Annotated Bibliography Primary Sources Kirkpatrick, David D. "Moderate Islamist Party Heads Toward Victory in Tunisia."
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Political Transition in Tunisia
Political Transition in Tunisia Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs April 15, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21666 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Political Transition in Tunisia Summary On January 14, 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country for Saudi Arabia following weeks of mounting anti-government protests. Tunisia’s mass popular uprising, dubbed the “Jasmine Revolution,” appears to have added momentum to anti-government and pro-reform sentiment in other countries across the region, and some policy makers view Tunisia as an important “test case” for democratic transitions elsewhere in the Middle East. Ben Ali’s departure was greeted by widespread euphoria within Tunisia. However, political instability, economic crisis, and insecurity are continuing challenges. On February 27, amid a resurgence in anti-government demonstrations, Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi (a holdover from Ben Ali’s administration) stepped down and was replaced by Béji Caïd Essebsi, an elder statesman from the administration of the late founding President Habib Bourguiba. On March 3, the interim government announced a new transition “road map” that would entail the election on July 24 of a “National Constituent Assembly.” The Assembly would, in turn, be charged with promulgating a new constitution ahead of expected presidential and parliamentary elections, which have not been scheduled. The protest movement has greeted the road map as a victory, but many questions remain concerning its implementation. Until January, Ben Ali and his Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party exerted near-total control over parliament, state and local governments, and most political activity. -
Post-Revolution Constitutionalism: the Impact of Drafting Processes on the Constitutional Documents in Tunisia and Egypt by Ahmed El-Sayed
Vol. 2 (2014) Post-Revolution Constitutionalism: The Impact of Drafting Processes on the Constitutional Documents in Tunisia and Egypt by Ahmed El-Sayed Vol. 2 (2014) Editor-in-Chief Prof. Dr. Andrea Büchler, University of Zurich, Switzerland Editorial Board Prof. Dr. Bettina Dennerlein, University of Zurich, Switzerland Prof. Dr. Gianluca Parolin, American University in Cairo, Egypt Prof. Dr. Mathias Rohe, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Germany Dr. Eveline Schneider Kayasseh, University of Zurich, Switzerland Dr. Prakash A. Shah, Queen Mary, University of London, UK Dr. Nadjma Yassari, Max Planck Institute for Comparative and International Private Law, Hamburg, Germany Vol. 2 (2014) Published by The Center for Islamic and Middle Eastern Legal Studies (CIMELS), University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland Suggested citation style Electronic Journal of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law (EJIMEL), Vol. 2 (2014), pages, http://www.ejimel.uzh.ch ISSN 1664-5707 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). Cover photo: © PRILL Mediendesign/Fotolia.com Post-Revolution Constitutionalism | by Ahmed El-Sayed Post-Revolution Constitutionalism: The Impact of Drafting Processes on the Constitutional Documents in Tunisia and Egypt* by Ahmed El-Sayed** Abstract This paper seeks to address the constitutional paths that followed the Arab awakening in both Tunisia and Egypt. The Tunisian constitutional process, despite some tensions, was largely peaceful and consensual. On the other hand, the process in Egypt of establishing a new constitutional arrangement had been tumultuous with repercussions that are likely to linger on for a protracted period of time. -
Complete TF Final Word
THE HENRY M. JACKSON SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON ! CAN NATO REACT TO THE ARAB SPRING? DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, & THE RULE OF LAW February 27, 2012 The Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies University of Washington TASK FORCE 2012 Can NATO React to the Arab Spring?: Democracy, Human Rights, and the Rule of Law Task Force Advisor: Professor Christopher Jones Task Force Evaluator: Dr. Bates Gill, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Task Force Members: Andrea Banel Armando Cortes Alice Jacobson Jake Lustig Pavel Mantchev Morgan McAllister Kelsey Miller Margaret Moore (Editor) Francis Ramoin (Editor) Alyson Singh (Secretary) Hae Suh (Editor) Josiah Surface Samantha Thomas-Nadler Jasmine Zhang (Editor) ! TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Tunisia [2-49] 1 INSTITUTIONS & DEMOCRACY BUILDING IN TUNISIA 2 1.1 Mohamed Ghannouchi and the Transition 1.2 The Justice System 6 1.3 The Election 7 1.4 Democracy Building in Tunisia and Iraq 10 1.5 NATO 12 2 THE MILITARY & FOREIGN INFLUENCE IN THE DOMESTIC AFFAIRS 16 OF TUNISIA 2.1 Background and Role of the Army in Society 17 2.2 Foreign Interests and Assistance to the Local Army 20 2.2.a United States 2.2.b Europe 22 2.3 Army in the Revolution and the Government Transition 25 2.4 Foreign Reactions to the Revolution 27 2.4.a Europe 2.4.b France 29 2.4.c United States 30 2.5 Post-Revolution Role of the Army 32 2.6 NATO 3 ISLAMIC DEMOCRACY? 36 3.1 The Theoretical Framework of Islamic Democracy 38 3.2 Shari’a Law 43 3.3 The History of Islamism -
Consensus Building in Tunisia: a Study from 2011 - 2013
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 2-1-2015 Consensus building in Tunisia: A study from 2011 - 2013 Amatelrauf Tawfik Ghanem Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Ghanem, A. (2015).Consensus building in Tunisia: A study from 2011 - 2013 [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/244 MLA Citation Ghanem, Amatelrauf Tawfik. Consensus building in Tunisia: A study from 2011 - 2013. 2015. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/244 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy CONSENSUS BUILDING IN TUNISIA: A STUDY FROM 2011 - 2013 A Thesis Submitted to the Department of Public Policy and Administration in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Public Policy By Amatelrauf Tawfik Ghanem Supervised by Dr. Amr Hamzawy Professor of Public Policy, AUC September 2015 Acknowledgment First and foremost, I thank God immensely for granting me the energy, persistence and will to accomplish my degree. I am deeply grateful to my thesis advisor and mentor Dr.Amr Hamzawy for his sincere support and mentoring not just during the thesis, but also during the past two years of the master program. His inspiration and attentive guidance since the beginning of my interest in the topic enabled me to hurdle various obstacles in the completion this research and enriched my progress as a student. -
IPRIS Maghreb Bulletin 10
10 IPRIS Maghreb Review APRIL 2011 Morocco: 2010 in perspective ERIC M. FISCHER 2010-2011 NSEP David L. Boren Fellow and Ph.D. student in International Economics, UC Santa Cruz, United States Despite the protests in Rabat and Casablanca on Febru- and in this way also acted to weaken the political party ary 20th, 2011, Morocco remains stable politically and eco- system in Morocco. nomically relative to its North African neighbors and con- tinues a process of reform and development under King The Justice and Development Party seeks attention Mohammed VI’s leadership. This review covers the key The Justice and Development Party (PJD) received the political, economic, and international issues in Morocco second highest number of seats in the 2007 parliamentary over the course of 2010 and early 2011. elections but is not a part of the ruling coalition. In May 2010, PJD leaders called for the cancellation of British singer Elton John’s concert in Rabat because of his Domestic political issues in Morocco homosexuality. Homosexuality is punishable by law in Morocco although, similar to the alcohol law, it is not The King re-organizes his cabinet strictly enforced. In the end, approximately 50.000 people At the beginning of 2010, Mohammed VI made several attended the state-sponsored concert in Rabat. Ultimately, changes to the composition of his cabinet. Most the King was able to strike a delicate balance between significantly, the King replaced his interior minister individual freedom and tolerance with his religious role as Chakib Benmoussa with Moulay Tayeb Cherkaoui, the amir al-muminin or commander of the faithful. -
Alternatif Politika Is Devoted to the Arab Revolts of 2011 –The Series of Dynamic Social and Political Developments Not Seen in the Arab World for Over Fifty Years
alternatif politika Cilt 3, Sayı 3, Kasım 2011 Misafir Editör: Prof. Bogdan SZAJKOWSKİ Timeline of the Arab Revolt: December 2010-June 2011 Bogdan SZAJKOWSKİ Social Media Tools and the Arab Revolts Bogdan SZAJKOWSKİ The Social Opposition Movement in Syria: The Assad Regime in the Context of Reform and Revolution Veysel AYHAN European Union’s Ineffective Middle East Policy Revealed after Revolution in Tunisia Bahar Turhan HURMİ Libyan Uprising And International Intervention: NATO’s Mission and Libya’s Gridlock Veysel AYHAN Arab Spring and Israeli Security: The New Threats Dünya BAŞOL Background of the Tunisian Revolution Nebahat TANRIVERDİ alternatif politika Cilt 3, Sayı 3, Kasım 2011 Introduction- Bogdan SZAJKOWSKİ, i-ii. Timeline of the Arab Revolt: December 2010 – June 2011- Bogdan SZAJKOWSKİ, 256-419. Social Media Tools and the Arab Revolts-Bogdan SZAJKOWSKİ, 420-432. The Social Opposition Movement in Syria: The Assad Regime in the Context of Reform and Revolution-Veysel AYHAN, 433- 454. European Union’s Ineffective Middle East Policy Revealed after Revolution in Tunisia-Bahar Turhan HURMİ, 455-489. Libyan Uprising And International Intervention: NATO’s Mission and Libya’s Gridlock-Veysel AYHAN, 490-508. Arab Spring and Israeli Security: The New Threats-Dünya BAŞOL, 509-546. Background of the Tunisian Revolution-Nebahat TANRIVERDİ, 547-570. INTRODUCTION Guest Editor: Prof. Bogdan Szajkowski This special issue of Alternatif Politika is devoted to the Arab revolts of 2011 –the series of dynamic social and political developments not seen in the Arab world for over fifty years. Throughout 2011 the Middle East, the Gulf region, Arab Peninsula and North Africa have witnessed social and political turmoil that has fundamentally impacted not only on these regions but also on the rest of the world. -
Rule of Law Quick Scan Tunisia
Rule of Law Quick Scan Tunisia The Rule of Law in Tunisia: Prospects and Challenges Rule of Law Quick Scan Tunisia Prospects and Challenges HiiL Rule of Law Quick Scan Series This document is part of HiiL’s Rule of Law Quick Scan Series. Each Quick Scan provides a brief overview of the status of rule of law in a country. November 2012 The writing of the Quick Scan was finalised in April 2012 HiiL Quick Scans | The Rule of Law in Tunisia 2 The HiiL Rule of Law Quick Scan Series is published by HiiL. Content & realisation Quick Scan on the rule of law in Tunisia: HiiL, The Hague, The Netherlands Arab Center for the Development of the Rule of Law and Integrity (ACRLI), Beirut, Libanon Editor in chief: Ronald Janse, HiiL, The Hague, The Netherlands Author: Dr. Mustapha Ben Letaief Published November 2012 Feedback, comments and suggestions: [email protected] © 2012 HiiL All reports, publications and other communication materials are subject to HiiL's Intellectual Property Policy Document, which can be found at www.hiil.org About the Author | Dr. Mustapha Ben Letaief Mustapha Ben Letaief studied law mainly in France where he got his PHD in public law. He is a professor at the university of Tunis El Manar since 1989 and the national school of administration of Tunis since 1997 where he teaches administrative law, public policies, procurement and public private partnership law, competition and regulation law. He is the head of research a center at the university of Tunis called “law and governance research unity”. -
The Initiators of the Arab Spring, Tunisia's Democratization Experience
The Initiators of the Arab Spring: Tunisia's Democratization Experience Uğur Pektaş Tunisia is seen as the birthplace of the Arab Spring, which is described as pro-democracy popular protests aimed at eliminating authoritarian governments in various Arab countries. The protests in Tunisia, which started with Mohamed Bouazizi's burning on December 17, 2010, ended without causing violence with the effect of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali’s departure from the country on January 14th. With its relatively low level of violence, Tunisia achieved the most successful outcome among the countries where the Arab Spring protests took place. In the decade after the authoritarian leader Ben Ali fled the country, significant progress has been made on the way to democracy in Tunisia. However, it can be said that the country's transition to democracy is still in limbo. Although 10 years have passed, Tunisians barely gained some political rights, but a backward economy and deterioration of the political fabric prevented these protests from reaching their goals. In the last 10 years, protesters took to the streets from time to time. If we take a general look at what happened in Tunisia in the last decade, it may be easier to understand the situation in question. An emergency was declared on January 14, 2011, following ongoing street protests. It has been announced that the government has dissolved and that general elections will be held within six months. Even this development did not end the protests and Ben Ali left the country. Fouad Mebazaa, the former spokesperson of the lower wing of the Tunisian Assembly, became the temporary president. -
Details on the New Tunisian Cabinet
Details on the New Tunisian Cabinet On September 11, the Tunisian parliament approved a new cabinet led by Prime Minister Youssef Chahed of the Nidaa Tounes party. Chahed came to power in August 2016 as Tunisia’s sixth head of government since January 2011. This is the second cabinet change under Chahed, and Tunisia’s ninth since January 2011. Chahed’s new cabinet has 28 ministers. Five of them served in government or in the ex-ruling party, the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD), under toppled dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011), the largest number of such cabinet members since the 2011 revolution. Five cabinet members are women. Click here for a PDF copy of this report. I. Governments and Cabinet Changes Since 2011 January – February 2011: Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi (political affiliation: RCD at the time, now independent) One Cabinet February 2011 – December 2011: PM Beji Caid Essebsi One Cabinet December 2011 – March 2013: PM Hamadi Jebali (Ennahda) One Cabinet March 2013 – January 2014: PM Ali Laarayedh (Ennahda) One Cabinet January 2014 – February 2015: PM Mehdi Jomaa (Independent) One Cabinet February 2015 – August 2016: PM Habib Essid (Independent) Two Cabinets: February 2015 – January 2016 and January 2016 – August 2016 August 2016 – Present: PM Youssef Chahed (Nidaa Tounes) Two Cabinets: August 2016 to September 2017 and September 2017-present II. Cabinet Members in Chahed’s New Government Who Served Under Ben Ali Radhouane Ayara – Minister of Transportation Political affiliation: Nidaa Tounes New position, -
1 Tunisia: Igniting Arab Democracy
TUNISIA: IGNITING 1 ARAB DEMOCRACY By Dr. Laurence Michalak, 2013 ota Bene: At the time of publication, Tunis is experiencing large protests N calling for the resignation of the current moderate Islamist Ennahdha government. The demonstrations follow on the six-month anniversary of the still- unsolved assassination of Chokry Belaid, and in the wake of the killing in late July 2013 of a second secular leftist politician, Mohamed Brahmi. The national labour union, Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT), has called on its hundreds of thousands of members to join the rally. Work on a new constitution and election law have been suspended. The constituent assembly has been suspended pending negotiations between the government and opposition, after 70 members withdrew in protest over Brahmi’s murder. The demonstrations are the largest of their kind since the ouster of Zine El Abine Ben Ali in January 2011. Elections are scheduled for December 2013. Tunisia is an instructive case study in democracy development because the uprising that began there in December 2010 has ignited an ongoing movement in the Arab world. Tunisia’s movement is still evolving, but a summary of events to date is as follows: • The Tunisian uprising was essentially homegrown, illustrating that democracy cannot be imported but must, in each country, emerge from the people themselves. • France, the most powerful diplomatic presence in Tunisia, gave almost unqualifed support to the autocratic President Ben Ali for nearly a quarter century, although the French Socialist government elected in May 2012 supports Tunisia’s democratic development. • The US supported President Ben Ali until the George W. -
The Tunisian Revolution in Its Constitutional Manifestations the First Transitional Period (14 January 2011 - 16 December 2011)
The Tunisian Revolution in its constitutional manifestations The first transitional period (14 January 2011 - 16 December 2011) Yadh BEN ACHOUR Revolution is, from the legal analysis standpoint, an exceptional event for the existing constitutional framework in a particular country. Its consequences are either limited to the overthrow of the powers operating under the Constitution, or encompass the entire constitutional order, leading to its abolition and then replacement with a new constitutional system. What matters in a revolution is the emergence of the future's legitimacy from the phenomenon of “illegitimacy.” If we assume, in general terms, that a revolution “is not governed by the normal standards of political rationality” and its identity stems from the logic of explosion or the logic of the volcano1 - this fact would a fortiori be dominant in the legal field. For this reason, some theorists of the positivist school determined that the revolutionary phenomenon cannot in any way be subject to legal analysis. Even if the effect of the revolution is clear with regard to constitutional legitimacy as it breaches its provisions or totally revokes it, it cannot invalidate the entire legislative system. This system will remain valid, except for the abrogated or amended provisions of the texts that govern it. The revolution impacts the constitutional order much more strongly than it impacts the legislative system. In revolutions, the constitutional order often breaks down, partially or completely, and the legislative system survives with its institutions, except the part of it that is revoked or amended, as in the case of Tunisia. A revolution is a historic moment with deep consequences. -
Judicial Power in Transitional Regimes: Tunisia and Egypt Since the Arab Spring
JUDICIAL POWER IN TRANSITIONAL REGIMES: TUNISIA AND EGYPT SINCE THE ARAB SPRING A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School Of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Frederick Harris Setzer, January 2017 © 2017 Frederick Harris Setzer JUDICIAL POWER IN TRANSITIONAL REGIMES: TUNISIA AND EGYPT SINCE THE ARAB SPRING Frederick Harris Setzer, Ph.D. Cornell University, 2017 The dissertation examines the question of why political authorities assign different powers to courts during political transitions through the cases of Egypt and Tunisia following the 2011 uprisings. In Egypt, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces allowed the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) to continue exercising its power of constitutional review throughout the transition. In Tunisia, the transitional Ben Achour Commission dissolved the Constitutional Council and suspended constitutional review for the duration of the transition. The dissertation argues that the formal powers of courts after 2011 were determined by a two step process that hinges on ideas about the judicial role: first, relations between the courts and the old regime produced a set of ideas about the judicial role; second, these ideas constrained the political authorities that designed the transitional institutions following the 2011 revolutions. The dissertation considers two alternative explanations. First, the powers of courts may have been determined by the interests of political authorities for or against majority rule. Second, courts may have drawn support from civil society. If courts have allies in civil society, they are more able to claim additional formal powers. The dissertation rejects these explanations based on evidence from interviews with judges, lawyers and political parties, and a study of judicial decisions and transitional documents.