The Initiators of the Arab Spring, Tunisia's Democratization Experience

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Initiators of the Arab Spring, Tunisia's Democratization Experience The Initiators of the Arab Spring: Tunisia's Democratization Experience Uğur Pektaş Tunisia is seen as the birthplace of the Arab Spring, which is described as pro-democracy popular protests aimed at eliminating authoritarian governments in various Arab countries. The protests in Tunisia, which started with Mohamed Bouazizi's burning on December 17, 2010, ended without causing violence with the effect of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali’s departure from the country on January 14th. With its relatively low level of violence, Tunisia achieved the most successful outcome among the countries where the Arab Spring protests took place. In the decade after the authoritarian leader Ben Ali fled the country, significant progress has been made on the way to democracy in Tunisia. However, it can be said that the country's transition to democracy is still in limbo. Although 10 years have passed, Tunisians barely gained some political rights, but a backward economy and deterioration of the political fabric prevented these protests from reaching their goals. In the last 10 years, protesters took to the streets from time to time. If we take a general look at what happened in Tunisia in the last decade, it may be easier to understand the situation in question. An emergency was declared on January 14, 2011, following ongoing street protests. It has been announced that the government has dissolved and that general elections will be held within six months. Even this development did not end the protests and Ben Ali left the country. Fouad Mebazaa, the former spokesperson of the lower wing of the Tunisian Assembly, became the temporary president. Mohamed Ghannouchi became prime minister. Mohamed Ghannouchi and Mebazaa are former members of Ben Ali's party (Democratic Constitutional Rally-RCD). The fact that the politicians who are members of Ben Ali's party continued to serve as ministers in the interim government drew the reaction of Tunisians. Apart from this, the supporters of Ben Ali were held responsible for the occasional violence. The people wanted a complete break with the old regime. Mohamed Ghannouchi stated that Ben Ali was responsible for the violent suppression of the protests; he argued that the ministers in the interim government had nothing to do with this situation. As prime minister of the interim government, Mohamed Ghannouchi stated that economic stability would be achieved, political freedoms would be established in Tunisia, political criminals would be released and censorship of the media would be abolished. Due to the growing street protests, Mebazaa, Ghannouchi and other interim government members resigned from Ben Ali's party, RCD. However, those who believed that the interim government maintained its ties with the old regime continued to protest in the streets. On February 6, 2011, the RCD was shut down, and on February 27, Mohamed Ghannouchi stepped down as prime minister. Former foreign minister Mohamed Beji Caid Essebsi has become the new prime minister of the interim government. The interim government dissolved the Tunisian secret police, which was used as a tool to suppress political opposition during the Ben Ali era. It issued a statement saying that the rights and freedoms of Tunisians would be respected and that the security forces would not be used again to suppress political opposition. Tunisians went to the polls on October 23, 2011, to elect members of a 217-member Constituent Assembly. The aforementioned parliament would form an interim government and make a new constitution. Ennahda Party won the elections by a wide margin, with 70% of the population participating. Ennahda won more than 40% of the valid votes and won 89 seats in parliament. The new parliament adopted an interim constitution in December. The parliament elected Munsif Marzuki, a former opponent of the Ben Ali regime and a human rights activist, as president. Marzuki assigned Hamadi Jebali, a member of Ennahda, to form the government. Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi, who has lived in exile in Britain for 20 years, returned to the country in 2011. However, the release of political prisoners and the free activity of the parties in Tunisia have created a new problem. A polarization between secular and religious factions has become a dominant problem in Tunisian political life. In 2012 and 2013, the rise of political violence and the assassination of some secular politicians jeopardized Tunisia's transition to democracy. Secular groups held Ennahda Party responsible for the current situation, claiming that the secular opposition was being suppressed by a policy of intimidation and that there was a danger of a theocratic regime. Violent acts of various Salafist groups have also increased these concerns. In 2013, the assassination of Chokri Belaid, a leftist leader, in an unsolved murder made the political atmosphere tense. Street protests increased, and some secular and liberal ministers in the cabinet resigned. The proposal of Prime Minister Jebali, who demanded the establishment of a government of technocrats, was rejected by Ennahda. Thereupon, Jebali resigned. In July of the same year, a second secular opposition politician, Mohamed Brahimi, was assassinated. These developments have put the drafting of the new constitution in the Constituent Assembly at great risk. But Ennahda chose to make concessions to ease tensions and handed power to an interim government in October. In January 2014, the new constitution was accepted in the Constituent Assembly, taking 200 of the 217 votes. The new Constitution has been praised by Tunisian politicians and international observers; it has been shown as an example of successful reconciliation between Islamist and secular parties. At the end of 2014, according to the new constitution, legislative assembly and presidential elections were held. Nida Tunisia (Nida Tounes) Party was the first party in the legislative assembly, whose new name is the Assembly of the Representatives of the People. Secular Nida Tunisian Party, led by Sebsi, won 86 of the 217 seats. Ennahda, who received 89 seats in the 2011 General Election, lost power. In the second round of the presidential elections, Sebsi was elected president by taking 55% of the votes against the interim President Marzuki. Since no party in the parliament could get the majority to form a government, Nida Tunis and Ennahda parties came together and formed a government of national unity. ISIS attacks were carried out on major touristic areas of Tunisia in 2015. Since tourism revenues have a significant share in Tunisia's economy, the country's economy has been highly affected by this situation. Street demonstrations started again with an increase in the unemployment rate as well as no recovery in the economy. There was a change of government in 2016. Prime Minister Habib Essid has been replaced by Yusuf Shahid. Thus, 7 different governments have served in Tunisia in the last five years. At the end of 2017, several austerity measures have been taken to address the growing international pressure to close the budget deficit and attract foreign capital. Taxes have been raised and the prices of basic consumer goods have been increased. In January 2018, the public took to the streets again. Presidential and general elections were held in 2019. Looking at the election results, it can be said that the public is in great dissatisfaction with the existing political elites and the political order. Kais Saied won the presidential elections in the second round with 70% of the votes. Kais Saied is an associate professor of constitutional law, who came to the fore with the criticisms and comments he made during the constitution draft studies in 2014. Kais Saied won the election despite running a very low budget and modest election campaign. While Abdulfettah Moro, the candidate of the Ennahda Party, could not qualify for the second round, Nabil Karoui, who was described as a media mogul, was the other candidate who could qualify for the second round. General elections were held one week before the presidential elections. Ennahda became the party with the most votes, winning 52 seats. However, when it is remembered that it won 69 seats in 2014, it is seen that Ennahda continues to lose blood. Nida Tunisia, which had 86 seats in the 2014 general elections, was able to win only 3 seats in this election. Nabil Karoui's new party, Qalp Tounes (The Heart of Tunisia), was the second-largest party in the general elections. In the 2019 general elections with a low turnout, no party received more than 18% of the vote. There were 20 parties in the Tunisian Assembly of the Representatives of the People, where the number of seats required to form a government was 109. This situation made it very difficult to form a government. When the Ennahda Party could not form a government, President Kais Saied gave the task to former finance minister Elyes Fakhfah. The government that Fakhfah formed in February 2020 also did not last long. Instead of Fakhfah, who left office on corruption allegations against him, his interior minister Hichem Mechichi formed a government of technocrats. Mechichi's new government was able to get a vote of confidence from parliament in January 2021. Tunisia is the most promising country in the context of transition to democracy among the countries where the Arab Spring took place. Compared to the Ben Ali regime, the people had important gains in terms of political rights. However, it can be said that Tunisia has a bumpy road ahead. Despite the past 10 years, Tunisian people still suffer from problems such as economic failure, high unemployment and high cost of living. The lack of political leadership to deal with these problems has made the situation more difficult. The current constitution has given the legislature more power over the president. In Tunisia, the political structure requires reconciliation between political actors.
Recommended publications
  • L E M a G a Z I N E
    LE MAGAZINE D E FRANCE IC PUBLICATIONS L’AFRIQUEoctobre - novembre 2015 | N° 45 609 Bât. A 77, RUE BAYEN 75017 PARIS EN COUVERTURE Tél : + 33 1 44 30 81 00 MAGHREB Fax : + 33 1 44 30 81 11 Courriel : [email protected] 4 LA DIPLOMATIE AFRICAINE www.magazinedelafrique.com ALGÉRIE DE LA FRANCE 50 Bouteflika-Mediène GRANDE-BRETAGNE 5 Hollande et l’Afrique La fin du bras de fer IC PUBLICATIONS 7 COLDBATH SQUARE 8 Les dessous de la nouvelle 53 Nouria Benghabrit, la ministre qui dérange LONDON EC1R 4LQ Tél : + 44 20 7841 32 10 approche française 54 Derrière la langue, l’idéologie Fax : + 44 20 7713 78 98 11 Les généraux « africains » à la manœuvre E.mail : [email protected] MAROC www.newafricanmagazine.com 13 Quels changements 56 Les élections locales confortent le PJD DIRECTEUR DE LA PUBLICATION dans la dépendance africaine ? Afif Ben Yedder TUNISIE ÉDITEUR 58 En quête de gouvernance Omar Ben Yedder 15 Le point de vue des journalistes DIRECTRICE GÉNÉRALE Serge Michel, Jean-Dominique Merchet, LIBYE Leila Ben Hassen [email protected] Malick Diawara, Frédéric Lejeal 60 Le kadhafisme est mort, RÉDACTEUR EN CHEF pas les kadhafistes Hichem Ben Yaïche ENTRETIENS [email protected] 18 Général Lamine Cissé AFRIQUE SUBSAHARIENNE COORDONNATEUR DE LA RÉDACTION La France n’a pas vocation de gendarme Junior Ouattara TCHAD 20 SECRÉTAIRE DE RÉDACTION Herman J. Cohen 62 La guerre intense contre Boko Haram Laurent Soucaille La collaboration est totale entre RÉDACTION la France et les États-Unis NIGER Christian d’Alayer,
    [Show full text]
  • Ennahda's Approach to Tunisia's Constitution
    BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER ANALYSIS PAPER Number 10, February 2014 CONVINCE, COERCE, OR COMPROMISE? ENNAHDA’S APPROACH TO TUNISIA’S CONSTITUTION MONICA L. MARKS B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha TABLE OF C ONN T E T S I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. Diverging Assessments .................................................................................................4 IV. Ennahda as an “Army?” ..............................................................................................8 V. Ennahda’s Introspection .................................................................................................11 VI. Challenges of Transition ................................................................................................13
    [Show full text]
  • [Tunisia, 2013-2015] Tunisia
    Case Study Series Women in Peace & Transition Processes: [Tunisia, 2013-2015] December 2019 Name of process Tunisia Constituent Assembly (2013-2015) and National Dialogue Type of process Constitution-making The role of women in resolving Tunisia’s post-“Arab Spring” political crisis, which and political reform peaked in 2013, was limited, but not insignificant. Institutionalized influence Modality of women's was very limited: there was no formal inclusion of women’s groups in the main inclusion: negotiations of the 2013/2014 National Dialogue and the influence of organized • Consultations advocacy was also limited in the pre-negotiation and implementation phases. • Inclusive commission For example, the women’s caucus formed in the Tunisian National Constituent • Mass mobilization Assembly (Tunisia’s Parliament from the end of 2011 to 2014, hereafter NCA) Women’s influence could not prevail over party politics and was not institutionalized. However, in the process: individual women played decisive roles in all three phases: one of the four main Moderate influence due to: civil society mediators, who not only facilitated the main negotiations, but also • + The progressive legislation in initiated the dialogue process and held consultations to determine the agenda Tunisia on women's rights and in the pre-negotiation phase, was a woman, (Ouided Bouchamaoui President political participation of the Tunisian Union of Industry, Commerce and Crafts (UTICA), from 2011 • + The influential role and status to 2018). A small number of women represented political parties in the of individual women negotiations of the National Dialogue. And women were active in consultations • - The lack of organized and group-specific women's and commissions concerning the National Dialogue, before, in parallel or after involvement the main negotiation period, for example in the consensus committee of the • - The involvement of relatively National Constituent Assembly.
    [Show full text]
  • Forming the New Tunisian Government
    Viewpoints No. 71 Forming the New Tunisian Government: “Relative Majority” and the Reality Principle Lilia Labidi Fellow, Woodrow Wilson Center and former Minister for Women’s Affairs, Tunisia February 2015 After peaceful legislative and presidential elections in Tunisia toward the end of 2014, which were lauded on both the national and international levels, the attempt to form a new government reveals the tensions among the various political forces and the difficulties of constructing a democratic system in the country that was the birthplace of the "Arab Spring." Middle East Program 0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ On January 23, 2015, Prime Minister Habib Essid announced the members of the new Tunisian government after much negotiation with the various political parties. Did Prime Minister Essid intend to give a political lesson to Tunisians, both to those who had been elected to the Assembly of the People’s Representatives (ARP) and to civil society? The ARP’s situation is worrisome for two reasons. First, 76 percent of the groups in political parties elected to the ARP have not submitted the required financial documents to the appropriate authorities in a timely manner. They therefore run the risk of losing their seats. Second, ARP members are debating the rules and regulations of the parliament as well as the definition of parliamentary opposition. They have been unable to reach an agreement on this last issue; without an agreement, the ARP is unable to vote on approval for a proposed government. There is conflict within a number of political parties in this context. In Nidaa Tounes, some members of the party, including MP Abdelaziz Kotti, have argued that there has been no exchange of information within the party regarding the formation of the government.
    [Show full text]
  • Ansar Al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST)
    Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) Name: Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) Type of Organization: Insurgent non-state actor religious social services provider terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: ISIS–affiliated group Islamist jihadist Qutbist Salafist Sunni takfiri Place of Origin: Tunisia Year of Origin: 2011 Founder(s): Seifallah Ben Hassine Places of Operation: Tunisia Overview Also Known As: Al-Qayrawan Media Foundation1 Partisans of Sharia in Tunisia7 Ansar al-Sharia2 Shabab al-Tawhid (ST)8 Ansar al-Shari’ah3 Supporters of Islamic Law9 Ansar al-Shari’a in Tunisia (AAS-T)4 Supporters of Islamic Law in Tunisia10 Ansar al-Shari’ah in Tunisia5 Supporters of Sharia in Tunisia11 Partisans of Islamic Law in Tunisia6 Executive Summary: Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) was a Salafist group that was prominent in Tunisia from 2011 to 2013.12 AST sought to implement sharia (Islamic law) in the country and used violence in furtherance of that goal under the banner of hisbah (the duty to command moral acts and prohibit immoral ones).13 AST also actively engaged in dawa (Islamic missionary work), which took on many forms but were largely centered upon Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) the provision of public services.14 Accordingly, AST found a receptive audience among Tunisians frustrated with the political instability and dire economic conditions that followed the 2011 Tunisian Revolution.15 The group received logistical support from al-Qaeda central, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Ansar al-Sharia in Libya (ASL), and later, from ISIS.16 AST was designated as a terrorist group by the United States, the United Nations, and Tunisia, among others.17 AST was originally conceived in a Tunisian prison by 20 Islamist inmates in 2006, according to Aaron Zelin at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Tunisia on Razor's Edge After Assassination of Chokri Belaid
    Summary: The assassination of leftist leader Chokri Belaid on February 6, apparently by Islamists, has brought into the open the long-simmering conflict that has pitted the ruling Islamist Ennahda Party against leftists, trade unionists, and secularists, who have staged the first general strike in 40 years and the largest street demonstrations since the 2011 revolution - - Editors Tunisia on Razor’s Edge after Assassination of Chokri Belaid Kevin Anderson February 13, 2013 February 6, a Day of Infamy The cowardly assassination of Chokri Belaid has thrown Tunisia into its biggest crisis since the overthrow of the Ben Ali regime in 2011. Gunned down as he left his home on the morning of February 6, apparently by Islamist militants, Belaid was one of the country’s most famous labor lawyers and leftist leaders. Known for having defended the Gafsa phosphate miners against state repression after their 2008 strike under the old regime, Belaid had been a prominent member of the secular left for decades. He was a lifelong Marxist who was a leading figure in the Popular Front, founded last summer as a potentially large grouping of leftist and secular forces. Having already served time under the old regime, Belaid was not intimidated by the death threats he constantly received from Islamists, with some imams openly calling for his assassination in their sermons. Within hours of Belaid’s death, crowds of youths gathered to protest in the center of Tunis outside the Interior (Police) Ministry, calling for the government to resign. The response was less verbal but more direct among the working classes.
    [Show full text]
  • Tunisian Human Rights League Report on the Freedom Of
    Tunisian Human Rights League The Press: A Disaster Victim Report on the Freedom of Information in Tunisia May 2003 PREAMBLE On the occasion of the international day of the press freedom, the Tunisian League for the Human Rights Defence puts at the hand of the public opinion this report about information and press freedom in Tunisia after it issued in 1999 under the title of “Press freedom in Tunisia” a complete study relevant to the press reality in Tunisia. The League insisted in its report, articles and activities on its interest in the press reality In Tunisia because this area knew a serious decline during the last years, which let the Tunisian citizens abandon it and appeal to the foreign press, since the Union is aware that the press is the reflective mirror of any progress that the country is likely to record and since It also realized that the freedom of expression is the way to issue general freedoms. This report focused on clinging to the recorded events and happenings that the last century had known and which show by themselves the decline that this field has known through hamper and pressure on journalists as well as the excessive similitude made between all mass media, which led to a national agreement about requiring the improvement of this field. This report is not limited to the various harms which affected the journalists and newspapers resulting from the authority control, but this report concerns every citizen who tries to put his rights of expression into practice mainly through the internet, but who also faced arrest and trial.
    [Show full text]
  • Tunisia: Freedom of Expression Under Siege
    Tunisia: Freedom of Expression under Siege Report of the IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group on the conditions for participation in the World Summit on the Information Society, to be held in Tunis, November 2005 February 2005 Tunisia: Freedom of Expression under Siege CONTENTS: Executive Summary p. 3 A. Background and Context p. 6 B. Facts on the Ground 1. Prisoners of opinion p. 17 2. Internet blocking p. 21 3. Censorship of books p. 25 4. Independent organisations p. 30 5. Activists and dissidents p. 37 6. Broadcast pluralism p. 41 7. Press content p. 43 8. Torture p. 46 C. Conclusions and Recommendations p. 49 Annex 1 – Open Letter to Kofi Annan p. 52 Annex 2 – List of blocked websites p. 54 Annex 3 – List of banned books p. 56 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX) is a global network of 64 national, regional and international freedom of expression organisations. This report is based on a fact-finding mission to Tunisia undertaken from 14 to 19 January 2005 by members of the IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group (IFEX-TMG) together with additional background research and Internet testing. The mission was composed of the Egyptian Organization of Human Rights, International PEN Writers in Prison Committee, International Publishers Association, Norwegian PEN, World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC) and World Press Freedom Committee. Other members of IFEX-TMG are: ARTICLE 19, Canadian Journalists for Free Expression (CJFE), the Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Studies (CEHURDES), Index on Censorship, Journalistes en Danger (JED), Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), and World Association of Newspapers (WAN).
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Thinking Secularism in Post-Independence Tunisia
    The Journal of North African Studies ISSN: 1362-9387 (Print) 1743-9345 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fnas20 Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy To cite this article: Rory McCarthy (2014) Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia, The Journal of North African Studies, 19:5, 733-750, DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Published online: 12 May 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 465 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fnas20 Download by: [Rory McCarthy] Date: 15 December 2015, At: 02:37 The Journal of North African Studies, 2014 Vol. 19, No. 5, 733–750, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Re-thinking secularism in post- independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy* St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK The victory of a Tunisian Islamist party in the elections of October 2011 seems a paradox for a country long considered the most secular in the Arab world and raises questions about the nature and limited reach of secularist policies imposed by the state since independence. Drawing on a definition of secularism as a process of defining, managing, and intervening in religious life by the state, this paper identifies how under Habib Bourguiba and Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali the state sought to subordinate religion and to claim the sole right to interpret Islam for the public in an effort to win the monopoly over religious symbolism and, with it, political control.
    [Show full text]
  • Annotated Bibliography Primary Sources Kirkpatrick, David D. "Moderate Islamist Party Heads Toward Victory in Tunisia."
    Annotated Bibliography Primary Sources Kirkpatrick, David D. "Moderate Islamist Party Heads toward Victory in Tunisia." NY Times, ​ ​ New York Times, 24 Oct. 2011, www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-stro ng-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html. Accessed 8 Jan. 2020. This article was especially helpful for information about the results of Tunisia's election. It mentioned how the modern Islamic group is very proud that they managed to win control of a country using fair elections. This article is trustworthy because it was published by the New York Times, which is a mainstream source that has minimal bias. "Report: 338 Killed during Tunisia Revolution." AP News, 12 May 2012, ​ ​ apnews.com/f91b86df98c34fb3abedc3d2e8accbcf. Accessed 14 Feb. 2020. I used this source to find more specific numbers for the deaths and injuries that happened due to the Tunisian Arab Spring. This article was issued by AP News which is considered to have accurate news and minimal bias. Ritfai, Ryan. "Timeline: Tunisia's Uprising." Al-jazeera, 23 Jan. 2011, ​ ​ www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/tunisia/2011/01/201114142223827361.html. Accessed 14 Feb. 2020. I used this source to affirm descriptive details such as the exact dates for important events. Al-Jazeera published this article and is considered accurate, liable, and unbiased. Ryan, Yasmine. "The Tragic Life of a Street Vendor." Al-jazeera, ​ ​ www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/01/201111684242518839.html. Accessed 6 Ahmad 1 Feb. 2020. I used this source to find out if Ben Ali visited Bouazizi in the hospital. This article was published by Al-Jazeera which is a fact reporting and unbiased source.
    [Show full text]
  • Crafting Political Society the Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition
    Crafting Political Society The Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’s Democratic Transition By Brittany Dutton Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego March 30th, 2020 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Maureen Feeley, for her invaluable expertise, support, and guidance throughout this entire academic journey. I will be forever grateful for the opportunity to indulge my obsession with Tunisia and write a thesis under her incredible supervision. I would also like to sincerely thank Dr. Daniel Butler and Dr. Kaare Strøm for their extremely help feedback and suggestions during this process, with additional thanks to Dr. Strøm for answering my virtually endless questions about electoral rules, party behavior, and coalition governments. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Michael Provence and Dr. Dilşa Deniz for graciously lending me their time to discuss the role of political Islam in the Middle East and North Africa; to Annelise Sklar for providing invaluable research assistance last summer when I was preparing for my thesis; and to Michael Seese and my fellow thesis writers who provided feedback during the early stages of writing. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, my family, and my dearest friend, Sydney, for listening to endless iterations of my thesis for the past six months. I would not have been able to complete this journey without their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction
    [Show full text]
  • Political Transition in Tunisia
    Political Transition in Tunisia Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs April 15, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21666 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Political Transition in Tunisia Summary On January 14, 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country for Saudi Arabia following weeks of mounting anti-government protests. Tunisia’s mass popular uprising, dubbed the “Jasmine Revolution,” appears to have added momentum to anti-government and pro-reform sentiment in other countries across the region, and some policy makers view Tunisia as an important “test case” for democratic transitions elsewhere in the Middle East. Ben Ali’s departure was greeted by widespread euphoria within Tunisia. However, political instability, economic crisis, and insecurity are continuing challenges. On February 27, amid a resurgence in anti-government demonstrations, Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi (a holdover from Ben Ali’s administration) stepped down and was replaced by Béji Caïd Essebsi, an elder statesman from the administration of the late founding President Habib Bourguiba. On March 3, the interim government announced a new transition “road map” that would entail the election on July 24 of a “National Constituent Assembly.” The Assembly would, in turn, be charged with promulgating a new constitution ahead of expected presidential and parliamentary elections, which have not been scheduled. The protest movement has greeted the road map as a victory, but many questions remain concerning its implementation. Until January, Ben Ali and his Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party exerted near-total control over parliament, state and local governments, and most political activity.
    [Show full text]