DOCSLIB.ORG

Iprismaghreb Review

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Iprismaghreb Review 7 IPRIS Maghreb Review DECEMBER 2010/JANUARY 2011 Tunisia was the first Arab and Muslim was the hunger strike carried on by What are country to adopt a Bill of Rights in 1857 journalist Taoufik Ben Brik who was and a constitution in 1861. Besides, deprived of his passport for criticizing democracy’s since 1956 Tunisia has been the sole the regime. This strike received great Arab country to abolish polygamy and media attention, mainly among the prospects for the ban traditional marriage and divorce. French media and Al-Jazeera. It also To focus exclusively on the recent encouraged more and more people to Tunisian revolt? events in Tunisia, we can say that start resisting the regime. Since then, serious challenges to Ben Ali’s hunger strikes had become widely regime had been occurring since used as a technique of civil resistance AMOR BOUBAKRI 1998. Indeed, during his entire rule, by activists. Ben Ali’s regime became University of Sousse, Tunisia Ben Ali only benefited from a short subject to increasingly more open respite, mainly the period between criticism by sections of the Tunisian 1992 and 1996. During this period, elite, human rights activists and The popular revolt in Tunisia has the dictatorship had reached critical political opponents. The big pressure raised several questions among levels of oppression, and there were on Ben Ali from 1999 to 2001 had observers concerning the prospects few who had the courage to defy the showed the weakness of the for democracy and whether Tunisia dangerous regime’s authoritarian drift. Tunisian regime and the limits of would be able to achieve a transition Civil society and political opposition the dictatorship before the new into a real and sustainable democratic were mercilessly oppressed. A huge mass media and internet and the regime. As this revolt, or its actual number of activists of all sensibilities role of NGOs. Ben Ali himself success, was not anticipated by the were jailed after unfair trials and publicly admitted to the widespread majority of the Tunisian elite, the indiscriminate use of torture. All these presence of corruption and human answer to this question remains violations have been regularly reported rights violations within the regime. challenging. For some observers, by Amnesty International and other However, the events of September the long-lasting one party rule under human rights NGOs. The year 1998 11th 2001 were an opportunity that Ben Ali’s regime, and the vertiginous marked the first break of silence when reinvigorated the autocratic regime. rhythm through which one of the most a group of activists decided to create The “war against terrorism” offered rigid dictatorships has fallen, may not the National Council for Liberties an opportunity that Ben Ali seized help to reach such goal. However, this (NCL), a national NGO which was perfectly to return to his violent opinion reflects the lack of information never recognized by the regime. Some methods of repression without risking about the Tunisian scene that has led significant reports issued by it on the any criticism from the international to inaccurate conclusions. There is human rights situation in Tunisia had arena, especially since the latter no need to go back to the 19th century a great impact among activists and became absorbed by the wars in and remind ourselves of the origins opened the way to more direct actions Afghanistan and Iraq. of political reformism in Tunisia, against the dictatorship. In the meantime, the regime’s tyrannical inspired by constitutionalism. It is One of the most important and repression worsened. Corruption was a worth mentioning in this respect, that courageous acts of civil resistance widespread practice, mainly among IPRIS Maghreb Review | 2 Ben Ali’s own family. Human rights heavy pressure from international were in the street, demonstrating violations and political and social human rights NGOs. The positions alongside ordinary people. repression reached unprecedented of many Tunisian activists within It is worth mentioning that the Tunisian levels. Ben Ali’s approach to dominating these international NGOs were very revolt had clear precursor signs. The society consisted in manipulating beneficial to this resistance. Worth events in the Mineral Basin region national and international opinion via mentioning here are figures such as (Southwest of Tunisia) in June 2008 a fake commitment to democracy. He Souhyl Belhacen, president of the specifically pointed towards it. During created de façade political opposition International Federation of League these events Ben Ali was defied, for the which supported him, while the real of Human Rights (IFIDH) who used to first time, by a population that openly opposition was ruthlessly oppressed. be the vice-president of the Tunisian protested against corruption and At the beginning of his era (1987- League for Defense of Human Rights, social injustice. Since then, Ben Ali’s 1992), Ben Ali attempted to divide and Kamel Jendoubi, the coordinator regime faced increasing resistance in the opposition mainly by isolating the of the Euro-Mediterranean Human several regions with a similar motive: Islamist movement (Ennahda). After his Rights Network. Other influential end corruption and social injustice. crushing of Ennahda, Ben Ali continued Tunisian Diaspora figures have also As a conclusion, it can be argued that to oppress the secular parties. played an important role mainly in the Tunisian revolt came about as Ben Ali’s brutally repressive regime Europe and North America via mass a result of an increasing dynamism forced Islamists and secular militants media and NGOs. within Tunisian society during the last to cooperate and unify in the struggle The important role of professional few years. Political parties, NGOs and against dictatorship. Consequently, organizations in Tunisia also needs other actors have played a decisive the different political groups and to be taken into account. On the first role to make the end of Ben Ali’s movements learned to work together line of the resistance is the General dictatorship possible. Innumerous with mutual respect and tolerance. It Tunisian Union of Labor (UGTT), a social categories, regions and political is rare to see secular political parties unique workers’ union created in movements contributed to this revolt. accept Islamist movements and 1945 representing all professional The Tunisian revolt succeeded in a see them fighting together against categories except liberal professions. moment when the Tunisian people dictatorship in the Arab region. The It fought for social justice and defended and its elite decided to heroically germs of a genuine democratic and the material and moral interests of stand up to Ben Ali’s tyranny. At the peaceful coexistence between the all workers without exception. The roots of this revolt lies the tragic self- future democracy’s actors were thus most important role assumed by the immolation of a young unemployed created by Ben Ali himself. In other UGTT has been the promotion and graduate. Yet the martyrs include words, the suitable ingredients for a protection of the middle class which also activists from worker unions constructive political life already exist constitutes the real motor of political and other social organizations, in Tunisian society. Ben Ali aimed to change and reform in modern Tunisia. including one professor from a create a total political vacuum in this Additionally to its social role, the UGTT Tunisian university. The struggle society to avoid any alternative rule has influenced the political scene. On against dictatorship has caused except his own one. Due to the many one hand, sometimes it had a direct unification among all these actors, sacrifices made by Tunisia’s political political role in the elections. On the thus, democracy would not be a factor and social activists, this plan has failed. other hand, the UGTT has, throughout contributing to chaos and conflict in Tunisia’s dynamic opposition became its history, been a refuge for political such a society. Indeed, consensus more consistent in challenging activists from the opposition. During among all actors to go forward and the dictatorship after the events of the last few years before Ben Ali’s fall, build the democratic regime exists September 11th 2001. Civil society also the UGTT witnessed significant and and has solid foundations. became more audacious. The right of dynamic political protest reflecting The way that the transition has been association was won against fierce a deep crisis in Tunisian society and carried out until now shows that resistance from the regime. A large genuine anger with Ben Ali’s regime. a sustainable and real democracy number of local human rights NGOs Additionally to the UGTT, the role of in Tunisia has genuine prospects. were created and began to operate some other professional categories The cabinet of national unity was without obtaining legal status. during the last years, such as composed only two days after Ben Furthermore, these NGOs operated journalists and judges, are also worth Ali’s fall between parties that had with enthusiasm and energy despite mentioning. Lawyers especially have never worked together. The fact that strict control and indiscriminate political had a decisive role in the resistance some parties refused to join the oppression. The revival of civil society against the regime. The Tunisian Bar cabinet has not led to chaos. People and the opposition during the last Association has constantly been an are protesting peacefully while the six years could explain why Ben Ali’s open challenger to Ben Ali. During the cabinet works without problems and regime remained constantly under last few days of the dictatorship, lawyers takes revolutionary decisions which IPRIS Maghreb Review | 3 were scarcely imaginable just two old regime and the establishment of Staff to carry out Ben Ali’s orders months ago. of a new political system is highly to shoot at protesters, the Tunisian Democracy seems likely, is possible critical and much can go wrong.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Tuareg Music and Capitalist Reckonings in Niger a Dissertation Submitted
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Rhythms of Value: Tuareg Music and Capitalist Reckonings in Niger A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnomusicology by Eric James Schmidt 2018 © Copyright by Eric James Schmidt 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Rhythms of Value: Tuareg Music and Capitalist Reckonings in Niger by Eric James Schmidt Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnomusicology University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Timothy D. Taylor, Chair This dissertation examines how Tuareg people in Niger use music to reckon with their increasing but incomplete entanglement in global neoliberal capitalism. I argue that a variety of social actors—Tuareg musicians, fans, festival organizers, and government officials, as well as music producers from Europe and North America—have come to regard Tuareg music as a resource by which to realize economic, political, and other social ambitions. Such treatment of culture-as-resource is intimately linked to the global expansion of neoliberal capitalism, which has led individual and collective subjects around the world to take on a more entrepreneurial nature by exploiting representations of their identities for a variety of ends. While Tuareg collective identity has strongly been tied to an economy of pastoralism and caravan trade, the contemporary moment demands a reimagining of what it means to be, and to survive as, Tuareg. Since the 1970s, cycles of drought, entrenched poverty, and periodic conflicts have pushed more and more Tuaregs to pursue wage labor in cities across northwestern Africa or to work as trans- ii Saharan smugglers; meanwhile, tourism expanded from the 1980s into one of the region’s biggest industries by drawing on pastoralist skills while capitalizing on strategic essentialisms of Tuareg culture and identity.
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings' Jillian Schwedler
    1 From Street Mobilization to Political Mobilization September 1-2, 2012- Skhirat, Morocco ‘The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings’ Jillian Schwedler 1 2 The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings Jillian Schwedler Like many major events in world politics—such as the outbreak of World War I or the fall of the Soviet Union—the Arab uprisings that began in late 2010 may have taken much of the world by surprise, but that does not mean that they came out of nowhere. In the way that the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand is said to have started World War I, the Arab uprisings are now commonly said to have begun with the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit-cart vendor Mohamad Bouazizi on December 17, 2010. Protests then spread throughout Tunisia within weeks, culminating in the resignation of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on January 14, 2011. From there, the revolutionary spirit spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria, seeing serious challenges to repressive regimes that just months earlier appeared as stable as they had been for decades. But of course the story is not so simple. In Tunisia, at least two other citizens had self-immolated in the months before Bouazizi, and yet those brutal deaths sparked nothing. In Egypt, protests and demonstrations had been escalating almost steadily since at least 2004, notably as more than a million organized laborers participated in strikes and marchers that brought portions of the country to a standstill (Beinin and el-Hamalawy 2007). The 2011 protests may have escalated to revolutionary proportions unexpectedly, but they did not emerge out of thin air.
    [Show full text]
  • Of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO
    Assessing the of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO REPORT 3/2019 Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 ISBN: 978-82-7002-346-2 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. Tey should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Te text may not be re-published in part or in full without the permission of NUPI and the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: effectivepeaceops.net | www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Assessing the Efectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC (MONUC-MONUSCO) Lead Author Dr Alexandra Novosseloff, International Peace Institute (IPI), New York and Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Oslo Co-authors Dr Adriana Erthal Abdenur, Igarapé Institute, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Prof. Tomas Mandrup, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, and Royal Danish Defence College, Copenhagen Aaron Pangburn, Social Science Research Council (SSRC), New York Data Contributors Ryan Rappa and Paul von Chamier, Center on International Cooperation (CIC), New York University, New York EPON Series Editor Dr Cedric de Coning, NUPI External Reference Group Dr Tatiana Carayannis, SSRC, New York Lisa Sharland, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Canberra Dr Charles Hunt, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT) University, Australia Adam Day, Centre for Policy Research, UN University, New York Cover photo: UN Photo/Sylvain Liechti UN Photo/ Abel Kavanagh Contents Acknowledgements 5 Acronyms 7 Executive Summary 13 Te effectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC across eight critical dimensions 14 Strategic and Operational Impact of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Constraints and Challenges of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Current Dilemmas 19 Introduction 21 Section 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Arab Spring Incidents in the End of the “Green Era” in Libya: Questions on the Right to Intervene and the Duty to Interfere
    Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations | e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.2, n.3, Jan-Jun 2013 | p.145-165 ARAB SPRING INCIDENTS IN THE END OF THE “GREEN ERA” IN LIBYA: QUESTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO INTERVENE AND THE DUTY TO INTERFERE Gladys Lechini de Álvarez1, Noemí S. Rabbia2 The Arab Spring has quietly started in the end of 2010 with the wave of protests against the Tunisian regime of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, in power for more than two decades. Nonetheless, it caused a domino effect that fully impacted the oldest autocracies in Northern Africa and the Middle East. In this context, the Tunis’ case has been constituted in the beginning of a long series of successes that reshaped the Arab and Maghrebi regional political scene with similar results, considering the specifics of each scenario. It is interesting to highlight that Tunis paradoxically had been sustained many times by the same Western countries that defended the end of the Libyan autocracy. In reference to this particular case, Muammar Gaddafi has died in obscure circumstances during the seizure of his hometown, Sirte, in October 20th, 2011. The elucidation of this fact has been diluted with the euphoria and increasing successes, and Western employees like the Vice-President of the United States of America, Joseph Biden, have limited themselves to affirm that 1 Gladys Lechini is Profesor of International Relations at Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Argentina; researcher at CONICET; and director of the South-South Cooperation and Relations Program (PRECSUR). E-mail: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Spring in the Long Run
    12 June 2012 The Arab Spring in the Long Run It was hoped that the Arab Spring would bring freedom and democracy to the Middle East and North Africa. However, continued unrest in Libya and Syria points to a potentially bleaker future for the region. By Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou for ISN The first phase of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring was, for all intents and purposes, over by the summer of 2011. Six months after an accelerated chain of events was set in motion from the Tunisian countryside, state-society relations and political dynamics across the Middle East and North African (MENA) region have been profoundly reordered. In quick succession, well-established and solid political institutions were deposed in Tunisia and Egypt followed a few months later by the overthrow of Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh. After years of political repression and state brutality, fear had seemingly changed sides. Many authoritarian states across the MENA region were now on the defensive and looking for ways to avoid being the next regime to collapse under pressure from popular uprisings. While the opening months of the Arab Spring culminated in the overthrow of leaders (who had collectively been in power for 125 years), what followed in all countries was a period of political uncertainty. Widespread enthusiasm for the democratic future of the MENA region was gradually replaced by skepticism towards projects aimed at transforming societies and implementing unprecedented political change. Yet hasty assessments of the political future of a number of states often overlooked the complexity and unpredictability of the transition from authoritarian regime to fully-fledged democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Arab Spring’ ―Some Thoughts on the Civil-Military Relations―
    The Armies in the ‘Arab Spring’ ―Some Thoughts on the Civil-Military Relations― Akifumi Ikeda Eva Bellin, a leading political scientist on the contemporary Arab world, once argued the robustness of authoritarianism in the region as an outcome of the extraordinary capacity and will of the coercive apparatuses, the military in particular, to repress any sort of protestation from among the public.1 She was astounded, together with most other analysts, as the phenomena known by the name of ‘Arab Spring’ unfolded and those deeply entrenched authoritarian regimes started stumbling one by one, with some of them being rapidly overthrown. Yet, she maintains the basic appropriateness of her previous arguments, as the variation in the uprisings and their consequences tend to confirm that the central insight, that is to say the coercive apparatus’ will to repress, determined the fates of those regimes.2 Moderate Cases: Tunisia and Egypt In fact, relatively peaceful processes of regime change were seen in Tunisia and Egypt, where the armed forces remained at least politically neutral and/or 1 Eva R. Bellin, "The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Exceptionalism in Comparative Perspective," Comparative Politics, 36 (2) (2004). 2 Bellin, "Reconsidering the Robustness of Authoritarianism: Lessons of the Arab Spring," Comparative Politics, 44 (2) (2012). maintained a non-interventionist attitude towards the process and, by and large, refrained from violent repression against the mass protestations. In a way, it was a manifesto that the military is a national, professional and integrated institution which serves the interest of the nation and not that of the regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Struggle for Citizenship.Indd
    From the struggle for citizenship to the fragmentation of justice Yemen from 1990 to 2013 Erwin van Veen CRU Report From the struggle for citizenship to the fragmentation of justice FROM THE STRUGGLE FOR CITIZENSHIP TO THE FRAGMENTATION OF JUSTICE Yemen from 1990 to 2013 Erwin van Veen Conflict Research Unit, The Clingendael Institute February 2014 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. Clingendael Institute P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague The Netherlands Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/ Table of Contents Executive summary 7 Acknowledgements 11 Abbreviations 13 1 Introduction 14 2 Selective centralisation of the state: Commerce and security through networked rule 16 Enablers: Tribes, remittances, oil and civil war 17 Tools: Violence, business and religion 21 The year 2011 and the National Dialogue Conference 26 The state of justice in 1990 and 2013 28 3 Trend 1: The ‘instrumentalisation’ of state-based justice 31 Key strategies in the instrumentalisation of justice 33 Consequences of politicisation and instrumentalisation 34 4 Trend 2: The weakening of tribal customary law 38 Functions and characteristics of tribal law 40 Key factors that have weakened tribal law 42 Consequences of weakened tribal law 44 Points of connection
    [Show full text]
  • Annotated Bibliography Primary Sources Kirkpatrick, David D. "Moderate Islamist Party Heads Toward Victory in Tunisia."
    Annotated Bibliography Primary Sources Kirkpatrick, David D. "Moderate Islamist Party Heads toward Victory in Tunisia." NY Times, ​ ​ New York Times, 24 Oct. 2011, www.nytimes.com/2011/10/25/world/africa/ennahda-moderate-islamic-party-makes-stro ng-showing-in-tunisia-vote.html. Accessed 8 Jan. 2020. This article was especially helpful for information about the results of Tunisia's election. It mentioned how the modern Islamic group is very proud that they managed to win control of a country using fair elections. This article is trustworthy because it was published by the New York Times, which is a mainstream source that has minimal bias. "Report: 338 Killed during Tunisia Revolution." AP News, 12 May 2012, ​ ​ apnews.com/f91b86df98c34fb3abedc3d2e8accbcf. Accessed 14 Feb. 2020. I used this source to find more specific numbers for the deaths and injuries that happened due to the Tunisian Arab Spring. This article was issued by AP News which is considered to have accurate news and minimal bias. Ritfai, Ryan. "Timeline: Tunisia's Uprising." Al-jazeera, 23 Jan. 2011, ​ ​ www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/tunisia/2011/01/201114142223827361.html. Accessed 14 Feb. 2020. I used this source to affirm descriptive details such as the exact dates for important events. Al-Jazeera published this article and is considered accurate, liable, and unbiased. Ryan, Yasmine. "The Tragic Life of a Street Vendor." Al-jazeera, ​ ​ www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/01/201111684242518839.html. Accessed 6 Ahmad 1 Feb. 2020. I used this source to find out if Ben Ali visited Bouazizi in the hospital. This article was published by Al-Jazeera which is a fact reporting and unbiased source.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Transition in Tunisia
    Political Transition in Tunisia Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs April 15, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21666 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Political Transition in Tunisia Summary On January 14, 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country for Saudi Arabia following weeks of mounting anti-government protests. Tunisia’s mass popular uprising, dubbed the “Jasmine Revolution,” appears to have added momentum to anti-government and pro-reform sentiment in other countries across the region, and some policy makers view Tunisia as an important “test case” for democratic transitions elsewhere in the Middle East. Ben Ali’s departure was greeted by widespread euphoria within Tunisia. However, political instability, economic crisis, and insecurity are continuing challenges. On February 27, amid a resurgence in anti-government demonstrations, Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi (a holdover from Ben Ali’s administration) stepped down and was replaced by Béji Caïd Essebsi, an elder statesman from the administration of the late founding President Habib Bourguiba. On March 3, the interim government announced a new transition “road map” that would entail the election on July 24 of a “National Constituent Assembly.” The Assembly would, in turn, be charged with promulgating a new constitution ahead of expected presidential and parliamentary elections, which have not been scheduled. The protest movement has greeted the road map as a victory, but many questions remain concerning its implementation. Until January, Ben Ali and his Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party exerted near-total control over parliament, state and local governments, and most political activity.
    [Show full text]
  • Periodic Report of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic
    PERIODIC REPORT OF THE SAHRAWI ARAB DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC TO THE AFRICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES RIGHTS CONTAINING ALL THE OUTSTANDING REPORTS IN ACCORDANCE WITH ARTICLE 62 OF THE CHARTER October 2011 i Table of Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 4 Part I: Data on the General Framework for the Promotion of Human Rights in the Sahrawi Republic in Accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights ........................... 7 Chapter One: General Information About the Sahrawi Republic ....................................................... 7 i) The Region ...................................................................................................................................... 7 ii) Population ........................................................................................................................................ 7 iii) Language ..................................................................................................................................... 7 iv) Economy ...................................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter Two: The Process of Democratization in Western Sahara ................................................. 8 Chapter Three: The Legal and Institutional Framework for the Promotion of Human Rights in the Sahrawi Republic ..............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Sahrawi Women in the Liberation Struggle of the Sahrawi People Author(S): Anne Lippert Source: Signs, Vol
    Sahrawi Women in the Liberation Struggle of the Sahrawi People Author(s): Anne Lippert Source: Signs, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Spring, 1992), pp. 636-651 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3174626 Accessed: 18/05/2010 18:01 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Signs. http://www.jstor.org REVISIONS / REPORTS SahrawiWomen in the Liberation Struggle of the SahrawiPeople Anne Lippert Introduction - T H R O U G H T H E I R R O LE S in the currentliberation strug- gle of the Sahrawisof WesternSahara, Sahrawi women have substantiallyincreased their traditionalparticipation and im- portance in that society.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps
    Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps Morocco/Western Sahara/Algeria Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-420-6 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org December 2008 1-56432-420-6 Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps Map Of North Africa ....................................................................................................... 1 Summary...................................................................................................................... 2 Western Sahara ....................................................................................................... 3 Refugee Camps near Tindouf, Algeria ...................................................................... 8 Recommendations ...................................................................................................... 12 To the UN Security Council ..................................................................................... 12 Recommendations to the Government of Morocco .................................................. 12 Recommendations Regarding Human Rights in the Tindouf Camps ........................
    [Show full text]