argentina; researcher at CONICET; and director of the South-South Cooperation and Relations Program (PRECSUR). E-mail: [email protected]. -
Africa Report
PROJECT ON BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Africa April to June 2008 Volume: 1 Reports for the period April to May 2008 Principal Investigator: Prof. Dr. Ijaz Shafi Gilani Contributors Abbas S Lamptey Snr Research Associate Reports on Sub-Saharan AFrica Abdirisak Ismail Research Assistant Reports on East Africa INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Asia April to June 2008 Reports for the period April to May 2008 Volume: 1 Department of Politics and International Relations International Islamic University Islamabad 2 BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Africa 2008 Table of contents Reports for the month of April Week-1 April 01, 2008 05 Week-2 April 08, 2008 63 Week-3 April 15, 2008 120 Week-4 April 22, 2008 185 Week-5 April 29, 2008 247 Reports for the month of May Week-1 May 06, 2008 305 Week-2 May 12, 2008 374 Week-3 May 20, 2008 442 Country profiles Sources 3 4 BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD Weekly Presentation: April 1, 2008 Sub-Saharan Africa Abbas S Lamptey Period: From March 23 to March 29 2008 1. CHINA -AFRICA RELATIONS WEST AFRICA Sierra Leone: Chinese May Evade Govt Ban On Logging: Concord Times (Freetown):28 March 2008. Liberia: Chinese Women Donate U.S. $36,000 Materials: The NEWS (Monrovia):28 March 2008. Africa: China/Africa Trade May Hit $100bn in 2010:This Day (Lagos):28 March 2008. -
The Arab Spring in the Long Run
12 June 2012 The Arab Spring in the Long Run It was hoped that the Arab Spring would bring freedom and democracy to the Middle East and North Africa. However, continued unrest in Libya and Syria points to a potentially bleaker future for the region. By Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou for ISN The first phase of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring was, for all intents and purposes, over by the summer of 2011. Six months after an accelerated chain of events was set in motion from the Tunisian countryside, state-society relations and political dynamics across the Middle East and North African (MENA) region have been profoundly reordered. In quick succession, well-established and solid political institutions were deposed in Tunisia and Egypt followed a few months later by the overthrow of Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh. After years of political repression and state brutality, fear had seemingly changed sides. Many authoritarian states across the MENA region were now on the defensive and looking for ways to avoid being the next regime to collapse under pressure from popular uprisings. While the opening months of the Arab Spring culminated in the overthrow of leaders (who had collectively been in power for 125 years), what followed in all countries was a period of political uncertainty. Widespread enthusiasm for the democratic future of the MENA region was gradually replaced by skepticism towards projects aimed at transforming societies and implementing unprecedented political change. Yet hasty assessments of the political future of a number of states often overlooked the complexity and unpredictability of the transition from authoritarian regime to fully-fledged democracy. -
1955 Charrad Ben Youssef 2001
States and Women's Rights The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco Mounira M. Charrad University of California Press Berkeley Los Angeles London © 2001 The Regents of the University of California Party, Islam, and Tribe: Internal Conflicts The nationalist party maintained consensus during most of the nationalist period. Internal conflicts broke out between rival factions, however, at the eve of independence from colonial rule when power in a sovereign state appeared to be a concrete possibility. The outcome of the conflicts looked quite uncertain at the time, as it was unclear which faction would take power and what kind of state would develop in independent Tunisia. Two nationalist leaders symbolized the contending tendencies: the reformist Bourguiba and the pan-Islamist Ben Youssef, his opponent who rallied enough support to pose a serious challenge. Bourguiba and Ben Youssef disagreed on the strategy to gain sovereignty, appealed to different constituencies, offered different visions of a future Tunisia, and had different outside allies. Regardless of the ideological distance separating the two men at the start of the conflict, Bourguiba's and Ben Youssef's positions hardened as each found a different source of support in the course of the nationalist struggle. Bourguiba and Ben Youssef gradually became spokesmen for different sectors of Tunisian society. In general terms, Ben Youssef appealed to those nationalist forces—tribal groups, uprooted rural migrants to cities, and the religious establishment—that perceived national sovereignty as an opportunity to restore a (partly real and partly imagined) Tunisian past, which they felt had been scoffed at by the colonial regime. -
Women's Electoral Participation in Egypt: the Implica- Tions of Gender
© Middle East Institute. This article is for personal research only and may not be copied or distributed in any form without the permission of The Middle East Journal. Women’s Electoral Participation in Egypt: The Implica- tions of Gender for Voter Recruitment and Mobilization Lisa Blaydes and Safinaz El Tarouty To what extent do gender considerations impact voter recruitment strategies in Middle Eastern elections? Based on an examination of voting behavior in Egypt, we find that clientelist voter recruitment tends to empower women economically rather than politically as elections provide an opportunity for disadvantaged women to sell their vote to local vote brokers or offer their vote to a local patron in exchange for a future payoff. In contrast, women who vote for Islamist candi- dates may be able to increase the influence of their political support by creating common knowledge about the popularity of their candidate and by reducing the effectiveness of government repression. Most studies of women’s political participation in the Middle East focus on the problem of low levels of female representation in government, and more particularly, in elected par- liaments. This line of research considers the structural and cultural conditions that make it difficult for women to be nominated as candidates and to win political office as well as the behavior of female parliamentarians once in government.1 The question of how everyday women respond to the opportunities and incentives presented by parliamentary elections has been largely ignored, however, in favor of studies of the political prospects for female elites. In particular, current studies fail to investigate the extent to which gender consider- ations impact voter recruitment strategies in competitive parliamentary elections. -
Annotated Bibliography Primary Sources Kirkpatrick, David D. "Moderate Islamist Party Heads Toward Victory in Tunisia."
Annotated Bibliography Primary Sources Kirkpatrick, David D. "Moderate Islamist Party Heads toward Victory in Tunisia." NY Times, New York Times, 24 Oct. 2011, www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-stro ng-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html. Accessed 8 Jan. 2020. This article was especially helpful for information about the results of Tunisia's election. It mentioned how the modern Islamic group is very proud that they managed to win control of a country using fair elections. This article is trustworthy because it was published by the New York Times, which is a mainstream source that has minimal bias. "Report: 338 Killed during Tunisia Revolution." AP News, 12 May 2012, apnews.com/f91b86df98c34fb3abedc3d2e8accbcf. Accessed 14 Feb. 2020. I used this source to find more specific numbers for the deaths and injuries that happened due to the Tunisian Arab Spring. This article was issued by AP News which is considered to have accurate news and minimal bias. Ritfai, Ryan. "Timeline: Tunisia's Uprising." Al-jazeera, 23 Jan. 2011, www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/tunisia/2011/01/201114142223827361.html. Accessed 14 Feb. 2020. I used this source to affirm descriptive details such as the exact dates for important events. Al-Jazeera published this article and is considered accurate, liable, and unbiased. Ryan, Yasmine. "The Tragic Life of a Street Vendor." Al-jazeera, www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/01/201111684242518839.html. Accessed 6 Ahmad 1 Feb. 2020. I used this source to find out if Ben Ali visited Bouazizi in the hospital. This article was published by Al-Jazeera which is a fact reporting and unbiased source. -
Tunileaks, Les Documents Dévoilés Par Wikileaks Concernant La Tunisie
Les documents sont reproduits à lʼissue de cette Il est important ici de signaler quʼil sʼagit donc des présentation. câbles du pouvoir civil par opposition aux instances militaires. Pour le cas des documents auxquels nous TuniLeaks, les documents dévoilés par avons eu accès, en lʼoccurrence ceux concernant la Tunisie, il est frappant de relever la place des Wikileaks concernant la Tunisie : préoccupations américaines relatives aux droits de Quelques réactions à chaud. lʼHomme. Ce qui pour nous a été une surprise, dʼautant plus quʼil ne sʼagit pas de communiqués publics destinés à calmer des ONG, mais des Nawaat relaye, en exclusivité, une partie des échanges privés entre des diplomates. Sans aucun documents secrets qui concernent la Tunisie doute, l'ensemble des documents mis en ligne par dévoilés par Wikileaks. Le site qui a déjà été à Wikileaks révélera-t-il, s'agissant d'autres pays, des l'origine de la fuite de milliers de documents sur éléments qui heurtent des principes de droit de l'engagement américain en Irak et en Afghanistan. l'Homme. Mais pour le cas de la Tunisie, cela ne Les documents sont issus du réseau SIPRNet semble pas avoir été le cas au sein des documents (Secret Internet Protocol Router Network) de dont nous avons disposés. lʼadministration américaine utilisé pour la transmission de mémos diplomatiques et autres Nos premières appréciations sur le contenu sont des documents secrets. Tous les documents relatifs à la appréciations à chaud. Mais nous aurons lʼoccasion Tunisie sont classés secrets : (Classification de revenir dessus après plusieurs lectures SECRET//NOFORN). « Noforn », qui est une approfondies, seules à même de permettre de saisir restriction supplémentaire, signifie « Not releasable des détails qui pourraient sembler anodins à to Foreign Nationals », autrement dit « non diffusable première vue.