The Impact of Social and Digital Media on Traditional Agenda Setting
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
A Creative Spring: North African Cultural Productions and the Transition
A creative Spring: North African cultural productions and the transition Cleo Jay, PhD candidate at SOAS, Near and Middle East department Abstract: 2011 has indisputably been a year of great change for North Africans, and the Arab Spring has been an inspiration for a wide range of cultural productions, from paintings to theatre plays. Artist in various in countries used art to reflect and gain hindsight on the events surrounding them: an interesting example in “Stone from Tahrir Square” by Ashraf Foda, who collected stones discarded by protesters and asked various important figures to sign them, dealing with issues around political activism and memory. The Revolutions have also led to a greater freedom of expression, enabling artists to address issues previously considered taboos. I will look in particular at how theatre is used as an interactive forum for political debates, and I will work on a comparative basis. Theatre acts as a “mirror” for society, through which the youth can reflect on its issues and its hopes, and recent plays served as a “prelude” to the Arab Spring, by expressing the youth’s disillusion and disenfranchisement and focusing on relevant themes such as suicide, women’s rights or corruption of the authorities. I will focus in particular on Morocco, a country who has managed to start a peaceful transition and has introduced a large number of reforms in the last ten years, and compare it to Egypt and Tunisia, who got rid of their oppressive leaders through violent demonstrations. 1 Introduction Over the last 18 months since young Tunisian Mohammed Bouazizi set himself alight in a revolt against government violence, corruption and poverty, much has changed in North Africa: leaders have fallen, the people have taken up to the streets and organized new elections, and at last they have been able to make democratic choices. -
'The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings' Jillian Schwedler
1 From Street Mobilization to Political Mobilization September 1-2, 2012- Skhirat, Morocco ‘The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings’ Jillian Schwedler 1 2 The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings Jillian Schwedler Like many major events in world politics—such as the outbreak of World War I or the fall of the Soviet Union—the Arab uprisings that began in late 2010 may have taken much of the world by surprise, but that does not mean that they came out of nowhere. In the way that the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand is said to have started World War I, the Arab uprisings are now commonly said to have begun with the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit-cart vendor Mohamad Bouazizi on December 17, 2010. Protests then spread throughout Tunisia within weeks, culminating in the resignation of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on January 14, 2011. From there, the revolutionary spirit spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria, seeing serious challenges to repressive regimes that just months earlier appeared as stable as they had been for decades. But of course the story is not so simple. In Tunisia, at least two other citizens had self-immolated in the months before Bouazizi, and yet those brutal deaths sparked nothing. In Egypt, protests and demonstrations had been escalating almost steadily since at least 2004, notably as more than a million organized laborers participated in strikes and marchers that brought portions of the country to a standstill (Beinin and el-Hamalawy 2007). The 2011 protests may have escalated to revolutionary proportions unexpectedly, but they did not emerge out of thin air. -
A Case Study on Demographic Engineering in Syria No Return to Homs a Case Study on Demographic Engineering in Syria
No Return to Homs A case study on demographic engineering in Syria No Return to Homs A case study on demographic engineering in Syria Colophon ISBN/EAN: 978-94-92487-09-4 NUR 689 PAX serial number: PAX/2017/01 Cover photo: Bab Hood, Homs, 21 December 2013 by Young Homsi Lens About PAX PAX works with committed citizens and partners to protect civilians against acts of war, to end armed violence, and to build just peace. PAX operates independently of political interests. www.paxforpeace.nl / P.O. Box 19318 / 3501 DH Utrecht, The Netherlands / [email protected] About TSI The Syria Institute (TSI) is an independent, non-profit, non-partisan research organization based in Washington, DC. TSI seeks to address the information and understanding gaps that to hinder effective policymaking and drive public reaction to the ongoing Syria crisis. We do this by producing timely, high quality, accessible, data-driven research, analysis, and policy options that empower decision-makers and advance the public’s understanding. To learn more visit www.syriainstitute.org or contact TSI at [email protected]. Executive Summary 8 Table of Contents Introduction 12 Methodology 13 Challenges 14 Homs 16 Country Context 16 Pre-War Homs 17 Protest & Violence 20 Displacement 24 Population Transfers 27 The Aftermath 30 The UN, Rehabilitation, and the Rights of the Displaced 32 Discussion 34 Legal and Bureaucratic Justifications 38 On Returning 39 International Law 47 Conclusion 48 Recommendations 49 Index of Maps & Graphics Map 1: Syria 17 Map 2: Homs city at the start of 2012 22 Map 3: Homs city depopulation patterns in mid-2012 25 Map 4: Stages of the siege of Homs city, 2012-2014 27 Map 5: Damage assessment showing targeted destruction of Homs city, 2014 31 Graphic 1: Key Events from 2011-2012 21 Graphic 2: Key Events from 2012-2014 26 This report was prepared by The Syria Institute with support from the PAX team. -
Pdf (2012 年 7 月 29 日にアクセス)
2014年 2 月 The 1st volume 【編集ボード】 委員長: 鈴木均 内部委員: 土屋一樹、齋藤純、ダルウィッシュ ホサム、石黒大岳、 渡邊祥子、福田安志 外部委員: 内藤正典 本誌に掲載されている論文などの内容や意見は、外部からの論稿を含め、執筆者 個人に属すものであり、日本貿易振興機構あるいはアジア経済研究所の公式見解を 示すものではありません。 中東レビュー 第 1 号 2014 年 2 月 28 日発行© 編集: 『中東レビュー』編集ボード 発行: アジア経済研究所 独立行政法人日本貿易振興機構 〒261-8545 千葉県千葉市美浜区若葉 3-2-2 URL: http://www.ide.go.jp/Japanese/Publish/Periodicals/Me_review/ ISSN: 2188-4595 ウェブ雑誌『中東レビュー』の創刊にあたって 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所では 2011 年初頭に始まったいわゆる「アラブの春」と その後の中東地域の政治的変動に対応して、これまで国際シンポジウムや政策提言研究、アジ 研フォーラムなどさまざまな形で研究成果の発信と新たな研究ネットワークの形成に取り組ん できた。今回、中東地域に関するウェブ雑誌『中東レビュー』を新たな構想と装いのもとで創 刊しようとするのも、こうした取り組みの一環である。 当研究所は 1975 年 9 月刊行の『中東総合研究』第 1 号以来、中東地域に関する研究成果を 定期的に刊行される雑誌の形態で公開・提供してきた。1986 年 9 月以降は『現代の中東』およ び『中東レビュー』として年 2 回の刊行を重ねてきたが、諸般の事情により『現代の中東』は 2010 年 1 月刊行の第 48 号をもって休刊している。『中東レビュー』はこれらの過去の成果を 直接・間接に継承し、新たな環境のもとでさらに展開させていこうと企図するものである。 今回、不定期刊行のウェブ雑誌『中東レビュー』を新たに企画するにあたり、そのひとつの 核として位置づけているのが「中東政治経済レポート」の連載である。「中東政治経済レポート」 はアジ研の中東関係の若手研究者を中心に、担当する国・地域の政治・経済および社会について の情勢レポートを随時ウェブ発信し、これを年に一度再編集して年次レポートとして継続的に 提供していく予定である。 『中東レビュー』のもうひとつの核は、変動しつつある現代中東を対象とした社会科学的な 論稿の掲載である。論稿についても随時ウェブサイトに掲載していくことで、執筆から発表ま でのタイムラグを短縮し、かつこれを『中東レビュー』の総集編に収録する段階で最終的にテ キストを確定するという二段階方式を採用する。なお使用言語は当面日本語と英語の2カ国語 を想定しており、これによって従来よりも広範囲の知的交流を図っていきたいと考えている。 『中東レビュー』はアジア経済研究所内外にあって中東地域に関心を寄せる方々の、知的・ 情報的な交流のフォーラムとなることを目指している。この小さな試みが中東地域の現状につ いてのバランスの取れた理解とアジ研における中東研究の新たな深化・発展に繋がりますよう、 改めて皆様の温かいご理解とご支援をお願いいたします。 『中東レビュー』編集ボード 委員長 鈴木 均 1 目 次 ウェブ雑誌『中東レビュー』の創刊にあたって 鈴木 均 Hitoshi Suzuki・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・・1 ページ 中東政治経済レポート 中東政治の変容とイスラーム主義の限界 Paradigm Shift of the Middle -
Arab Spring Incidents in the End of the “Green Era” in Libya: Questions on the Right to Intervene and the Duty to Interfere
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations | e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.2, n.3, Jan-Jun 2013 | p.145-165 ARAB SPRING INCIDENTS IN THE END OF THE “GREEN ERA” IN LIBYA: QUESTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO INTERVENE AND THE DUTY TO INTERFERE Gladys Lechini de Álvarez1, Noemí S. Rabbia2 The Arab Spring has quietly started in the end of 2010 with the wave of protests against the Tunisian regime of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, in power for more than two decades. Nonetheless, it caused a domino effect that fully impacted the oldest autocracies in Northern Africa and the Middle East. In this context, the Tunis’ case has been constituted in the beginning of a long series of successes that reshaped the Arab and Maghrebi regional political scene with similar results, considering the specifics of each scenario. It is interesting to highlight that Tunis paradoxically had been sustained many times by the same Western countries that defended the end of the Libyan autocracy. In reference to this particular case, Muammar Gaddafi has died in obscure circumstances during the seizure of his hometown, Sirte, in October 20th, 2011. The elucidation of this fact has been diluted with the euphoria and increasing successes, and Western employees like the Vice-President of the United States of America, Joseph Biden, have limited themselves to affirm that 1 Gladys Lechini is Profesor of International Relations at Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Argentina; researcher at CONICET; and director of the South-South Cooperation and Relations Program (PRECSUR). E-mail: [email protected]. -
"Al-Assad" and "Al Qaeda" (Day of CBS Interview)
This Document is Approved for Public Release A multi-disciplinary, multi-method approach to leader assessment at a distance: The case of Bashar al-Assad A Quick Look Assessment by the Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA)1 Part II: Analytical Approaches2 February 2014 Contributors: Dr. Peter Suedfeld (University of British Columbia), Mr. Bradford H. Morrison (University of British Columbia), Mr. Ryan W. Cross (University of British Columbia) Dr. Larry Kuznar (Indiana University – Purdue University, Fort Wayne), Maj Jason Spitaletta (Joint Staff J-7 & Johns Hopkins University), Dr. Kathleen Egan (CTTSO), Mr. Sean Colbath (BBN), Mr. Paul Brewer (SDL), Ms. Martha Lillie (BBN), Mr. Dana Rafter (CSIS), Dr. Randy Kluver (Texas A&M), Ms. Jacquelyn Chinn (Texas A&M), Mr. Patrick Issa (Texas A&M) Edited by: Dr. Hriar Cabayan (JS/J-38) and Dr. Nicholas Wright, MRCP PhD (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) Copy Editor: Mr. Sam Rhem (SRC) 1 SMA provides planning support to Combatant Commands (CCMD) with complex operational imperatives requiring multi-agency, multi-disciplinary solutions that are not within core Service/Agency competency. SMA is accepted and synchronized by Joint Staff, J3, DDSAO and executed by OSD/ASD (R&E)/RSD/RRTO. 2 This is a document submitted to provide timely support to ongoing concerns as of February 2014. 1 This Document is Approved for Public Release 1 ABSTRACT This report suggests potential types of actions and messages most likely to influence and deter Bashar al-Assad from using force in the ongoing Syrian civil war. This study is based on multidisciplinary analyses of Bashar al-Assad’s speeches, and how he reacts to real events and verbal messages from external sources. -
The Arab Spring in the Long Run
12 June 2012 The Arab Spring in the Long Run It was hoped that the Arab Spring would bring freedom and democracy to the Middle East and North Africa. However, continued unrest in Libya and Syria points to a potentially bleaker future for the region. By Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou for ISN The first phase of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring was, for all intents and purposes, over by the summer of 2011. Six months after an accelerated chain of events was set in motion from the Tunisian countryside, state-society relations and political dynamics across the Middle East and North African (MENA) region have been profoundly reordered. In quick succession, well-established and solid political institutions were deposed in Tunisia and Egypt followed a few months later by the overthrow of Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh. After years of political repression and state brutality, fear had seemingly changed sides. Many authoritarian states across the MENA region were now on the defensive and looking for ways to avoid being the next regime to collapse under pressure from popular uprisings. While the opening months of the Arab Spring culminated in the overthrow of leaders (who had collectively been in power for 125 years), what followed in all countries was a period of political uncertainty. Widespread enthusiasm for the democratic future of the MENA region was gradually replaced by skepticism towards projects aimed at transforming societies and implementing unprecedented political change. Yet hasty assessments of the political future of a number of states often overlooked the complexity and unpredictability of the transition from authoritarian regime to fully-fledged democracy. -
Arab Spring’ ―Some Thoughts on the Civil-Military Relations―
The Armies in the ‘Arab Spring’ ―Some Thoughts on the Civil-Military Relations― Akifumi Ikeda Eva Bellin, a leading political scientist on the contemporary Arab world, once argued the robustness of authoritarianism in the region as an outcome of the extraordinary capacity and will of the coercive apparatuses, the military in particular, to repress any sort of protestation from among the public.1 She was astounded, together with most other analysts, as the phenomena known by the name of ‘Arab Spring’ unfolded and those deeply entrenched authoritarian regimes started stumbling one by one, with some of them being rapidly overthrown. Yet, she maintains the basic appropriateness of her previous arguments, as the variation in the uprisings and their consequences tend to confirm that the central insight, that is to say the coercive apparatus’ will to repress, determined the fates of those regimes.2 Moderate Cases: Tunisia and Egypt In fact, relatively peaceful processes of regime change were seen in Tunisia and Egypt, where the armed forces remained at least politically neutral and/or 1 Eva R. Bellin, "The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Exceptionalism in Comparative Perspective," Comparative Politics, 36 (2) (2004). 2 Bellin, "Reconsidering the Robustness of Authoritarianism: Lessons of the Arab Spring," Comparative Politics, 44 (2) (2012). maintained a non-interventionist attitude towards the process and, by and large, refrained from violent repression against the mass protestations. In a way, it was a manifesto that the military is a national, professional and integrated institution which serves the interest of the nation and not that of the regime. -
Safe Havens in Syria: Missions and Requirements for an Air Campaign
SSP Working Paper July 2012 Safe Havens in Syria: Missions and Requirements for an Air Campaign Brian T. Haggerty Security Studies Program Department of Political Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology [email protected] Copyright © July 15, 2012 by Brian T. Haggerty. This working paper is in draft form and intended for the purposes of discussion and comment. It may not be reproduced without permission of the copyright holder. Copies are available from the author at [email protected]. Thanks to Noel Anderson, Mark Bell, Christopher Clary, Owen Cote, Col. Phil Haun, USAF, Col. Lance A. Kildron, USAF, Barry Posen, Lt. Col. Karl Schloer, USAF, Sidharth Shah, Josh Itzkowitz Shifrinson, Alec Worsnop and members of MIT’s Strategic Use of Force Working Group for their comments and suggestions. All errors are my own. This is a working draft: comments and suggestions are welcome. Introduction Air power remains the arm of choice for Western policymakers contemplating humanitarian military intervention. Although the early 1990s witnessed ground forces deployed to northern Iraq, Somalia, and Haiti to protect civilians and ensure the provision of humanitarian aid, interveners soon embraced air power for humanitarian contingencies. In Bosnia, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO’s) success in combining air power with local ground forces to coerce the Serbs to the negotiating table at Dayton in 1995 suggested air power could help provide an effective response to humanitarian crises that minimized the risks of armed intervention.1 And though NATO’s -
Struggle for Citizenship.Indd
From the struggle for citizenship to the fragmentation of justice Yemen from 1990 to 2013 Erwin van Veen CRU Report From the struggle for citizenship to the fragmentation of justice FROM THE STRUGGLE FOR CITIZENSHIP TO THE FRAGMENTATION OF JUSTICE Yemen from 1990 to 2013 Erwin van Veen Conflict Research Unit, The Clingendael Institute February 2014 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. Clingendael Institute P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague The Netherlands Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/ Table of Contents Executive summary 7 Acknowledgements 11 Abbreviations 13 1 Introduction 14 2 Selective centralisation of the state: Commerce and security through networked rule 16 Enablers: Tribes, remittances, oil and civil war 17 Tools: Violence, business and religion 21 The year 2011 and the National Dialogue Conference 26 The state of justice in 1990 and 2013 28 3 Trend 1: The ‘instrumentalisation’ of state-based justice 31 Key strategies in the instrumentalisation of justice 33 Consequences of politicisation and instrumentalisation 34 4 Trend 2: The weakening of tribal customary law 38 Functions and characteristics of tribal law 40 Key factors that have weakened tribal law 42 Consequences of weakened tribal law 44 Points of connection -
Intra State Conflict and Violence Against Civilians
Centre for Peace Studies (CPS) Intra State Conflict and Violence Against Civilians A Study of the Syrian Civil War and the Violence Committed by the Assad Regime Against the Syrian People — Jo Myhren Rosseland Master’s thesis in Peace and Conflict Transformation… May 2017 Intra State Conflict and Violence against Civilians - A Study of the Syrian Civil War and the Violence committed by the Assad Regime against the Syrian Population. *** By Jo Myhren Rosseland Peace and Conflict Transformation 2016-2017 I Table of Contents 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 AIMS AND QUESTION OF STUDY 3 1.2 RELEVANCE TO PEACE AND CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION AND MOTIVATION 4 1.3 THESIS OUTLINE 6 2 METHODS AND SOURCES 7 2.1 CASE STUDY 8 2.2 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY 10 2.3 SCENARIO ANALYSIS AND PROCESS TRACING 10 3 THEORY AND CONTEXT 14 3.1 CONFLICT AND CONFLICT THEORY 14 3.2 CIVILIANS IN WARZONES 18 3.3 CONTEXT 20 3.4 WAR IN THE 21ST CENTURY 21 3.5 INTRA-STATE WAR 23 3.6 SYRIA AND THE ARAB SPRING 24 3.7 ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF SYRIA AND SECTARIANISM 26 4 EMPIRICAL CASE STUDY 27 PHASES OF THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR AND ANALYTICAL PARAMETERS 30 4.1 I. DISPERSED CIVIL REVOLT - MARCH 28TH – MEDIO JUNE, 2011 31 RATIONALE 32 ACTOR TYPES 33 STRATEGIES AND TACTICS 34 RELEVANT MILITARY CAPABILITIES 34 OUTCOME 36 4.2 II. COUNTRY-WIDE CIVIL REVOLT - JUNE 2011 – MARCH 2012 37 RATIONALE 37 STRATEGIES AND TACTICS 38 RELEVANT MILITARY CAPABILITIES 39 OUTCOME 40 4.3 III. FULLY FLEDGED CIVIL WAR - MARCH 2012 – NOVEMBER 2013 40 RATIONALE 40 STRATEGIES AND TACTICS 40 RELEVANT MILITARY CAPABILITIES 42 OUTCOME 43 4.4 IV. -
Social Media and Power Relations During the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia
Social Media and Power Relations during the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia Taylor R. Genovese Please cite as: Genovese, Taylor R. 2015. Social Media and Power Relations during the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia. Unpublished MS, School of Anthropology, The University of Arizona. doi: 10.13140/RG. 2.1.1860.8806 INTRODUCTION & A BRIEF DISCUSSION ON ORGANIZATION This paper has grown out of an earlier work that I completed as an undergraduate anthropology student. In 2011, I wrote a more journalistic and speculative paper on the Arab Spring Revolutions as they were unfolding and hypothesized that unrest in the Middle East contributed to the Occupy Wall Street Movement in the United States. I argued that the reason this quick transfer of revolutionary theory was possible was due to the utilization of social media sites—the first time that social media was used to such a large scale for revolutionary activity. The first section of this paper utilizes my original paper from 2011. This section provides a brief historical account of what happened in Egypt and Tunisia as well as some basic principles for how social scientists look at—and analyze—the transfer of information through social media. The second section of this paper is mostly an analysis of what happened. It applies several theories of change and offers a comparison between the revolutions of Egypt and Tunisia; the former falling back into a regime similar to when Mubarak ruled and the latter having a relative success story. SECTION 1 — The Egyptian Uprising in 2011 Genovese 4 THE MATCH THAT STRUCK THE FLAME OF REVOLUTION On December 17, 2010, a man in Tunisia set himself on fire.