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Syria and Repealing Decision 2011/782/CFSP
30.11.2012 EN Official Journal of the European Union L 330/21 DECISIONS COUNCIL DECISION 2012/739/CFSP of 29 November 2012 concerning restrictive measures against Syria and repealing Decision 2011/782/CFSP THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, internal repression or for the manufacture and maintenance of products which could be used for internal repression, to Syria by nationals of Member States or from the territories of Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in Member States or using their flag vessels or aircraft, shall be particular Article 29 thereof, prohibited, whether originating or not in their territories. Whereas: The Union shall take the necessary measures in order to determine the relevant items to be covered by this paragraph. (1) On 1 December 2011, the Council adopted Decision 2011/782/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Syria ( 1 ). 3. It shall be prohibited to: (2) On the basis of a review of Decision 2011/782/CFSP, the (a) provide, directly or indirectly, technical assistance, brokering Council has concluded that the restrictive measures services or other services related to the items referred to in should be renewed until 1 March 2013. paragraphs 1 and 2 or related to the provision, manu facture, maintenance and use of such items, to any natural or legal person, entity or body in, or for use in, (3) Furthermore, it is necessary to update the list of persons Syria; and entities subject to restrictive measures as set out in Annex I to Decision 2011/782/CFSP. (b) provide, directly or indirectly, financing or financial assistance related to the items referred to in paragraphs 1 (4) For the sake of clarity, the measures imposed under and 2, including in particular grants, loans and export credit Decision 2011/273/CFSP should be integrated into a insurance, as well as insurance and reinsurance, for any sale, single legal instrument. -
The Degrading of Syria's Regime | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Interviews and Presentations The Degrading of Syria's Regime by Andrew J. Tabler Jun 15, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew J. Tabler Andrew J. Tabler is the Martin J. Gross fellow in the Geduld Program on Arab Politics at The Washington Institute, where he focuses on Syria and U.S. policy in the Levant. A n Interview by Bernard Gwertzman, CFR.org The Obama administration believes that the regime of President Bashar al-Assad of Syria is now in a "downward trajectory" because of the violence against its own people and the failure to undertake reforms, says Andrew J. Tabler, a former journalist in Syria. But the regime's decline also poses new hurdles for U.S. efforts to engage Syria, break its ties with Iran, and promote peace with Israel, he says. Because of the Internet and some loosening of ties with foreign countries, the "genie is out of the bottle," he says. "The problem with the Assad regime is that the genie is now just way too big for the bottle." He says unlike Tunisia and Egypt, where the army helped overthrow the leader, the security forces in Syria will remain loyal to Assad. Any change will be the result of Sunnis, who comprise the majority of the population, taking over from the Alawites led by Assad. GWERTZMAN: With the violent crackdowns in Syria lately and the statements of condemnation from Washington, does this wreck whatever chance there was for an early U.S.-Syrian rapprochement? TABLER: Yes it does, and for the foreseeable future. -
Evaluating the Sociology of First Amendment Silence Mae Kuykendall
Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly Volume 42 Article 3 Number 4 Summer 2015 1-1-2015 Evaluating the Sociology of First Amendment Silence Mae Kuykendall Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Mae Kuykendall, Evaluating the Sociology of First Amendment Silence, 42 Hastings Const. L.Q. 695 (2015). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly/vol42/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Evaluating the Sociology of First Amendment Silence by MAE KUYKENDALL* Introduction Silence is that curious answer to the riddle, "What is golden and disappears when you speak its name?" In the context of First Amendment jurisprudence, Silence is just as puzzling as a riddle. Silence may be used as a verb, as in, to cause a speaker to cease speaking or as a noun, as in, the absence of speaking or sound. In either form, Silence has long been recognized as a rhetorical vehicle for expression. As it is wont to do, Silence often sits quietly in the interstices of First Amendment doctrine. But when she speaks, she roars. When Silence becomes speech, and that speech becomes law, Silence can get a thumping for its unseemly intrusion. The thumping of silence as legal doctrine, such as it has been, was a product of the Court's rescue of the Boy Scouts in Boy Scouts of America v. -
The Power and the People Charles Tripp Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-80965-8 — The Power and the People Charles Tripp Index More Information Index Abbas, Ferhat, 23 Al Khalifa, Salman bin Hamad, crown Abbas, Mahmoud, president of the prince of Bahrain, 112–14 Palestinian National Authority, Aleppo 124 citadel, 19 Abbasgholizadeh, Mahboubeh, 209 killing of Alawi officer cadets (1979), 54 Abd al-Jalil, Mustafa, leader of the Alexandria National Transitional Council protest demonstrations (1977), 134, (Libya), 65, 67 149, 154 Abd al-Qadir, Amir, 24 protest demonstrations (2011), 71, 92, Abdel-Fattah, Israa, 98 94–5, 97, 99, 104 Abdi, Abed, 279–80 Alexandroni Brigade, 230. See also Abdoun, Hamid, 284. See also Algeria: Tantura killings (1948) Aouchem art movement Algeria Abdul-Aziz, Mustafa, 162 Algerian League of Human Rights, 246 Abdullah I, king of Jordan, 28 Algiers riots (1988), 134 Abdullah II, king of Jordan, 213 Aouchem art movement, 244, 284–6 Abeling, Johannes Armée de Libération Nationale (ALN), ‘Khan Yunis, Gaza Strip’ (2005), 302 22, 238, 241 Abu `Aisha, Dareen, 207 Armée Islamique du Salut (AIS), 249 Abu Iyad (Salah Khalaf), 29 Berber Spring (1980), 237–40, 245–6, al-Adly, Habib, 96 251 Adnan, Etel Black Spring (2001), 247 ‘Blessed Day’ (1990), 290 Constitution (1963), 241 Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud, president of European settlers, 22–4 Iran, 82–6, 179, 193, 197, 199, Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), 301 16, 22–4, 30, 33, 136, 221, 237–47, Ait Ahmed, Hocine, 241–2, 245. See also 249, 251, 254–5, 285–6 Algeria: Front des Forces Socialistes party congress (1983), 246 (FFS) Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS), Ait Manguellet, Lounis, 244 241–2, 245, 248 al-Akhal, Tamam, 281 Front Islamique du Salut (FIS), 241 Akmoun, Mustafa, 285. -
Turmoil in the Middle East
Turmoil in the Middle East Standard Note: SN/IA/5902 Last updated: 28 March 2011 Author: Ben Smith Section International Affairs and Defence Section This note looks at the instability in the Middle East and North Africa since the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. Source: worldmap.org This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required. This information is provided subject to our general terms and conditions which are available online or may be provided on request in hard copy. Authors are available to discuss the content of this briefing with Members and their staff, but not with the general public. Contents 1 Tunisia and Egypt 3 2 Algeria 4 2.1 Background 4 2.2 Unrest in 2011 5 2.3 Algeria basic information 5 3 Bahrain 6 3.1 Increasing repression 7 3.2 Unrest in 2011 8 3.3 Saudi forces move in 9 3.4 Bahrain- Basic information 9 4 Iran 10 4.1 Unrest in 2011 10 4.2 Iran- basic information 11 5 Jordan 11 5.1 Unrest in 2011 11 5.2 Jordan- basic information 12 6 Libya 13 6.1 Unrest in 2011 14 6.2 International reaction 15 6.3 Refugees 17 6.4 Libya- basic information 17 7 Morocco 18 7.1 Morocco- basic information -
Conservation and the Myth of Consensus
Essays Conservation and the Myth of Consensus M. NILS PETERSON,∗ MARKUS J. PETERSON,† AND TARLA RAI PETERSON‡ ∗Department of Fisheries and Wildlife, Michigan State University, 13 Natural Resources Building, East Lansing, MI 48824-1222, U.S.A., email [email protected] †Department of Wildlife and Fisheries Sciences, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843-2258, U.S.A. ‡Department of Communication, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT 84112-0491, U.S.A. Abstract: Environmental policy makers are embracing consensus-based approaches to environmental de- cision making in an attempt to enhance public participation in conservation and facilitate the potentially incompatible goals of environmental protection and economic growth. Although such approaches may pro- duce positive results in immediate spatial and temporal contexts and under some forms of governance, their overuse has potentially dangerous implications for conservation within many democratic societies. We suggest that environmental decision making rooted in consensus theory leads to the dilution of socially powerful con- servation metaphors and legitimizes current power relationships rooted in unsustainable social constructions of reality. We also suggest an argumentative model of environmental decision making rooted in ecology will facilitate progressive environmental policy by placing the environmental agenda on firmer epistemological ground and legitimizing challenges to current power hegemonies that dictate unsustainable practices. Key Words: democracy, environmental conflict, -
Arab American Literature and the Ethnic American Landscape: Language, Identity, and Community
Arab American Literature and the Ethnic American Landscape: Language, Identity, and Community A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department English and Comparative Literature of the College of Arts and Sciences by Niven Herro, B.A., M.A. July 2018 Committee Chair: Jennifer Glaser, Ph.D. Committee Members: Lisa Hogeland, Ph.D., Laura Micciche, Ph.D. Abstract This dissertation explores the works of contemporary Arab American women writers with a focus on language, identity, and community. I am especially interested in the ways in which the Arab American immigrant experience mirrors that of other ethnic American groups, as demonstrated in their literatures. First, I argue that Randa Jarrar’s debut novel, A Map of Home (2008), which uses language—both Arabic and English—as a source of empowerment, reflects Chicana writer Gloria Anzaldúa’s concept of the “new mestiza consciousness.” Comparing the Chinatown community in Fae Myenne Ng’s Bone (1993), to the Muslim community in Mohja Kahf’s The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf (2006), reveals the complicated relationships the novels’ characters have with their communities. In both novels, the personal development of their young women protagonists is greatly influenced by their respective communities, which simultaneously serve as positive sites of support and complex sites of difficult negotiations. While the characters in A Map of Home and The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf ultimately learn to effectively navigate their hybrid subject positions as both Arabs and Americans, the failure to do so leads to a tragic end for the couple at the center of Laila Halaby’s Once in a Promised Land. -
'These 39 Arab Writers Are All Under the Age of 40. They Have Flung Open
JOUMANA HADDAD FAIZA GUENE ABDELKADER BENALI Joumana Haddad was born in Lebanon in 1970. She is Faiza Guene was born in France in head of the Cultural pages of the prestigious “An Nahar” Abdelkader Benali was born in 1975 in The Netherlands, 1985 to Algerian parents. She wrote her newspaper, as well as the administrator of the IPAF literary of Moroccan origins. Benali published his fi rst novel fi rst novel, “Kiffe kiffe demain” (Just like SAMAR YAZBEK prize (the “Arab Booker”) and the editor-in-chief of Jasad “Bruiloft aan zee” (Wedding by the Sea) in 1996, for Tomorrow) when she was 17 years old. magazine, a controversial Arabic magazine specialized in the which he received the Geertjan Lubberhuizen Prize. For It was a huge success in France, selling SAMER ABOU HAWWASH literature and arts of the body. Amongst her books, “Time his second novel, “De langverwachte” (The Long-Awaited, over 360,000 copies and translation for a dream” (1995), “Invitation to a secret feast” (1998), 2002), Benali was awarded the Libris Literature Prize. He Samer Abou Hawwash was born rights around the world. She’s also the “I did not sin enough” (2003), “Lilith’s Return” (2004), has since published the novels “Laat het morgen mooi in 1972 in the southern Lebanese author of “Du rêve pour les oufs” in “Conversations with international writers”, (2006), “Death weer zijn” (Let Tomorrow Be Fine, 2005) and “Feldman city of Sidon. Abou Hawwash has 2006 and “Les gens du Balto” in 2008. will come and it will have your eyes” and “Anthology of 150 en ik” (Feldman and I, 2006). -
Six Mois De Guerre Civile En Libye
ÉTUDES, REPORTAGES, RÉFLEXIONS SIX MOIS DE GUERRE CIVILE EN LIBYE ■ ADRIEN JAULMES ■ ls étaient descendus sans armes dans les rues en février der- nier pour manifester contre le régime de Kadhafi . Ils étaient Iétudiants, informaticiens, coiffeurs, employés, footballeurs, réclamant un peu plus de liberté, comme leurs voisins tunisiens et égyptiens. Six mois plus tard, les manifestants sont devenus des gué- rilleros, et paradent dans Tripoli les armes à la main, juchés sur des pick-up équipés de mitrailleuses lourdes et de canons sans recul, tirant en l’air des rafales de joie. La révolution libyenne a commencé comme en Tunisie et en Égypte, par des manifestations non violentes. Mais au lieu de déboucher sur la chute rapide du dictateur, elle a tourné à la guerre civile, et le printemps libyen à l’été meurtrier. Au lieu de quelques semaines de protestations, il a fallu aux Libyens six mois de combats et l’appui aérien des Occidentaux pour se débarrasser enfi n d’un dictateur aussi violent que tenace. La Libye sort profondément bouleversée de ces six mois de guerre civile. Ce petit pays à la population paisible, conservateur 17 11110ETUDES015.indd110ETUDES015.indd 1717 114/09/114/09/11 111:311:31 ÉTUDES, REPORTAGES, RÉFLEXIONS Six mois de guerre civile en Libye et bourré de pétrole, aurait dû selon toute logique connaître un destin comparable à celui d’un émirat tranquille du golfe Arabo- persique. L’apparition, à la fi n des années soixante-dix, comme une comète dans le ciel politique libyen, de Mouammar Kadhafi , l’un des plus fantasques et des plus brutaux dirigeants arabes contem- porains, a complètement bouleversé ce scénario. -
AC Vol 40 No 10
23 July 1999 Vol 40 No 15 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ALGERIA 3 ORGANISATION OF AFRICAN UNITY Alger l'Africaine President Bouteflika reestablished Tougher talk Algeria's anti-colonial credentials when he hosted the OAU summit Africa's big three - Algeria, Nigeria and South Africa - focused the and marketed his country as a summit on peace talks and ending military rule dynamic economy at the junction of Africa, Europe and the Middle For once, the Organisation of African Unity caught the mood of the continent, balanced uneasily East. He wanted to show visitors between hope and despair. Hope that, after shaky ceasefire agreements in Congo-Kinshasa and that national reconciliation was Sierra Leone, the Algiers OAU summit (12-16 July) might progress towards resolving the conflicts working and convinced many. ripping through over one-fifth of Africa’s 53 states. Despair that good intentions are far from realisation, as economic weakness persists and old conflicts linger on in Angola and Sudan. Yet by FRANCE/OIL 4 the standards of summits in general and OAU summits in particular, it was constructive. Zambia’s President Frederick Chiluba flew off to Congo-K to persuade the quarrelling rebel Totally elfin factions to sign the 10 July Lusaka peace accord; Nigeria’s President Olusegun Obasanjo flew to For decades the oil company Elf meet embattled President José Eduardo dos Santos in Luanda; United Nations Secretary General Aquitaine has played a key role for Kofi Annan flew back to New York (via Slovakia) with proposals for UN help in peacemaking in French policy in Africa. After its Congo, Sierra Leone and Eritrea-Ethiopia. -
The Opposition to Israel's Withdrawal from the Gaza Strip: Legi
1 ENGL 114 Professor Andrew Ehrgood The Opposition to Israel's Withdrawal from the Gaza Strip: Legitimizing Civil Disobedience from Both Sides of the Political Map by Aya Shoshan The Left Faces an Unexpected Dilemma As an Israeli leftist, I shared the left’s excitement when, in February 2004, Prime Minister Sharon announced his plan to withdraw from the Gaza strip. Even though this wasn't the peace agreement that the left craved for, no one could ignore the historical importance of this decision. The dominant view among the left was that after 38 years of occupation of Palestinian territories, Israel was finally acknowledging that the occupation was destructive. The withdrawal was also a precedent for evacuating other Israeli settlements. If the plan proved feasible, it would make way for other evacuations in the future. Finally, that the decision to withdraw had been made by a right-wing government meant that the understanding of the need to withdraw had crossed political boundaries and become a consensus. In the midst of this enthusiasm, disturbing voices of resistance appeared from the far right. Aside from expected protests against the withdrawal, some right-wing leaders and activists called for more severe steps, such as refusing to serve in the military and physically resisting the evacuation of settlements. These statements outraged the left. How dare the settlers, who have been nurtured by the state for years, who have taken pride in being patriotic and loyal to the state, who have dragged Israel into countless unnecessary confrontations with the Palestinians, how dare they turn their back on the law and the government now? There was an immense urge among the left to denounce the right resistance, and many left-wing activists and thinkers joined forces to do so. -
Bashar Al-Assad: a Psychobiography Using Levinson's Theory Of
COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date). Bashar al-Assad: A Psychobiography Using Levinson’s Theory Of Development By CERI KRISTIN KERRIN A minor dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment for the Degree of Magister Artium in Psychology (Counselling) In the Faculty of Humanities UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG Supervisor: Ms C.F. Saccaggi Co-supervisor: Professor Z.G Knight 2014 i AFFIDAVIT: MASTER’S AND DOCTORAL STUDENTS TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN This serves to confirm that I ________________Ceri Kristin Kerrin ______________ (Full Name(s) and Surname ID Number ___ ____________________________________________________ Student number __________________________________________ enrolled for the Qualification __Magister Artium in Counselling Psycholog________________________________ Faculty __Humanities ____________________________________________________________ herewith declare that my academic work is in line with the Plagiarism Policy of the University of Johannesburg, with which I am familiar. I further declare that the work presented in the minor dissertation X dissertation Doctoral thesis is authentic and original unless clearly indicated otherwise, and in such instances full reference to the source is provided.