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6 IPRIS Maghreb Review OCTOBER/NOVEMBER 2010 PAM’s parliamentary group? What is seems to benefit the PAM dispropor- All the King’s the new party’s potential to fulfil its tionately. Who are the parliamentar- declared goal of “rationalizing” the ians joining this new group? A quick Men: The fragmented Moroccan party system? glance at the composition of the PAM’s And finally, how does the emergence parliamentary bloc can help to answer emergence of the of this group fit into the Moroccan this question. The modal “transhu- history of divide and conquer within a mant” is a political newcomer serving Authenticity and context of fragmented party politics? in Parliament for the first time (with The origins of the party can be only ten PAM deputies serving a sec- traced back to the establishment ond or even third or fourth term). In modernity Party of the Movement of all Democrats terms of former partisan allegiances, (Mouvement de Tous les Démocrates, members of the PAM parliamentary (PAM) in Morocco Harakat li-kull al-Dimuqratiyyin) in group are mainly drawn from the early 2008 following the initiative of smaller pro-palace parties, although KEVIN KÖHLER former deputy Minister of the Interior members of 13 political formations PhD researcher, European University Fouad Ali al-Himma, an advisor to and have joined the PAM, including two Institute, Florence former classmate of King Muhammad former members of the Istiqlal (Inde- VI and a prominent royalist figure. This pendence) party. Lastly, PAM deputies On October 20th 2010, the Moroccan group, originally open to members of tend to be concentrated in rural, rath- Authenticity and Modernity Party all political parties, was transformed er than urban constituencies and are (Parti Authenticité et Modernité, into a political party in early 2009 by thus based in parts of the country tra- PAM; Hizb al-Asala wa-l-Mu’asara) the merger of five smaller parties, ditionally more supportive of pro-pal- announced yet another reformation immediately dominating the local ace candidates and characterized by a of its two parliamentary groups in elections of June 2009, winning 21.7% strong impact of electoral clientelism. the House of Representatives and of the votes – a remarkable feat given This last point was even more obvious the House of Councillors. Despite not the fragmented nature of Morocco’s in the local elections in which the PAM having contested the 2007 legislative party system. Moreover, by October overwhelmingly won in rural constitu- elections, the PAM’s parliamentary 2010, the party commanded the encies. All of these points suggest that group in the Moroccan Chamber of allegiance of around 17% of deputies in the new group is predominantly made Representatives (Majlis al-Nuwwab) by the lower house and 27% in the upper up of political entrepreneurs who ex- now counts an impressive 55 deputies house of the Moroccan Parliament, pect to profit from a relatively close among its members. Constituted by mainly due to the fact that numerous association with the political elite (the representatives originally elected members of both chambers deserted Makhzen) offered by al-Himma’s party. under the banner of other parties, the their original parties and joined the The PAM, in other words, seems to be PAM parliamentary bloc has grown to PAM’s parliamentary bloc. a palace party in the making, and can become the strongest single group in This phenomenon of switching par- thus be seen as a tool used by the pal- the Majlis al-Nuwwab. What attracts tisan allegiance known as transhu- ace to restructure the party system. members of other parties to join the mance in Moroccan political discourse Such an initiative is not without IPRIS Maghreb Review | 2 precedent in Moroccan history. Rather, Further electoral success of the PAM has been keeping vast areas of the the Popular Movement (Mouvement is thus likely to exacerbate elite con- former “Spanish Sahara” occupied and Populaire, MP) founded in 1958, the flict and will ultimately lead to a return has relocated thousands of Moroccan Front for the Defence of Constitutional to the traditional policy of fragmenta- settlers. While the Sahrawi people are Institutions (Front de Défense tion and balancing. discriminated against in all aspects of des Institutions Constitutionelles, life, Moroccan settlers and particularly FDIC) formed in 1963, and the the Moroccan political elite – the National Assembly of Independents Makhzen – reap all the benefits of (Rassemblement National des exploiting the country’s resources Independents, RNI) emerging in 1978, and thus its fisheries industry. Just all represented attempts to unify pro- as it has done in previous cases of palace forces in a single political party. Western Sahara peaceful protest in the colonized area, That the current King is following the Moroccan colonial administration these examples is also supported – the last African continues to react with unacceptable by other features of the process in harshness and brutality. For example, which the PAM emerged. To begin Colony: An during the night of October 24th and 25th with, the party label of “Authenticity 2010, Moroccan occupational forces and Modernity” itself resembles a endless story even shot a child, 14-year old El-Garhi slogan frequently used by the late King Nayem Foidal Mohamed Sueid. Hassan II and suggests a conscious AXEL GOLDAU Almost two weeks later, the Kingdom effort by the party to link itself to the celebrated the so-called “Green IFAK, Göttingen Makhzen’s power structures. Although March” for the 35th time. In 1975, switching party allegiance is illegal attracting a lot of media attention, Since mid-October 2010, the Western for sitting deputies under Article 5 King Hassan had thousands of his Sahara conflict, the last and longest- of the Moroccan Political Parties poorest subjects cross the border running colonial conflict in Africa, Law, most of the transhumants (with into the Western Sahara “to bring has yet again caught the attention some notable exceptions) have not home” this territory, a region that has of the international media. While in been legally prosecuted, despite actually never been “home”. In fact, Brussels EU bodies are just about vocal protest from (pro-palace and the International Court of Justice in its to negotiate the renewal of the opposition) party elites. advisory opinion of October 16th 1975 Fisheries Partnership Agreement This association of the party with the did not find any legal attachment to between the EU and Morocco, Makhzen as well as its strong show- Morocco before Spanish colonialism. thousands of Sahrawi people have ing in the 2009 local elections led to Therefore, no legitimate reasons exist left the cities of occupied Western speculation about the role it will play that justify the refusal to grant the Sahara and set up “dignity camps” in the next legislative elections sched- Sahrawian population the expression in the desert. They protest against uled for 2012. While it is very likely that of their self-determination in a free, the discrimination they are facing in the PAM will be an important player fair and transparent referendum. their own country and against the in the next legislature, interpretations In the context of the annual royal plundering of the country’s resources, that see the new pro-palace party as staging of “the Green March” in early mostly phosphate deposits and fish a dominant political force are prob- November 2010, the regime displayed stocks. The Fisheries Agreement will ably exaggerated. Most importantly, some signs of nervousness, and expire in March 2011, and because its the establishment of a dominating po- currently all signs point towards an purview includes territorial waters of litical force goes against established escalation in the occupied parts of occupied Western Sahara, it is highly traditions of electoral politics in the the Western Sahara. Following the controversial. In the summer 2009 the kingdom. As the historical precedent celebrations, Moroccan security forces European Parliament’s legal service of palace parties shows, such efforts raided a camp near Al-Aaiun, set concluded in its legal opinion that the could not be sustained in the past but numerous buildings on fire, caused agreement violates international law, tended to disintegrate rather quickly. the death of 20 people, injured more whereas the Moroccan government Secondly, although the emergence of than 700, and deported approximately keeps reiterating that the agreement the PAM is certainly primarily meant 160 Sahrawis. However, this incident is beneficial for all; yet, in fact, the to counter the Islamist Justice and De- does not seem to trouble the European Sahrawi people do not profit from it in velopment Party (Parti de la Justice et Commission nor the emerging any way. du Développement, PJD) it immediately European External Action Service and By now, the Sahrawi people have threatens the interests of smaller, its High Representative, Catherine become a minority in their own country: pro-palace parties – a challenge these Ashton. According to an EFE report Since 1975, the Kingdom of Morocco parties are unlikely to tolerate quietly. of November 9 2010, representatives IPRIS Maghreb Review | 3 of the European Commission and non-compliance policy, Morocco was its self-declared principles such as Morocco will soon be meeting in never subjected to any major political democratic rule, and the respect for Brussels to discuss the renewal of consequences. Certainly, this would human rights, the rule of law, and the Fisheries Partnership Agreement, not be possible without the regime’s good governance. Such an approach most likely in an atmosphere of reliance on its rather powerful would not only contribute positively “business-as-usual”. allies. From the very beginning of its to intra-Maghreb integration, but A sophisticated system of berms, expansionist practices, Morocco could would be an important step towards equipped with highly modern weapons always rely on the support of France, stabilizing Morocco both culturally and and mines, mostly of US and French as the political and economical bonds economically.