Algerian Prime Minister Letter
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Algeria: Free Press, Opaque Political Economy
Algeria: Free Press, Opaque Political Economy One of the bright spots in Algerian politics since 1988 has been a vibrant printed press, privately owned in large part. Readership in both French and Arabic forged rapidly ahead of those in neighboring countries in the late 1980s, and Algeria exemplified the freest press in the region. During the Islamist insurrection readership plummeted but then recovered slightly in 1998, the last year of available World Bank statistics. Morocco, experiencing a gradual political opening after 1996 and a more diversified press, was now catching up with Algeria, although Moroccan literacy rates were much lower. Comparisons between Algeria and Tunisia are perhaps more instructive because the two countries have roughly similar literacy rates, but the latter has a much duller, controlled press and less readership. This paper will try to explain why Algeria’s press still attracts fewer readers than might be expected, given its contents and levels of public literacy. First I will illustrate how freely it operates, compared to its Maghribi counterparts, by examining how the Algerian press treats its president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and how it handled the news of the failure of a big Algerian private sector conglomerate, the Khalifa Group. But I also argue that press readership may reflect not only the relative liberty of the press but also the possibilities of the readership to respond to the news by engaging in forms of collective action. Newspaper readership is largely a function of per capita income, but within a given economy, at least along the Southern Mediterranean, it also tracks pretty well with political openings and closures in a number of Southern Mediterranean countries for which World Bank data are available 1980-1998 (Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria, and Tunisia). -
First Seminar En
AFRICAN ENERGY COMMISSION COMMISSION AFRICAINE DE L’ENERGIE COMISSAO AFRICANA D’ENERGIA Report of the 1 st Seminar on Energy Information System for Africa Algiers, Algeria 23-24 April 2003 AFREC Algiers, 25 April 2003 African energy commission (AFREC) Report of the 1st Seminar on Energy Information System for Africa Algiers, 23-24 April 2003 I- Introduction 1. In the framework of the implementation of the priority work programs of the African Energy Commission (AFREC), the seminar on Energy Information System for Africa was organized by AFREC in close cooperation with Algeria, and was hosted by the Algerian Government in its capacity as host country of AFREC, in Algiers on 23 and 24 April 2003 to mark the second anniversary of the creation of AFREC. 2. The purpose of the meeting was to consider and explore all ways and means for the elaboration of a comprehensive energy information system for Africa and the establishment of AFREC energy data base. The seminar was organized under the auspices of H.E Dr. Chakib KHELIL, Minister of Energy and Mining of Algeria, Chairman of the Conference of African Ministers of Energy (CAMEN) II- Attendance 3. The seminar was attended by the following member states: Algeria-Angola-Botswana-Cameroon-Congo-Democratic Republic of Congo-Cote d’Ivoire - Egypt - Ethiopia - Gabon - Ghana - Guinea - Kenya - Lesotho -Libya-Mali- Mauritius-Mozambique-Nigeria-Niger-Rwanda-Sahraoui Arab Republic- Senegal- South Africa- Sudan- Tanzania -Tchad-Togo-Tunisia and Uganda. 4. The following international, inter-African Organizations and Energy Departments were also represented at the seminar: African Union, African Development Bank, Arab Maghreb Union, World Bank, UNCTAD, APPA, IEA, OLADE WEC, OME, OAPEC, OPEC, Energy Department of US, SADC, ECOWAS, European Union, APERC, COMESA, UNESCO, UNIDO, UPEDEA, FAO, and SINELAC. -
Algeria: a Grassroots Movement for Change Or Elite Political Gamesmanship?
POLICY OUTLOOK Algeria: A Grassroots Movement for Change or Elite Political Gamesmanship? Dr Tarek Cherkaoui Michael Arnold Yasmina Allouche (Farouk Batiche - Anadolu Agency) What are the core issues behind the recent protests? How are Algeria’s complex political dynamics playing out with regards to the ongoing protests? What role do regional and international players have in the most recent developments? What are the possible outcomes of the political situation leading up to and after the April presidential elections? POLICY OUTLOOK military that protests, orchestrated by foreign elements, Introduction threaten the country’s stability and peace which will lead to Politics in Algeria is known for, if nothing else, its opacity. a repeat of the civil war. Since the end of the war of independence in 1962 the The promise of reforms and the repression and subsequent country has been governed by groups claiming to be the descent into violence with some of the states of the Arab guardians of the legitimacy of the revolution. The latter Spring was enough to deter Algerians from carrying on emerged after a series of power struggles against their with protests in 2011. However the lack of concrete reforms, fellow comrades-in-arms. Subsequently, the historical aside from constitutional amendments in 2016, are words legacy slowly diluted with more groups of shadowy, largely perceived as empty promises after numerous unelected power brokers taking over power nodes in the repetitions and no longer a viable concession in place of country. Known as “le pouvoir”, this cabal of ruling elites Bouteflika’s resignation demanded by the people. -
Les Dix Personnalités Politiques Qui Ont Marqué L'année 2018
DIA http://dia-algerie.com Les dix personnalités politiques qui ont marqué l'année 2018 DIA-19 Décembre 2018: Dans le cadre de nos classements des personnalités algériennes, voici les 10 personnalités politiques qui ont marqué l'année 2018, avec l'entrée sur la scène de Mouad Bouchareb, le nouveau patron du FLN. 1- Ahmed Ouyahia, l’homme du président Alors que certains le donnaient comme mort politiquement et d’autres, démissionnaire, le Premier Ministre Ahmed Ouyahia est toujours resté l’homme du président de la République, Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Depuis sa nomination au poste de premier ministre, Ahmed Ouyahia a obtenu les pleins pouvoirs pour gérer le pays. Tout passe par lui pour une validation : de la politique économique du pays, à la Communication en passant par les dossiers stratégiques de l’industrie et de la politique sociale et internationale. Du temps où il occupait le poste de chef du Gouvernement durant l’ère de Bouteflika en 2003, Ouyahia n’avait pas autant de cartes blanches pour gérer le pays. Il n’avait que le volet économique et le suivi des dossiers du programme du président. Présenté comme l’homme « des missions délicates » Ouyahia assume bien son job et a récupéré du président Bouteflika tous les pouvoirs afin de tenter de redresser le pays. Vraisemblablement le Premier Ministre s’est doté du pouvoir de président pour assurer sa mission. Depuis son retour aux affaires politiques du pays, Ouyahia est plongé dans les dossiers urgents. Il n’est pas un quart de Premier Ministre mais un chef de l’Exécutif complet qui a pour mission de mener le pays sur la bonne route et l’éloigner le plus possible de la crise qui le menace. -
Towards Enhancing the Capacity of the African Union in Mediation
Towards Enhancing the Capacity of the African Union in Mediation Towards Enhancing the Capacity of the African Union in Mediation Kruschen Govender| r apporteur with Yvette nGandu 1 MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF FINLAND Towards Enhancing the Capacity of the African Union in Mediation A report based on a seminar organised by the African Union (AU) Commission, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia 15 – 16 October 2009 MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF FINLAND ACCORD The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) is a non- governmental institute working throughout Africa to bring creative solutions to the challenges posed by conflict on the continent. ACCORD’s primary aim is to influence political developments by bringing conflict resolution, dialogue and institutional development to the forefront as an alternative to armed violence and protracted conflict. Acknowledgements A generous contribution by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland made the seminar organised by the African Union Commission (AUC) on 15 and 16 October 2009, and this report, possible. Additional support from the Swedish International Development Co- operation Agency (Sida) to ACCORD’s Knowledge Production Department (KPD) also assisted in the writing, editing and production of this report. The Rapporteurs Kruschen Govender is a freelance researcher working in collaboration with the Knowledge Production Department (KPD) at ACCORD. He holds an M.A. in Development Studies from the School of Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN). Yvette Ngandu, who contributed to this report, is currently the Coordinator of the UN- AU-RECs cooperation project in mediation, and of the Secretariat of the Panel of the Wise, with the African Union Commission’s Peace and Security Directorate. -
People's Power
#2 May 2011 Special Issue PersPectives Political analysis and commentary from the Middle East PeoPle’s Power the arab world in revolt Published by the Heinrich Böll stiftung 2011 This work is licensed under the conditions of a Creative Commons license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. You can download an electronic version online. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work under the following conditions: Attribution - you must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work); Noncommercial - you may not use this work for commercial purposes; No Derivative Works - you may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. editor-in-chief: Layla Al-Zubaidi editors: Doreen Khoury, Anbara Abu-Ayyash, Joachim Paul Layout: Catherine Coetzer, c2designs, Cédric Hofstetter translators: Mona Abu-Rayyan, Joumana Seikaly, Word Gym Ltd. cover photograph: Gwenael Piaser Printed by: www.coloursps.com Additional editing, print edition: Sonya Knox Opinions expressed in articles are those of their authors, and not HBS. heinrich böll Foundation – Middle east The Heinrich Böll Foundation, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. Our foremost task is civic education in Germany and abroad with the aim of promoting informed democratic opinion, socio-political commitment and mutual understanding. In addition, the Heinrich Böll Foundation supports artistic, cultural and scholarly projects, as well as cooperation in the development field. The political values of ecology, democracy, gender democracy, solidarity and non-violence are our chief points of reference. -
Turmoil in the Middle East
Turmoil in the Middle East Standard Note: SN/IA/5902 Last updated: 28 March 2011 Author: Ben Smith Section International Affairs and Defence Section This note looks at the instability in the Middle East and North Africa since the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. Source: worldmap.org This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required. This information is provided subject to our general terms and conditions which are available online or may be provided on request in hard copy. Authors are available to discuss the content of this briefing with Members and their staff, but not with the general public. Contents 1 Tunisia and Egypt 3 2 Algeria 4 2.1 Background 4 2.2 Unrest in 2011 5 2.3 Algeria basic information 5 3 Bahrain 6 3.1 Increasing repression 7 3.2 Unrest in 2011 8 3.3 Saudi forces move in 9 3.4 Bahrain- Basic information 9 4 Iran 10 4.1 Unrest in 2011 10 4.2 Iran- basic information 11 5 Jordan 11 5.1 Unrest in 2011 11 5.2 Jordan- basic information 12 6 Libya 13 6.1 Unrest in 2011 14 6.2 International reaction 15 6.3 Refugees 17 6.4 Libya- basic information 17 7 Morocco 18 7.1 Morocco- basic information -
The Left and the Algerian Catastrophe
THE LEFT AND THE ALGERIAN CATASTROPHE H UGH R OBERTS n explaining their sharply opposed positions following the attacks on the IWorld Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001, two promi- nent writers on the American Left, Christopher Hitchens and Noam Chomsky, both found it convenient to refer to the Algerian case. Since, for Hitchens, the attacks had been the work of an Islamic fundamentalism that was a kind of fascism, he naturally saw the Algerian drama in similar terms: Civil society in Algeria is barely breathing after the fundamentalist assault …We let the Algerians fight the Islamic-fascist wave without saying a word or lending a hand.1 This comment was probably music to the ears of the Algerian government, which had moved promptly to get on board the US-led ‘coalition’ against terror, as Chomsky noted in articulating his very different view of things: Algeria, which is one of the most murderous states in the world, would love to have US support for its torture and massacres of people in Algeria.2 This reading of the current situation was later supplemented by an account of its genesis: The Algerian government is in office because it blocked the democratic election in which it would have lost to mainly Islamic-based groups. That set off the current fighting.3 The significance of these remarks is that they testify to the fact that the Western Left has not addressed the Algerian drama properly, so that Hitchens and Chomsky, neither of whom pretend to specialist knowledge of the country, have THE LEFT AND THE ALGERIAN CATASTROPHE 153 not had available to them a fund of reliable analysis on which they might draw. -
Covid-19 Tracker
COVID-19 TRACKER As the number of Covid-19 cases in the Middle East and North Africa COVID-19 SITUATION AND LATEST UPDATES region crosses 3.3 million, governments race to secure vaccines ALGERIA BAHRAIN EGYPT IRAN IRAQ JORDAN KUWAIT LEBANON 73,775+ 85,590+ 112,675+ 841,310+ 533,555+ 178,160+ 139,730+ 115,280+ Prime Minister Infectious Prime Minister Fresh curbs Health Ministry Health Ministry Cabinet Health Ministry Abdelaziz Djerad diseases Moustafa imposed on 21 calls on citizens allowed to designs plan inks agreement COVID-19 CASES IN THE MENA REGION says the closure consultant and Madbouly warns November, but to abide by take charge of to bring back with Syndicate of schools is microbiologist of a harsher in the morning protective any hospital the country’s of Private 900 ruled out and at the BDF wave of Covid-19 state TV said measures for Covid-19 domestic Hospitals to that contracts Hospital, Manaf and calls on Tehran’s streets against treatment and workers, raise tariffs with foreign al-Qahtani, residents to were “crowded Covid-19, such fix treatment approving for protective Iran Oman laboratories for says Bahrain comply with despite the as wearing prices in private the “urgent equipment and Saudi Arabia Morocco the purchase placed an precautionary restrictions”. masks and hospitals. The completion” of ventilators, 675 Other GCC Jordan of Covid-19 order in August measures. President maintaining government a two-phased provided private 25.1% Egypt Tunisia vaccines are to purchase Face masks are Hassan Rouhani social plans to treat approach as hospitals Bahrain Libya under way. -
The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
Panellists' Bios
A Decade after Rwanda: The United Nations and the Responsibility to Protect A Panel Discussion on the tenth anniversary of the Rwanda genocide Biographies of the Panellists ANYIDOHO, Henry Kwami Major-General (retired) Henry Kwami Anyidoho, a graduate of the Ghana Military Academy, is one of Ghana’s most distinguished military officers. During his almost 41 years of service in the Ghana Armed Forces, he held numerous command positions, including Commander of the Army Signal Regiment, Commandant of the Military Academy and Training Schools, Director-General Logistics, Joint Operations and Plans at the General Headquarters of the Ghana Armed Forces and General Officer commanding the Northern Command of the Ghana Army. General Anyidoho’s involvement in international peacekeeping operations includes the UN Emergency Force II (UNEF II) at the Sinai; the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) for which he was the chief military press and information officer in the early 1980s; the ECOMOG forces sent to Liberia in 1990; and the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC). He served as Deputy Force Commander and Chief of Staff of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), where he lived and operated throughout the civil war. Thereafter he was posted to the Ministry of Defence of Ghana, as the Special Assistant to the Minister of Defence and a member of the IPA/OAU task force on the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention Management and Resolution. He was the UN expert that prepared the document for discussion at the first meeting of the Heads of the Armed Forces of the OAU central organ in Addis Ababa in June 1996. -
Algeria 2020 Human Rights Report
ALGERIA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Algeria is a multiparty republic whose president, the head of state, is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The president has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet members and the prime minister, who is the head of government. A 2016 constitutional revision requires the president to consult with the parliamentary majority before appointing the prime minister. President Abdelmadjid Tebboune came to office after winning the December 2019 presidential election, which saw approximately 40-percent voter turnout, following mass popular demonstrations (known as the Hirak) throughout 2019 calling for democratic reforms. Observers characterized the elections as well organized and conducted without significant problems or irregularities, but noted restrictions on civil liberties during the election period and lack of transparency in vote-counting procedures. The 130,000-member National Gendarmerie, which performs police functions outside of urban areas under the auspices of the Ministry of National Defense, and the 200,000-member General Directorate of National Security or national police, under the Ministry of Interior, share responsibility for maintaining law and order. The army is responsible for external security, guarding the country’s borders, and has some domestic security responsibilities. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces. The Ministry of Justice reported no civil, security, or military officials were prosecuted or convicted of torture or other abusive treatment. Members of the security forces committed some abuses. Algeria held a constitutional referendum on November 1. The president and supporters of the referendum argued the new constitution will lead to a greater balance of power between the president and parliament; opponents believed the draft will further consolidate presidential power and did not include sufficient governance and human rights reforms.