Bashar Al-Assad: a Psychobiography Using Levinson's Theory Of

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Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date).

Bashar al-Assad: A Psychobiography Using Levinson’s Theory Of Development

CERI KRISTIN KERRIN

A minor dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment for the Degree

Magister Artium in Psychology (Counselling)

In the Faculty of Humanities UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG

Supervisor: Ms C.F. Saccaggi Co-supervisor: Professor Z.G Knight

2014

AFFIDAVIT: MASTER’S AND DOCTORAL STUDENTS

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN

This serves to confirm that I ______Ceri Kristin Kerrin ______(Full Name(s) and Surname ID Number ______

Student number ______enrolled for the

Qualification __Magister Artium in Counselling Psycholog______

Faculty __Humanities ______herewith declare that my academic work is in line with the Plagiarism Policy of the University of Johannesburg, with which I am familiar.

I further declare that the work presented in the minor dissertation X dissertation Doctoral thesis is authentic and original unless clearly indicated otherwise, and in such instances full reference to the source is provided. I do not presume to receive any credit for such acknowledged quotations, and there is no copyright infringement in my work. I declare that no unethical research practices were used or material gained through dishonesty. I understand that plagiarism is a serious offence, and that should I contravene the Plagiarism Policy, notwithstanding signing this affidavit, I may be found guilty of a serious criminal offence (perjury). This would among other consequences compel the UJ to inform all other tertiary institutions of the offence and to issue a corresponding certificate of reprehensible academic conduct to whoever requests such a certificate from the institution.

Signed at ______on this ______day of ______20___.

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This affidavit conforms with the requirements of the JUSTICES OF THE PEACE AND COMMISSIONERS OF OATHS ACT 16 OF 1963 and the applicable Regulations published in the GG GNR 1258 of 21 July 1972; GN 903 of 10 July 1998; GN 109 of 2 February 2001 as amended.

(ال سد حاف ظ ب شار ) PHOTOGRAPH OF BASHAR HAFEZ AL-ASSAD

Figure 1: A cropped photograph of Bashar al-Assad. Adapted from Agência Brasil, by R. Pinheiro, 2010, Retrieved November 10, 2013 from http://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/fotos. Copyright 2010 by Agência Brasil

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research could not have been possible without the support and assistance of a number of individuals. I would therefore like to thank the following individuals for their support, time and patience.

Firstly, I would like to thank both of my supervisors, Ms Carol Saccaggi and Prof Zelda Knight, for their guidance, encouragement, patience and professional advice throughout this process. It is through their supervision that I have developed a genuine love for psychobiographical research.

My husband, Jon, for the support and motivation which made this study possible. Your continued interest in this study and related matters has helped to develop my conceptual understanding of Bashar al-Assad and the Arab Spring, without which this study would not have been possible.

To my parents and family (Taylor and Kerrin), for their continued love, emotional support and encouragement throughout this study and my academic career. I am constantly grateful for your belief in me and my ability to achieve. Thank you for investing your time and energy in sharing in this journey (and its ups and downs) with me.

To my friends and classmates, thank you for your continued support, interest and motivation. Sharing this journey with you has been a great pleasure.

ABSTRACT Psychobiographical research analyses the life of an individual through the use of psychological theory. This form of case study research is important as it enables an understanding of the unique nature of an individual case within a specific context. Despite this, this form of case study research has been under-utilised both internationally and within South Africa. Current trends, however, indicate local and international growth in the use of this method. The research subject, Bashar Hafez al-Assad, the current president of Syria, was selected through purposive sampling based on interest value and uniqueness. The current crisis in Syria and the Arab world (known collectively as the Arab Spring) greatly increased the value of a study of this nature. Although a range of data is available on Bashar al-Assad, none of this data has been analysed using a psychological theory. The primary aim of this study was thus to explore the life of Bashar al- Assad (from birth until December 2000) in terms of Levinson, Darrow, Klein and McKee’s (1978) developmental theory. The secondary aims of this study are to determine (1) the applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory to the life of Bashar al-Assad and (2) the applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory when used for cross-cultural analysis. Data collected was analysed according to Huberman and Miles’ (2000) and Huberman, Miles and Saldaña’s (2013) approach. The study found that within the predefined ages considered in this study Bashar al-Assad developed from a quiet shy child with a desire to be perceived as normal to the president of Syria, with no possibility of a normal life. Changes in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure were often the result of loss and tragedy, as seen through the death of his brother (Basel al-Assad) and father (Hafez al-Assad). This study demonstrated that Bashar al-Assad, although from a political family, spent his pre-adult era, early adulthood transition phases and the period during which he entered the adult world trying to be ‘normal’. Bashar’s life structure, however, did not follow the ‘normal’ trajectory he had envisioned. Instead, the death of Basel al-Assad and Hafez al-Assad led to his assumption of the role of president of Syria, changing his life structure in a way that he seemed unable to change

TABLE OF CONTENTS

AFFIDAVIT: MASTER’S AND DOCTORAL STUDENTS ...... ii

iii ...... (ال سد حاف ظ ب شار ) PHOTOGRAPH OF BASHAR HAFEZ AL-ASSAD

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iv

ABSTRACT ...... v

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vi

LIST OF APPENDICES ...... ix

Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Chapter overview ...... 1 1.2 The context of this research ...... 1 1.4 A brief introduction to Bashar al-Assad ...... 3 1.5 The research problem ...... 4 1.6 An overview of the structure of this mini-dissertation ...... 4 1.7 Chapter summary ...... 5

Chapter 2: The Life of Bashar Hafez al-Assad ...... 6

2.1 Chapter overview ...... 6 2.2 Constraints with regard to our understanding of Bashar ...... 6 2.3 The life of Bashar al-Assad ...... 7 2.3.6 Bashar al-Assad the president ...... 16 2.4 Chapter summary...... 21

Chapter 3: Theoretical Overview of Psychobiography ...... 22

3.1 Chapter overview ...... 22 3.2 Qualitative research ...... 22 3.3 Case study methods...... 23 3.4 Psychobiographical research as a qualitative case study method ...... 23 3.5 Defining a psychobiography ...... 23 3.6 Concepts related to psychobiography...... 24

3.7 The development of psychobiography...... 26 3.8 The value of psychobiographical research...... 28 3.9 Chapter summary...... 30

Chapter 4: Levinson’s Theory of Lifespan Development...... 31

4.1 Chapter overview ...... 31 4.2 Developmental theories ...... 31 4.3 Levinson’s developmental theory ...... 31 4.4 Evaluation of Levinson’s developmental theory ...... 42 4.5 Chapter summary ...... 44

Chapter 5: Methods ...... 45

5.1 Chapter overview ...... 45 5.2 The aim of this research ...... 45 5.3 The research design...... 45 5.4 The psychobiographical subject ...... 45 5.5 Selection of theoretical framework ...... 46 5.6 Selection of a timeframe for this study...... 47 5.7 Ensuring quality in psychobiographical research...... 47 5.8 Methodological considerations ...... 49 5.9 Evaluation of psychobiographical interpretations ...... 55 5.10 Data Collection ...... 55 5.11 Data analysis ...... 57 5.11.1 Huberman et al. (2013) and Huberman and Miles’s (1994) data analysis strategy. .. 57 5.12 Ethical Considerations ...... 59 5.13 Chapter summary ...... 59

Chapter 6: Findings and Discussion ...... 60

6.1 Chapter overview ...... 60 6.2 The life of Bashar al-Assad according to Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. 60 6.3 Chapter summary ...... 81

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Chapter 7: Conclusion...... 82

7.1 Chapter overview ...... 82 7.2 Summary of research findings ...... 82 7.3 Personal Reflection ...... 84 7.4 The value of this study ...... 85 7.6 Recommendations for further research ...... 86 7.7 Chapter summary ...... 86

References ...... 87

Appendix A…………...……………………………………………………………………………………………………. 104

Appendix B………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….105

Appendix C…………………………………………………………………………………………...……………………. 106

Appendix D……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………117

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LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix A: Genogram of relevant members of the al-Assad family

Appendix B: Significant biographical and non-biographical sources used in the analysis of Bashar al-Assad

Appendix C: Photographic timeline of Bashar al-Assad’s life

Appendix D: Data matrix used in analysing the life of Bashar al-Assad according to Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory

Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Chapter overview hereafter referred to as Bashar), the subject) 1(ال سد حاف ظ ب شار) Bashar Hafez al-Assad of this psychobiographical study, is currently the president of Syria, a country characterised by an on-going civil war, tension with the Western world and a history of oppression and subsequent violent conflict. This chapter provides a general overview of how this psychobiographical study was carried out on this unique and politically relevant individual’s life. This chapter commences with a contextualisation of the research through a brief outline of the psychobiographical approach and Levinson, Darrow, Klein, and McKee’s (1978) theory of the Human Life Cycle. This is followed by a brief overview of the life of Bashar within the timeframe selected for this study (see Section 1.2). The research problem is then discussed, followed by an overview of the structure of this mini-dissertation. 1.2 The context of this research A variety of definitions have been provided for psychobiography (as discussed in Section 3.5). According to van Niekerk (2007), one of the common denominators of these definitions is that biographical data is inherently interesting, valuable and high in psychological and historical significance. This data is used to generate a more comprehensive understanding of the life of an individual in light of a psychological theory (Fouché, Smit, van Niekerk, & Watson, 2007; Kőváry, 2011; McAdams, 1988; Runyan, 1984). This study makes use of a psychobiographical research method in order to provide an in-depth analysis of Bashar al-Assad’s life from birth (11 September 1965) until shortly after the commencement of the Damascus Winter, a period of increased political and military control following the Damascus Spring, which was a period of social debate and commentary shortly after Bashar al-Assad’s election (December 2000) (Lesch, 2005, 2011, 2012; Zîser, 2007). As president of Syria, Bashar al-Assad is currently involved in the on-going political turmoil and uprisings in the Middle East commonly referred to as the Arab Spring. 1.2.1 The psychobiographical approach. Psychobiographies take the form of qualitative, cross-cultural, longitudinal and individual case studies (Anderson, 1981; Kőváry, 2011; McLeod, 1994; Runyan, 1997; Yin, 2003). A full description of the psychobiographical

has been spelt in various ways in its translation from Arabic to English. For the purposes ب ا سل The family name 1 of this study, the spelling ‘al-Assad’ will be used throughout. 1 method is provided in Chapter 3. In short, psychobiographical research is qualitative morphogenic research that aims to provide a psychological understanding of the lives of great individuals within their socio-historical contexts (Allport, 1962; Elms, 1994; Runyan, 1983). 1.2.1.1 The psychobiographical approach to political leaders. Bashar al-Assad is a political figure, and therefore it is important to note the unique nature of political psychobiographies. Although McAdams (1988, 2006a) and Haslam (2007) have argued that psychobiography is an ideographic (individual) case study method that analyses an individual’s entire life in order to generate a psychological understanding, Elms and Song (2005) note that this is not always the case with political psychobiographies, as the individual is still alive and able to control the availability of data within the public domain. Data selection in the psychobiographical study of political leaders is discussed in detail in Section 5.10. The ethical considerations pertaining to the psychobiographical study of political leaders are also slightly different from those for non-political figures, as discussed in Section 5.12. 1.2.2 An overview of the theoretical framework used in developing a psychobiographical understanding of Bashar al-Assad. Psychobiographical research uses psychological theory in order to explore the life of an individual (Fouché et al., 2007; Kőváry, 2011; McAdams, 1988; Runyan, 1984). This study utilised Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development in order to generate a psychobiographical understanding of Bashar al-Assad’s life. Levinson et al. (1978) conceptualised male development in terms of a sequential series of qualitatively unique developmental periods. According to Levinson et al. (1978), the human life consists of four developmental eras: (1) pre-adulthood, (2) early adulthood, (3) middle adulthood and (4) late adulthood. Transition between each of these eras is facilitated by cross-era transitional phases. Levinson et al. (1978) postulated that each developmental era consists of alternating stable and transitional phases in which the individual either builds on or alters their life structure. The manner in which the individual negotiates these stable and transitional phases determines the unique character of the individual’s life. These sequential developmental periods are used in order to generate a psychobiographical understanding of the life of Bashar al-Assad from birth (11 September 1965) until shortly after the commencement of the Damascus Winter (December 2000).

1.4 A brief introduction to Bashar al-Assad Bashar al-Assad, the son of Hafez al-Assad and Aniseh al-Assad, was born on 11 September 1965 (Lesch, 2005). By the end of 1967, Bashar al-Assad was the third child and second son in a family of five children (Lesch, 2005; Seale, 1988) and the second son of the Syrian president Hafez al-Assad, who came into power on 12 March 1972 as a result of a bloodless military coup d’état known as the 1970 Syrian Corrective Revolution (Seale, 1988; Zîser, 2007). Due to the concurrent development of Hafez al-Assad’s military, political and family life, Bashar al-Assad and his siblings were born into a world influenced by the military and politics. As a young adult, Bashar al-Assad (17) decided to pursue a tertiary qualification in ophthalmology at the University of Damascus (Belt, 2009; Lesch, 2005). After the completion of his ophthalmology degree (1988), Bashar al-Assad began working as a military doctor and eye surgeon at Tishreen Military Hospital in Damascus (Lesch, 2005). In 1992, Bashar al-Assad elected to continue his ophthalmological training at the Western Eye Hospital in London. Bashar al-Assad’s ophthalmological career was, however, brought to an abrupt halt on 21 January 1994 when Basel al-Assad 2 (Bashar al-Assad’s eldest brother and the heir apparent of Syria) died in a car accident en route to Damascus airport. Bashar al-Assad returned to Syria to mourn his brother’s death and assume his brother’s role as heir apparent (Aikman, 2009; Pipes, 2004; Sachs, 2000a, 2000b; Zîser, 2007). In the years following Basel al-Assad’s death, Bashar al-Assad was incorporated back into the military, placed in charge of The Syrian Computer Society and put in charge of the significant Lebanon file (Hollis, 2000; Lesch, 2005; Sachs, 2000b; Zîser, 1999). On 10 June 2000, Hafez al-Assad died of a heart attack. Bashar al-Assad was elected president of the Ba’ath party and Syria shortly after (17 June 2000). Bashar al-Assad was seen as representing a change to a new era in which freedom and hope (as opposed to the oppression and dictatorship of Hafez al-Assad) were possible (Hemmer, 2003; Hollis, 2000; Lesch, 2005; Leverett, 2005). On 17 July 2000, Bashar al-Assad took his constitutional oath and delivered his inaugural speech (Lesch, 2011, 2012). Shortly after Bashar al-Assad assumed the role of president, he carried out a series of changes that he viewed were necessary in establishing a Syrian democracy in an increasingly globalised world (Lesch, 2005). This period became known

.has been spelt in various ways in its translation from Arabic to English ب ا سل The name of Bashar’s older brother 2 For the purposes of this study, the spelling ‘Basel’ will be used throughout. 3 as the Damascus Spring. This period was, however, short-lived and soon increased military control was reinforced in what became known as the Damascus Winter (Lesch, 2005, 2011, 2012; Zîser, 2007). The period that followed Bashar al-Assad’s election as president was also characterised by changes in his personal life. In December 2000, just months after his election as president, Bashar al-Assad married Asma al-Akhars, a banker from London (Buck, 2011). This was followed by the birth of Bashar al-Assad’s first son Hafez on 3 December 2001 (Lesch, 2005). Due to the parameters outlined in Section 5.6, the chronological analysis of Bashar al- Assad’s life culminates in the commencement of the Damascus Winter. Thus, the condensed chronological overview of Bashar al-Assad’s life provided above concludes in December 2001. 1.5 The research problem The primary aim of this research study was to generate a psychological understanding of the life of Bashar al-Assad (from birth until December 2000) in terms of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development. This study does not aim to generalise its findings to the population as a whole; rather, this study aims to generalise its findings to Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. According to Yin (2003), this is a form of analytical generalisation, as opposed to statistical generalisation. In performing analytical generalisation this study aims to (1) generate an understanding of Bashar al-Assad and explain his functioning prior to the Damascus Winter, (2) determine the applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory to the life of Bashar al-Assad, and (3) determine the applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory when used for cross-cultural analysis. 1.6 An overview of the structure of this mini-dissertation This study consists of seven chapters, the first of which is this introduction. The life of Bashar al-Assad is discussed in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 provides a theoretical overview of the psychobiographical approach. This is followed in Chapter 4 by a discussion of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of the Human Life Cycle. The methodological considerations of the study, are discussed in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 provides a discussion of the findings of this study through a psychobiographical analysis of the life of Bashar al-Assad. Chapter 7, the final chapter of this study, focuses on the conclusions, limitations and personal reflections of this study, as well as suggestions for further research.

1.7 Chapter summary This chapter provided an overview of the context of this study, the rationale for the selection of Bashar al-Assad, an overview of Bashar al-Assad’s life, the research problem and the structure of this mini-dissertation. This study is a psychobiography of Bashar al-Assad that employs a qualitative psychobiographical research method in order to describe the life of Bashar al-Assad in terms of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of the Human Life Cycle.

Chapter 2: The Life of Bashar Hafez al-Assad

2.1 Chapter overview This chapter provides an overview of the life of Bashar al-Assad, an enigmatic and politically relevant individual. The purpose of this overview is to provide a background understanding of Bashar al-Assad’s life. This background understanding serves as the base from which the psychobiographical analysis of Bashar al-Assad’s life is developed. In order to understand the limitations of this study, this chapter begins with a brief discussion on the differences present in the source material and the influence this may have on the psychobiographical understanding of Bashar al-Assad’s life. Conflicting data on Bashar al- Assad’s life is presented throughout this chapter in line with the chronological progression of his life. These contradictions are discussed in full in Chapter 6. This chapter then provides an overview of the Assad family history and Bashar al-Assad’s life. The following aspects of Bashar al-Assad’s life are discussed in detail: (1) The Assad family, (2) Bashar al-Assad the child and adolescent, (3) Bashar al-Assad the student, (4) Bashar al-Assad the heir apparent, (5) Bashar al-Assad the president and (6) Bashar al-Assad the man. Intertwined in this discussion is an overview of national and international political events and cultural considerations, which may have had an influence on the development of Bashar al-Assad’s personality. Due to the increased political control and propaganda following the Damascus Spring (see Section 5.6 for full discussion), the discussion on Bashar al-Assad’s life is limited to the period from his birth (11 September 1965) to culmination of the Damascus Spring (December 2000). 2.2 Constraints with regard to our understanding of Bashar al-Assad In order to develop an overview of Bashar al-Assad’s life until the culmination of 2001, various biographical and non-biographical sources have been used (see Appendix B for a list of significant sources). Due to the secondary nature of these data sources, consideration must be given to the extent to which these sources provide an accurate portrayal of Bashar al-Assad. It is important to note that these sources are not neutral and thus gaps in the available knowledge may exist. The primary biographical source document for this study is The new lion of Damascus: Bashar al-Assad and modern Syria by David Lesch (2005). David Lesch (PhD) is a professor of Middle East history at Trinity University in San Antonio, Texas. Lesch is an accredited academic with publications in academic journals, books and newspapers. He has also appeared on 6 numerous television and radio shows. From 2004 to 2009 Lesch formed a relationship with Bashar al-Assad through regular visits to Syria and consulted the Obama administration on matters of US-Syrian relations (Trinity University, 2010). During this time Lesch collected biographical data for The new lion of Damascus: Bashar al-Assad and modern Syria. Data collection for this book was thus done after Bashar al-Assad’s election as president of Syria in 2000. The retrospective data (in the form of interviews) collected for this book may thus be skewed in Bashar al-Assad’s favour (Runyan, 1982). This possibility of a more positive portrayal of Bashar al-Assad could be attributed to patriotism or fear (as is common in societies led by a dictator). The limitations of conducting psychobiographical research from secondary sources are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 7. Despite these doubts, the information provides a sufficient reflection of the nature of Bashar al-Assad’s life. 2.3 The life of Bashar al-Assad

No man is an island, entire of itself; every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main. (Donne, 1624)

As noted by Donne (1624), no individual is an isolated unit. Instead, an individual exists as part of a whole. An individual’s personality is thus influenced by an interaction between internal factors and environmental circumstances. These environmental circumstances constantly vary based on the social structures, situations and roles that an individual is in at a given time. As with all individuals, Bashar al-Assad is not an isolated unit. As such, his life will be viewed within the context of his social structures and roles. 2.3.1 The al-Assad family. Unlike most political leaders’ lineages, the Assad family was not characterised by wealth and comfort. Instead, Hafez al-Assad was born in Qurdaha, a poor Alawite Muslim community in the mountainous region of north-western Syria (Lesch, 2005; Zahler, 2009). Due to their impoverished circumstances, Hafez al-Assad was the first al-Assad to receive a formal education. This lack of funds led him to further his education at the Syrian Military Air Academy in 1952. Hafez al-Assad gained rank in the military until becoming Minister of Defence and commander in the Air Force (Lesch, 2005; Seale, 1988). This military progression occurred concurrently with Hafez al-Assad’s political progression as a member of

7 the Ba’ath party. This led to his appointment as prime minister of Syria on 20 November 1970 (Olson, 1982; Ziadeh, 2011). From this position, Hafez al-Assad orchestrated a successful, bloodless intra-Ba’ath coup d'état, which lead to his appointment as president of Syria in 1971 (Lesch, 2005; Ziadeh, 2011). In addition to his military and political success, Hafez al-Assad also set about establishing himself as a family man. In 1958, he married Aniseh al-Assad (m. Makhlouf) (Seale, 1988). Their first child, a daughter, Bushrah al-Assad, was born on 24 October 1960. This was followed by the birth of their eldest son, Basel al-Assad, on 23 March 1962. Bashar al- Assad, the third child and second son, was born on 11 September 1965. The third son, Majd al- Assad, was born in 1966. Maher al-Assad was born a year later on 8 December 1967. Bashar al- Assad was thus the third child and second son in a family of five children (Lesch, 2005; Seale, 1988). Appendix A provides a depiction of the al-Assad family. Due to the concurrent development of Hafez al-Assad’s military, political and family life, Bashar al-Assad and his siblings were born into a world that directly and indirectly exposed them to the military and politics. This particularly complicated world formed a contextual framework that influenced every aspect of their lives, including (but not limited to) Bashar al-Assad’s childhood and adolescence. The influence of this world on Bashar al-Assad’s development will be contextualised throughout the overview below, as well as within the psychobiographical analysis of Bashar al-Assad. 2.3.2 Bashar al-Assad the child and adolescent. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al- Assad described his childhood as normal. “We had a very normal family life. We had two very caring parents, and our happiness derived from these two caring parents” (p. 9). The Assad family home was very open, with the children’s friends and their parents often coming to visit (Lesch, 2005). According to Lesch (2005), one of Bashar al-Assad’s childhood friends recalls playing soccer in the parking area near their building when Hafez al-Assad appeared on his way to work. Instead of reprimanding them, as the children had expected, Hafez al-Assad joined in their game. Bashar al-Assad also recounted to Lesch (2005) that at the age of approximately 11 he invited about 20 of his school friends to the Assad family home. The children proceeded to collect all of the mattresses in the house and arrange them in the form of a wrestling ring. The children then wrestled each other, breaking household items in the process, an act for which Bashar al-Assad was punished (Lesch, 2005). The overall impression created by Lesch (2005) is

8 that of a normal political family home with two loving parents. This is reaffirmed by Bashar al- Assad’s depiction of Hafez al-Assad as “a very warm and caring father” (Belt, 2009, p. 9). Seale (1988) and Zîser (2007), however, portray a different reality. According to Seale (1988) and Zîser (2007), Hafez al-Assad was an absent father, frequently engaging in matters of state. When engaged in these matters of state, Hafez would go for prolonged periods of time without engaging with his children. As the middle child of five, Bashar al-Assad had an amicable relationship with his siblings. (Lesch, 2005). Bashar al-Assad was particularly close to Basel al-Assad, his eldest brother, with whom he shared a room for a portion of their childhood. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad looked up to Basel as an older brother and role model. Contrary to this perception, Wilkinson and Smith-Spark (2013) and Near East Quarterly (2011) claim that Basel al-Assad was a cruel brother who often bullied Bashar al-Assad. This bullying was not solely perpetrated by Basel al-Assad, but extended to his other siblings, as seen through Bashar al- Assad being taunted by Maher al-Assad during his undergraduate education (Regencia, 2013). Irrespective of the nature of their relationship, Basel and Bashar al-Assad were both influenced by internal and external political events. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad and Basel were very interested in political events. This is seen in Bashar al-Assad’s recollection of him and Basel rushing to see who would be the first to read the newspaper in the morning (Lesch, 2005). In spite of this perception, a fellow student at the University of Damascus noted that “He [Bashar al-Assad] did not know anything about politics” (Regencia, 2013, para. 11). In 1973, approximately two years after Hafez al-Assad assumed the role of president, the al-Assad family relocated from a residential area near Seven Lake Square (near Damascus’ old city) to Malki, a more prestigious district of Damascus (Lesch, 2005). Malki was considered one of the political residential hubs of Damascus, housing a number of Syrian officials, international embassies and consulates. The Assads lived in a modest home on the third floor of a typical middle-class building (Lesch, 2005). This upper-middle-class area fostered good childhood development, with Bashar al-Assad recalling playing in the streets of the neighbourhood (Lesch, 2005). This is seen in Figure C3 in Appendix C, a photograph of the al-Assad family riding their bicycles in Damascus. Malki did, however, not always provide a safe environment for its residents. After the commencement of the Next Arab-Israeli War on 6 October 1973, Syria became a central

9 component of this war in the Arab world (Gilbert, 2012; Lesch, 2005; Quandt, 2010). Shortly after the al-Assad family relocated to Malki, they were evacuated to their family home in Qurdaha owing to the war. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad, who was only 8 years old at the time, does not remember much about this period. His memory is of at first celebrating the unscheduled break from school. This was, however, short-lived, as Bashar al-Assad soon realised the severity of the circumstances. This realisation was due to the movement of military equipment, the absence of his father and the increased sense of worry and concern seen in his parents (Lesch, 2005). Upon returning to Malki, Bashar al-Assad noted the change that had occurred in both the environment and the community. Fathers and sons had lost their lives in the conflict, and although the community was glad to have triumphed in the war, there was also a sense of loss and anger. According to Lesch (2005), it was during this time that Bashar al-Assad began to question the nature and meaning of war. Thus, although Hafez and Anisa al-Assad had tried to shelter their son from the war and politics (by evacuating him to Qurdaha), he was once again exposed to violence, national crisis and politics (Lesch, 2005). This exposure continued for most of Bashar al-Assad’s childhood and adolescence. This was due to Hafez al-Assad’s involvement in Lebanon’s civil war, which began when Bashar al-Assad was 9 years old and continued throughout his adolescence. This exposure was further intensified by the attempted assassination of Hafez al-Assad in 1980 and the Muslim Brotherhood’s uprising in Hama in 1981. It was a time of severe instability within the Syria’s political regime, with hundreds of Syrians being killed and numerous attempts at assassinating Hafez al-Assad (Ajami, 2012; Nincic, 2011; Talhamy, 2012). According to Lesch (2005), this exposure led to the development of Bashar al-Assad’s political consciousness long before he was elected as president. Bashar al-Assad’s political consciousness was fostered through watching and reading about the series of crises, which occurred in Lebanon during his childhood and adolescence. Syria and Syrian troops played a large role in this Lebanese crisis and Lebanon’s civil war (1975), leading to the establishment of the Lebanon file, a key portfolio which was given to Bashar al-Assad prior to his presidency. Contradicting the data provided by Lesch (2005), a school friend (as noted earlier) stated that Bashar al-Assad was unaware of politics.

2.3.2.1 Bashar al-Assad the scholar. Education played an important role in both the personal and political advancement of Hafez al-Assad. As such, he ensured that education played an important role in the development of Bashar al-Assad and his siblings. Based on the importance he placed on education, Hafez al-Assad chose to pay a fee and educate Bashar al- Assad at al-Hurriyya, a renowned semi-private school near their home. This was in contrast to the free education that was available to all Syrians under the Ba’ath party’s social welfare system (Lesch, 2005; Sachs, 2000a; Zîser, 2007). Based on the selection of a semi-private education, Bashar al-Assad began the sub-elementary phase of his schooling at age three. He continued with sub-elementary schooling until age five. He then proceeded to elementary school (6-10 years), preparatory school (11-13 years), and finally secondary school (14-18 years) (Lesch, 2005). Photographs of Bashar al-Assad as a scholar are seen in Figures C4 and C5 in Appendix C. Bashar al-Assad described himself as an average student with fluctuating grades (Lesch, 2005). According to Lesch’s (2005) undated personal communication with two of Bashar al- Assad’s educators at al-Hurriya, Lorraine Douna (5th elementary grade teacher, 1975) and Muwaffaq Rajah (9th grade teacher, 1979), Bashar al-Assad was an average student who did not attempt to have his grades altered because of his status. According to Lesch (2005), Hafez al- Assad and Anisa al-Assad were personally involved in Bashar al-Assad’s education. Even after Hafez al-Assad’s election as president, he would personally sign Bashar al-Assad’s school reports. Anisa al-Assad was also actively involved in Bashar al-Assad’s education, attending parents’ evenings and school events. Although Lorraine Douna, Muwaffaq Rajah and fellow students knew Bashar al-Assad personally, data collected from them may be positively skewed for the reasons noted in Section 2.2. However, no other data sources are available on this component of Bashar al-Assad’s life. According to Ms Douna and Mr Rajah, Bashar al-Assad was a humble, calm, shy and unassuming learner who did not act like the son of the president. Instead, Bashar al-Assad behaved like a normal student, and desired to be treated as such (Lesch, 2005). He would dress in a similar fashion to the other learners and attended field trips and other events with them, avoiding the use of bodyguards that other Syrian officials’ children had. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad was a genuinely popular student. Due to the authority that the al-Assad family had, they were able to assist the educators with matters outside of the academic domain. According to Lesch (2005), Ms Douna and Mr

Rajah noted that Bashar al-Assad never used these favours in order to gain merit within the classroom. Instead he would act as if no favour had been done. During an additional personal communication, one of Bashar al-Assad’s childhood friends noted that Bashar al-Assad did not mind assisting his educators, instead he had a strong desire to please people and aided them wherever he was able to (Lesch, 2005). As with other aspects of his life, Bashar al-Assad’s academic development appears to be influenced by the complexities of politics. Shortly after the commencement of the Muslim Brotherhood uprising and the assassination attempt on Hafez al-Assad in 1980, Bashar al- Assad’s grades declined sharply (Lesch, 2005). According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad attributed this decline to socialising; however, the socio-political environment during this time cannot be ignored. Due to this decline in grades, Bashar al-Assad moved to La Frère, a small all- boys school in Damascus, for his last two years of school. Bashar al-Assad graduated from secondary school and began studying for a medical degree at the University of Damascus (Lesch, 2005). The data provides an idyllic portrayal of Bashar al-Assad’s childhood, marked by interjections of a very different reality. 2.3.3 Bashar al-Assad the student. In September 1982, Bashar al-Assad (17) began his tertiary studies in ophthalmology at the University of Damascus. According to Lesch (2005), this was due to the precise surgical procedures that are required when operating on the eye, as well as the remarkable recovery of ophthalmological patients, which can be seen almost instantaneously. A photograph of Bashar al-Assad as a student can be seen in Figure C6 in Appendix C. Bashar al-Assad was described by his fellow university students as modest in comparison to the children of other political figures. This was clearly seen in his choice of automobile, a five-year-old Peugeot (in comparison to others’ BMWs and Mercedes Benzes). This was further seen in his decision to park where ‘normal’ students parked and not in the parking reserved for the children of the Syrian elite (Lesch, 2005). A further indication of this modesty was Bashar al- Assad’s dislike of any attention bestowed on him as a member of the Assad family. Lesch (2005) tells of two occasions where this is clearly apparent. Firstly, when Bashar al-Assad and his siblings (Maher al-Assad and Bushra al-Assad) attended a disco and apologised to another patron after being notified of blocking his line of sight instead of having the fellow patron punished. Secondly, during celebrations at the University of Damascus the audience would applaud every time the name Hafez al-Assad was mentioned. Bashar al-Assad was disgusted by this and did not

12 applaud; however, when another student confronted him for not applauding, he politely began to applaud every time his father’s name was mentioned (Lesch, 2005). Regencia (2013) confirmed this depiction of Bashar al-Assad in his interview with Dr. Zaher Sahloul, who described Bashar al-Assad as “a very average and humble person” (para. 3) who did not react harshly when an instructor called him “a son of a donkey” (para. 1) During his second year of university, Bashar al-Assad was once again confronted with the realities of being the president’s son. In 1983, Hafez al-Assad became ill with what were rumoured to be heart problems (Brownlee, 2007; Lesch, 2005). During this period, Rifaat al- Assad (Hafez al-Assad’s younger brother and Bashar al-Assad’s uncle), the recently inaugurated vice president of Syria, attempted to usurp Hafez al-Assad by taking forced military control of Damascus (Lesch, 2005; Rustow, 1984). This was due to his exclusion from (a predominately Sunni) committee selected by Hafez al-Assad to run Syria in his absence. Hafez al-Assad’s illness was, however, short-lived and he returned to full power in 1984. Rifaat al-Assad went relatively unpunished for this act, as public humiliation would tarnish the Assad family name. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad was not only emotional about his father’s ill health, but also about the future of Syria and Hafez al-Assad’s role as president. Bashar al-Assad was not alone in his emotional response to the conflict between Hafez al-Assad and Rifaat al- Assad; other students at the University of Damascus were also concerned. This concern could be seen in the formation of groups supporting both Hafez and Rifaat. Despite the infiltration of his family life and politics into Bashar al-Assad’s academic environment, Bashar al-Assad used the University of Damascus as an escape from the conflict within the Assad family (Lesch, 2005). Bashar al-Assad viewed the university as a place where he was able to live the life of a ‘normal’ student. As such, Bashar al-Assad continued to attend class without any added security (Lesch, 2005). According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad’s friends described his behaviour during the crisis as “absolutely normal” (p.51); he appeared to be calm throughout the entire crisis, including the confrontation. After the completion of his degree in ophthalmology in 1988, Bashar al-Assad began his four-year internship at Tishreen Military Hospital (in Damascus) as a military doctor and eye surgeon (Lesch, 2005). According to Lesch (2005), it was evident to Bashar al-Assad’s peers that he had chosen ophthalmology because of his interest in the field and not the prestige of the career. This was clearly seen in the manner in which he treated his patients when conducting his

13 rounds each day. Bashar al-Assad’s cheerful bedside manner and compassionate nature were indicators of his enjoyment of his chosen profession (Lesch, 2005). A photograph of Bashar al- Assad as a medical doctor can be seen in Figure C7 in Appendix C. In 1992, Bashar al-Assad decided to continue his studies abroad. Bashar al-Assad noted that training was more advanced in other (Western) countries and he wished to learn these skills so that he could return to Syria and contribute to civil society (Lesch, 2005). Despite his non- proficiency in English (his third language), Bashar al-Assad elected to continue his studies in London, as he felt that it would be a challenging experience (Lesch, 2005). According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad began what is similar to a residency at the renowned Western Eye Hospital (a member of the St. Mary’s National Health Service) in Marylebone, central London. Not long after he began working in London, Bashar al-Assad was able to make contact with Dr Ed Schulenberg, an ophthalmology surgeon at Hammersmith Hospital. Due to the positive impression that Bashar al-Assad made on Dr Schulenberg, Bashar al-Assad was awarded a fellowship at the St. Mary’s Hospital, where he began his training as an eye surgeon. This allowed Bashar al-Assad to (among other activities) perform two increasingly difficult surgeries a week, as well as attend teaching courses, classes, clinical presentations and public lectures while working half-day in the accident and emergency department of the hospitals (Lesch, 2005). During his time in London, Bashar al-Assad lived in a flat in an upmarket area south of Hyde Park. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad adapted well to the Western world. During this time, Bashar al-Assad developed a liking for Western music and technology, which was restricted under the oppressive regime of Hafez al-Assad (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013; Lesch, 2005). Bashar al-Assad found the use of computers, and specifically unrestricted internet access, a liberating and exhilarating experience (Lesch, 2005). Due to the strict dictatorship in Syria (under Hafez al-Assad), no Syrian individual, not even the president’s son, had access to the internet (Lesch, 2005). This exposure to technology and its necessity for modernisation and globalisation had a large impact on Bashar al-Assad, who attempted to duplicate these advancements on his return to Syria (Lesch, 2005). Despite his adaptation to Western civilisation, Bashar al-Assad seldom socialised, not even with the large Arab community that resided within London (Lesch, 2005). This was due to his intense focus on his studies and his job in the Accidents and Emergency Department. Dr Schulenberg ensured that Bashar al-Assad was always kept busy with surgical procedures, to the point where Bashar al-Assad had to request

14 time off to study for his examinations at the Royal College of Ophthalmology, which would provide him with a formal qualification for his studies (Lesch, 2005). After returning from a New Year’s vacation in Syria, Bashar al-Assad returned to London and began studying for his final examinations. Bashar al-Assad did not take these examinations due to a telephone call on 21 January 1994. Until this point in his life, the 28-year-old Bashar al- Assad lived what was apparently, as far as possible, an ordinary existence. Although he came from a powerful political family, he was, after all, only the second son, and thus appeared to be able to make decisions about his own life. This was about to change. 2.3.5 Bashar al-Assad the heir apparent. At 7:00 am on 21 January 1994, Bashar al- Assad’s eldest brother, Basel al-Assad, died tragically in a car accident en route to the airport in Damascus (Lesch, 2005, 2012; Sachs, 2000b; Zahler, 2009). Despite Syria’s official classification as a republic and not a monarchy, Basel al-Assad, the eldest son of Hafez al-Assad, was considered to be his heir and next president of Syria (Brownlee, 2007; Hollis, 2000; Lesch, 2005, 2012; Sachs, 2000b; Wieland, 2006; Zahler, 2009). As the eldest male in an Arab family, Basel al-Assad had played a large role in family and political life, undertaking a variety of responsibilities on behalf of Hafez. This role was now Bashar al-Assad’s (Lesch, 2005). According to Lesch (2005), the interpretation of the events that followed the death of Basel al-Assad differ depending on whether one was an outside observer or an individual close to the Assads. In January 1994, Bashar al-Assad prematurely returned to Syria in order to mourn the death of his brother. Bashar al-Assad did not return to London to continue his studies. Instead he remained in Damascus and assumed the role of the eldest son (Lesch, 2005). According to the external (commonly accepted) perception of events, Bashar al-Assad was summoned back to Syria by his father and was being groomed to become president (Aikman, 2009; Pipes, 2004; Zîser, 2007). Bashar al-Assad’s inner circle, however, argue that this was not the case (Lesch, 2005). Instead it was Bashar al-Assad who had insisted on staying in Damascus after Hafez al- Assad had told him to return to London. In the years following Basel al-Assad’s death, Bashar al-Assad was incorporated back into the military as a captain (naqib). Bashar al-Assad was provided with extensive military training and quickly progressed to colonel (aqid) in 1999 (Lesch, 2005; Zîser, 1999). Figure C8 in Appendix C provides a photograph of Bashar al-Assad during his military training. Not only was Bashar al-Assad’s military career fast-tracked, he was also placed in charge of the Syrian

Computer Society (1994) and the significant Lebanon file (1998) (Hollis, 2000; Lesch, 2005). It appeared to external observers that Bashar al-Assad was being groomed to assume the role of president after his father’s death, similarly to the way in which Basel al-Assad had been groomed (Lesch, 2005, 2010; Pipes, 2004). According to Bashar al-Assad, this was not the case (Lesch, 2005; Stacher, 2011). Despite his speedy military progression, high level of political responsibility and the removal of key political figures who may have replaced Hafez al-Assad (the release of Rifaat al-Assad from his role as vice president and the pensioning of General Hikmat al-Shihabm, a Sunni military general viewed as a possible successor to Hafez), Bashar al-Assad stated that he had never considered replacing his father as president nor had Hafez al- Assad ever mentioned it to him (Lesch, 2005). 2.3.6 Bashar al-Assad the president Irrespective of whether Bashar al-Assad was being groomed, he was elected president at the Ba’ath party conference on 17 June 2000, just days after Hafez al-Assad had died (10 June 2000) (Lesch, 2005; Zîser, 2007). This was facilitated by: (1) his promotion to Lieutenant-General and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces; (2) his promotion to head of the Ba’ath party directly after Hafez’s death; and (3) the lowering of the minimum age of a president as stated in the Syrian constitution to 34, Bashar al-Assad’s age at the time (Hemmer, 2003; Lesch, 2005). Bashar al-Assad’s presidential career is usually classified into two broad sections: the period following his election (The Damascus Spring), and the subsequent period of political restraint and unrest (The Damascus Winter). Figure C9 in Appendix C shows Bashar al-Assad at Hafez al-Assad’s funeral. 2.3.6.1 The Damascus Spring. The year following Bashar al-Assad’s election was filled with great promise and hope. The people of Syria (and the international political world) saw the new al-Assad as representing the chance of a new era in which freedom and reform were possible (Hemmer, 2003; Hollis, 2000; Lesch, 2005; Leverett, 2005). Bashar al-Assad appeared to be taking an alternative leadership approach to that of his father, Hafez al-Assad, the strict dictator (Lesch, 2005; Zîser, 2007). This can clearly be seen in Bashar al-Assad’s disdain for the publicity and the public projection of his image (something Hafez al-Assad ensured was constantly seen by the Syrian public) (Hemmer, 2003; Lesch, 2005). This alternative leadership approach included a more free society with access to a variety of previously restricted activities.

On 17 July 2000, Bashar al-Assad took his constitutional oath and delivered his inaugural speech (Lesch, 2011, 2012). This speech reinforced the hope that both Syria and the international world had in Bashar al-Assad (Lesch, 2005, 2012). Not only was Bashar al-Assad’s address pro- reform and pro-democracy, it even went as far as criticising the old regime of Hafez al-Assad (Lesch, 2005, 2012). Despite this promise of change, Bashar al-Assad noted that, due to its history, a Western-style democracy was not possible in Syria and that instead a democracy specific to Syria was needed (Lesch, 2005). Shortly after his assumption of the role of president, Bashar al-Assad undertook a series of changes, which he viewed a necessity in establishing a Syrian democracy in an increasingly globalised world (Lesch, 2005). These changes included: (1) the diffusion of technology and internet into Syrian society (as a means of remedying Syria’s systematic ills); (2) befriending one of the main oppositions, the predominantly Sunni Muslim Brotherhood (through the release of a number of political prisoners at various stages during 2000); (3) altering laws regulating the economic sector (to accommodate the need for privatisation within the economic sector); and (4) increased freedom within Syrian society (Alianak, 2007; George, 2003; Hopfinger & Boeckler, 1996; International Business Publications, 2012; Lesch, 2005, 2011). One of the clearest indicators of the new freedom in Syria was the emergence of a large number of muntadayāt or political forums. Within these forums intellectuals (writers, professors, media, artists etc.) gathered to discuss various political matters in order to offer positive criticism and suggestions that would aid in the peaceful development of Syria (George, 2003; Lesch, 2005). One of the most prominent of these organisations, Friends of Civil Society, was founded by Riyad Sief, an activist and parliamentarian (Lesch, 2005). This series of economic and political reforms reinforced the idea that Bashar al-Assad was indeed the hope that was needed in order to liberate Syria (Lesch, 2005). Reform, however, presented a serious challenge for Bashar al-Assad, as it incorporated a direct attack on his father and his father’s ideologies. Furthermore, Bashar al-Assad’s political council still included members of the former regime who saw the future intertwined with the legacy of the past (Lesch, 2005). Despite this, Bashar al-Assad was less suspicious of others and thus more open to criticism and opinions (Lesch, 2005). Despite Bashar al-Assad’s alternative leadership approach, the Damascus Spring did not last much longer than seven or eight months (Lesch, 2011). In September 2000, the political

17 forums in Syria published the Manifesto 99 (a statement of political goals signed by 99 carefully selected civil society activists) and the Manifesto of 1000 (a document detailing pro-democracy objectives and demands for political reform that was leaked to a Lebanese newspaper) (Lesch, 2005). Due to this increase in political criticism, members of the old guard (members of parliament who were from the regime of Hafez al-Assad) warned Bashar al-Assad of the threat these forums had on the power of the regime (Lesch, 2011). This led to increased government control throughout Syria and an increase in political propaganda shown in the depiction of Bashar al-Assad. Although Bashar al-Assad was originally thought of as the ‘hope’ of Syria, leadership in the country quickly reverted to the oppression of the regime of Hafez al-Assad. It was at this point that it became impossible to access data on Bashar al-Assad, as it became clouded by political control, secrecy and propaganda. The increased influence of the old guard and increased government control over media publications led to data in which political propaganda and control overshadowed who Bashar al-Assad was as a person (Lesch, 2005). As such, the chronological depiction of Bashar al-Assad’s life concludes at the end of December 2000. 2.3.7 Bashar al-Assad’s personal life. In addition to the chronological description provided above, the availability of secondary sources provides glimpses of Bashar al-Assad himself, the man behind the presidency. As seen above, various assessments have been made about Bashar al-Assad’s personality and subsequently his ability to lead Syria. It is, however, important to note that Bashar al-Assad is more than just his presidential role. Instead his personality is, like every other individual’s, made up of a variety of non-career-related aspects. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad is a sports enthusiast and photographer. He enjoys a wide array of Western and Syrian music including Phil Collins, Kenny G, Yanni, the Beatles, Supertramp, the Eagles and Electric Light Orchestra. Bashar al-Assad also enjoys to travel, with Italy and Morocco listed as some of his favourite destinations (due to their combination of history, art and modern society) (Lesch, 2005). Very little is known about Bashar al-Assad’s romantic relationships. This is not to say that they did not exist, but rather that they were not publicly disclosed. In December 2000, just months after his election as president, and despite unspecified reservations by his mother, Aniseh al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad married Asma al-Akhras, a Sunni Muslim born and raised in London (Alianak, 2007; Buck, 2011; Lesch, 2005). According to Lesch (2005), Asma and Bashar al-

Assad have chosen not to disclose how they met and progressed to marriage, as it is one aspect of their very public life that they wish to remain private. Asma did, however, disclose that one of the characteristics of Bashar al-Assad that attracted her was his ability to always attempt to view every situation in a positive light (Lesch, 2005). Figure C10, Appendix C provides a photograph of Bashar al-Assad and Amsa shortly after their marriage. In one of the few publicly available data sources on Asma al-Assad, Buck (2011) describes Asma as a well-educated, fashionable, ambitious, cosmopolitan businesswoman and philanthropist. According to Buck (2011), Bashar al-Assad and Asma had known each other for years; however, a romantic relationship was not pursued earlier due to their age difference (10 years). Due to his status as the president’s son, Asma and Bashar al-Assad did not publicly disclose their relationship. Instead, Asma would explain her absence from her job at J.P. Morgan (a London-based global financial services firm) as a result of missing her family (Buck, 2011; J.P. Morgan Chase & Co., 2013). Due to the secrecy surrounding their relationship, Asma left her job at J.P. Morgan, with what appeared to be no legitimate reason, in November 2000 in order to return to Syria and marry Bashar al-Assad. On 3 December 2001, Asma al-Assad gave birth to their first son, Hafez al-Assad, named after Bashar al-Assad’s father. This was followed by the birth of their daughter, Zein al-Assad (5 November 2003) and a second son, Karim al-Assad (16 December 2004). According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad is a very involved father: changing diapers, calming his children in the middle of the night, bathing his children and where possible taking them to work (instead of leaving them with a nanny) (Lesch, 2005). Figure C11 in Appendix C provides a photograph of Bashar al-Assad, Asma and their children. Bashar al-Assad placed specific importance on the sense of normality that his parents tried to maintain during his childhood. As a result, Bashar al-Assad and Asma al-Assad have attempted to establish this sense of normality within their own home (Lesch, 2005). One attempt at establishing normality can be seen in the manner in which Bashar al-Assad and Asma run their household. According to Buck (2011), the Assads have a very democratic household, in which the children were able to out-vote their parents on a selection of family matters. Figures C11 in Appendix C provides a photographic indication of the important role of family in Bashar al-Assad’s life (Lesch, 2005). This is seen in the photograph in. The importance of family is grounded in the role that family plays in the lives of individuals in Arab society.

According to Lesch (2005), the bonds and obligations within an Arab family are so strong that they are difficult to comprehend from a Western understanding. The importance of family is seen in Bashar al-Assad’s apparent involvement with his children and his relationship with his mother Aniseh al-Assad, who still lives in the family compound (with Maher al-Assad) and has dinner with Bashar al-Assad and his family weekly. Another important aspect of Bashar al-Assad’s life is religion. Data on Bashar al-Assad’s religious beliefs is sparse, and this may be attributed to the complexity of religion within Syrian society. This is due to the complex interaction between the majority Sunni population and minority factions. This conflict is based on doctrinal differences between the Sunni majority and minority religious factions, such as the Alawites. This conflict has infiltrated the political and personal environment of every Syrian, as Sunni Sharia law does not distinguish between religion and political governance. This is in spite of Syria being classified as a secular country (Bhalla, 2011). The limited data available on Bashar al-Assad’s religious beliefs indicate that he is not concerned with his role as an Alawite or as a Muslim. Instead he is more concerned with being a good person (Lesch, 2005). Furthermore, Bashar al-Assad has stated that he believed that religion is a personal belief and not related to governance. As a result, the religion, rights and rituals of all people should be respected and allowed (Lesch, 2005). In accordance with the statement made by Donne (1624), Bashar al-Assad is not an island. Instead he exists as part of a whole. His personality and life are thus affected by a variety of personal and political factors. As seen in the discussion above, these factors include: his family, his desire to be normal, religion, international and Syrian politics, his enjoyment of ophthalmology, his enjoyment of technology and aspects of the Western world, the death of Basel al-Assad, the illness and death of Hafez al-Assad, his desire for change and reform and the control of the old guard. Bashar al-Assad’s development has thus been influenced by the complex interaction of internal factors, his desire at first to be normal, his familial history and position within society and socio- political events. Up until the culmination of the Damascus Spring, Bashar al-Assad appears to have been a pleasant and average child, the second son in a large, wealthy and politically connected family; a scholar of medicine and a doctor in both Damascus and London; a military man being groomed for power; a president of promise who increasingly desired western ideals; an involved and caring father and husband; and a lover of technology and Western music.

2.4 Chapter summary. This chapter provided an overview of the life of Bashar al-Assad, the current president of Syria. In order to understand the limitations of the data sources, this chapter begins with a brief discussion on the difficulties regarding source material, which are discussed in more detail in Chapter 5. A brief history of the al-Assad family was given, followed by a chronological overview of Bashar al-Assad’s life from birth until the termination of the Damascus Spring (December 2001). The chapter then progressed to aspects of Bashar al-Assad’s life that lay outside of the parameters of the predefined age for this study, so as to gain a deeper understanding of who Bashar al-Assad is. Intertwined within this discussion is an overview of national and political events, which may have had an influence on the development and personality of Bashar al-Assad.

Chapter 3: Theoretical Overview of Psychobiography

3.1 Chapter overview This chapter provides an overview of the psychobiographical approach. This chapter commences with a discussion on qualitative research and the case study method. The chapter then shifts focus to the method of psychobiography. This includes a discussion on concepts related to psychobiography, the history and development of psychobiography (both internationally and in South Africa) and the value of psychobiographical research. 3.2 Qualitative research Qualitative research encompasses a wide variety of research methods used in multiple disciplines (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Guest, Namey, & Mitchell, 2012). Due to the interdisciplinary nature of qualitative research, several definitions for qualitative research have been provided. According to Maxwell (2012), qualitative research enables the researcher to better understand (1) the perspectives and meanings of the research subject, (2) the manner in which these perspectives are shaped by various contexts and (3) the process involved in maintaining phenomena and relationships. Merriam (2009, p. 13) conceived qualitative research as a study of “the meaning people have constructed, that is, how people make sense of their world and the experiences of their world”. Patton (2005) conceptualised qualitative research as engaging in naturalistic enquiry so as to develop rich narrative descriptions, which can be translated into case studies. Additionally, Denzin and Lincoln (2011) described qualitative research as focusing on describing and explaining the human experience through a collection of intricate interpretive practices. This is in contrast to quantitative research, which relates to impersonal, third-person analysis of a sample of individuals using mathematical and statistical calculations (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). Qualitative and quantitative research thus differ in the nature of their investigation and the manner in which data is obtained and analysed. In contrast to quantitative research, qualitative studies focus on the interpretation of data on a specific individual(s) or phenomena rather than quantifiable mathematical and statistical data that is generalised to a larger population. The focus of qualitative research is thus on describing, exploring and interpreting narrative data on an individual or a small group of individuals so as to generate an understanding of their experiences and worldviews (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Maxwell, 2012; Silverman, 2009; Smuts, 2009). 22

3.3 Case study methods As noted in Section 3.2, qualitative research encompasses a wide variety of research methods. One such method is the case study method (which can be qualitative or quantitative depending on the nature of the study). A case study is the naturalistic analysis of an individual or individual unit (for example, a community) in order to develop an understanding of the unique nature of the individual or unit (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Silverman, 2009; Yin, 2003, 2009). According to Stake (2005), case study research can be divided into three broad categories, namely: intrinsic case studies, instrumental case studies and collective case studies. Intrinsic case studies focus on an individual case in order to explore the uniqueness of the case (Grandy, 2010b; Stake, 2005). Instrumental case studies are used to understand a specific phenomenon, and in doing so serve as a means of reaffirming generalisations and building theory (Grandy, 2010a; Stake, 2005). Finally, collective case studies analyse a series of cases that share a common component (Goddard, 2010; Stake, 2005). 3.4 Psychobiographical research as a qualitative case study method Psychobiography is a longitudinal individual (or at times multiple) case study method that is cross-cultural in nature and exists within the field of personality psychology (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005; Kőváry, 2011; McAdams, 1988; McLeod, 1994; Runyan, 1997, 2005; Yin, 2003). Psychobiographical research aims to highlight the life of a subject(s) in a logical clarifying story through the application of psychological theory (Fouché et al., 2007; Kőváry, 2011; McAdams, 1988; Runyan, 1984). As such, psychobiographical research (depending on the nature of the specific study) can take the form of either an intrinsic, instrumental or collective case study. 3.5 Defining a psychobiography Various definitions have been provided for psychobiography as a research method, each highlighting a dimension of the psychobiographical research method. These include definitions by: McAdams (1988, 2006a), Schultz (2005c), Haslam (2007), Layder (2004) and Fouché and van Niekerk (2010). According to McAdams (1988, 2006a), psychobiography is an ideographic (individual) case study method, which analyses the retrospective accounts of an individual’s entire life in order to generate a psychological understanding of his or her life. Similarly, Haslam (2007) views psychobiography as a qualitative research method that focuses on generating a psychological understanding of the entire life story of an individual (not a particular moment or

23 series of moments). This is, however, not always the case, as various psychobiographical studies have been conducted on a segment or period in an individual’s life. Furthermore, psychobiographical studies are often conducted whilst the psychobiographical subject is still alive. Psychobiographies of this nature include Dennis’s (2005) seminal work on Osama Bin Laden. Instead of focusing on the human life in its entirety, Layder (2004) defines psychobiography as a research method that provides a summary of the psychological and social experiences that shape an individual’s personality. Fouché and van Niekerk (2010) expand on these definitions to include a specific psychological framework by defining psychobiography as a systematic, holistic, and descriptively rich study of an individual’s life through the lens of a psychological framework. Despite the variety of definitions that exist for psychobiographic research, a series of common denominators can be identified. Van Niekerk (2007) identifies these common features as: (1) the use of qualitative data from a variety of sources; (2) the use of a comprehensive approach in studying the lifespan of the individual; (3) the identification, by name, of the subject of the study; (4) the use of pre-collected biographical data; and (5) the view of the information contained in the data as inherently interesting, valuable, and high in psychological and historical significance. 3.6 Concepts related to psychobiography. Psychobiography is an interdisciplinary research method, which forms the bridge between various academic disciplines, including psychology, history, sociology and political science (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005, 2010). Due to the interdisciplinary nature of psychobiographic research, it is imperative to distinguish psychobiographical research from other similar research methods in alternative fields. These methods, like psychobiography, make use of predominantly secondary sources to perform a narrative analysis (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). Similar research methods include: (1) biographical and autobiographical studies; (2) life stories; (3) life histories; (4) psychological history; and (5) psychohistory (Greeff, 2002). These will be defined and discussed below. 3.6.1 Biographical and autobiographical studies. The terms ‘biographical’ and ‘autobiographical’ are based on the Greek words bios meaning life and graphia meaning to write (Biography, 2013). Biography and autobiography are thus the writing of an individual’s life

(Smith & Watson, 2010). Autobiographical studies differ from biographical studies in that the individual writes about their own life and not the life of another subject (McAdams, 1988). Biographical and autobiographical studies differ from psychobiographical studies in that they are not grounded within a specific theoretical framework. Furthermore, although trying to portray an accurate account of the individual, they are not bound by the same scientific and methodological rigour and thus may not be scientifically accurate (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005). Biographies and autobiographies are one of the data sources used in psychobiographical research. 3.6.2 Life stories. Life stories are psycho-social constructions. These constructions take into account biographical information as well as social and cultural considerations to form a narrative that holds meaning for the individual (McAdams, 2001). Life stories are thus the constantly evolving oral accounts of an individual’s life within their socio-cultural context (Cole & Knowles, 2001; McAdams, 1999, 2005). Life stories serve as a means for the individual to reconstruct their past and plan for their future based on these constructions (McAdams, 2005). Due to the fact that life stories are a construction of the individual, they may be biased. Life stories are a valuable data source in psychobiographical research, as they provide the researcher with biographical information as well as a social-cultural context. 3.6.3 Life histories. Life histories are the collection of biographical and autobiographical information from a sample of individuals who share common characteristics, such as ethnicity, social class, occupation, lifestyle, economic status and geographical region (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2005). Life histories differ from psychobiographies in that they focus on a group of individuals and not a single research subject. If available, they form a data source for psychobiographical research, as they provide an indication of the subset of the population in which the psychobiographical subject exists. 3.6.4 Psychological history. The psychological history of an individual or group of individuals is the history of an individual’s mentality or the collective mentality of the group (Morley, 2000). The psychological history of an individual or group may date from the origins of that group to its most recent developments. The psychological history of the research subject, if available, is a useful data source to use in the psychobiographical analysis of an individual’s life, as it provides an indication of any pathological considerations, adaptive features, stable traits or personality dimensions that may need to be taken into account.

3.6.5 Psychohistory. Psychohistory is the application of psychological theory (usually psychoanalytical) to historical phenomena (Elms, 2003; Kohut, 1986). These phenomena include significant individuals and group processes (Elms, 2003). Psychohistory and psychobiography are closely related, with the majority of psychohistorical texts being psychobiographic in nature (Elms, 2003). Psychohistorical texts are a valuable data source, as they provide historical context to the psychobiographical analysis of an individual. The terminology used in the abovementioned research methods is often used interchangeably with the term ‘psychobiography’. However, as seen in the definitions above, each research method is unique, comprising its own character and grounding. 3.7 The development of psychobiography. Psychobiography is considered to have begun with one of the founding fathers of psychology, Sigmund Freud (Elms, 2005; Hoffman, 1984; Kőváry, 2011). Freud’s (1910) seminal analysis of Leonardo de Vinci is widely regarded as the first recorded psychobiographical study (Elms, 2005; Hoffman, 1984; Kőváry, 2011). According to Elms (2005), this study was criticised not only for portraying Leonardo de Vinci in a negative light, but also for severe methodological errors. Despite providing guidelines for psychobiographical research throughout the text, Freud’s (1910) analysis of Leonardo de Vinci did not adhere to these guidelines (Elms, 2005). Psychobiography was used extensively by psychoanalysts in the early 20th century to generate a greater understanding of the personalities of artists, political leaders, religious figures, writers and their clients (Hoffman, 1984; Kőváry, 2011). These studies were referred to as applied psychoanalysis and included, among others, works on Richard Wagner (Graf, 1911), Henry VIII (Flügel, 1920), Martin Luther (Smith, 1913) and William Shakespeare (Jones, 1923). With a few notable exceptions, such as the seminal psychobiographies on Gandhi (Erikson, 1970) and Luther (Erikson, 1958), the analysis of the individual within psychological research declined greatly in the mid to late 20th century (Runyan, 1997). This was due to a desire by psychological researchers to make the field more scientific. Psychology thus turned towards more nomothetic, cohort- or group-based research (Hoffman, 1984; Kőváry, 2011; McAdams, 2006b; Runyan, 1997). This decline was, however, short-lived. At the end of the 20th century, psychology turned towards a more narrative approach to research (Kőváry, 2011; László, 2008; Runyan, 1997). According to Fouché and van Niekerk (2010), the shift towards narrative, and

26 thus psychobiographic, research can clearly be seen in Alexander’s (1990) publication: Personology: Method and content in personality assessment and psychobiography. The development of the psychobiographic method continued with works by (among others): Elms (1994), McAdams (1999) and Runyan (1997) The 21st century saw the continued growth of the psychobiographical method. This growth led to the publication of The Handbook of psychobiography by Schultz (2005a), which has become a guideline for conducting psychobiographical research (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010; Kőváry, 2011). During its development, psychobiography has experienced periods of growth and recession dependent on the ideological stance of the discipline of psychology. This emergence and development of psychobiographical research is not limited to the international domain, but has also occurred within the South African context (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). 3.7.1 The development of psychobiography in South Africa. According to van Niekerk (2007), the subject of the first psychobiography published in South Africa was Cornelius Jacobus Langenhoven (Burgers, 1939). This was followed by studies on Louis Leipoldt (Burgers, 1960) and Ingrid Jonker (van Der Merwe, 1978) respectively (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). After a 20-year lull in psychobiographic research, Manganyi (1991) published Treachery and innocence: Psychology and the racial difference in South Africa, which included some psychobiographical research (Fouché et al., 2007; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). This was followed by a rise in psychobiographical research at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, Rhodes University, The University of the Free State and The University of Johannesburg (Fouché et al., 2007; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). The late 1990s were a period in which psychobiographical research began to establish itself in South Africa (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). Despite this growth in the field of psychobiographic research, Vorster (2003) and Smuts (2009) note the neglect of South African psychologists in psychobiographically analysing the lives of iconic South Africans in the 20th century. The 21st century has, however, seen the continued growth and development of the psychobiographic method in South Africa, especially at a post-graduate study level (Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010). The increased use of the psychobiographical method in studying iconic South Africans is seen in post-graduate studies on Jan Christiaan Smuts (Fouché, 1999), Helen Martins (Bareira, 2001), Bantu Stephen Biko (Kotton, 2002), Dr H.F. Verwoerd (Claasen, 2007), Isie Smuts (Smuts, 2009) and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Mpilo Tutu (Eliastam, 2011).

3.8 The value of psychobiographical research. Carlson (1971) noted the importance of the individual in personality research. According to Schultz (2005c), an individual is worth knowing in a deep and meaningful way. Psychobiographical research serves as a means for generating an understanding of the individual, thus adding to the field of personality psychology. The value of psychobiographical research can be seen in the following five areas (Fouché, Fullard, & van Niekerk, 2005). 3.8.1 Generating a greater understanding of the uniqueness and importance of the individual case. According to Elms (1994), psychological research has avoided the study of the individual (an ideographic approach), due to the scientific significance of statistical generalisability, which can only be attained through group analysis (a nomothetic approach). This leads to analysis, which avoids the unique, brilliant, diverse, detailed and contingent. Elms (1994) and Schultz (2005c) state that the use of ideographic methods, as opposed to nomothetic methods, is justified by the value of the individual life or case. Thus psychobiography, and this psychobiography in particular (which focuses on the holistic development of Bashar al-Assad), is of value in itself, with no need for justification through comparison to other lives (Carlson, 1988; Elms, 1994; Runyan, 1984; Schultz, 2005c). 3.8.2 The inclusion of the socio-historical context in developing our understanding of the individual. In order to generate a comprehensive and holistic psychological understanding of the individual it is necessary to contextualise that individual within their social, cultural and historical environment (Fouché et al., 2005). According to Runyan (1984), the psychobiographical research method enables the researcher to view the subject within the contextual framework of their social, cultural and historical background. The inclusion of social, cultural and historical data in the analysis of Bashar al-Assad allows for a detailed understanding of the socio-historical background that influenced his development. Thus, the use of the psychobiographical method allows the research to view Bashar al-Assad from within his contextual framework and not from an entirely Western perspective (Carlson, 1988). 3.8.3 A greater understanding of process and patterns over a prolonged time period. Due to the longitudinal nature of psychobiographic research, the researcher is able to track human development across the lifespan of the individual (often from birth to death) (Alexander, 1990; Carlson, 1988). This enables the development of a more comprehensive understanding of

28 personality as a whole. This is due to the researcher’s ability to view the alternative dimensions of personality at different phases in the developmental process (Carlson, 1988). Furthermore, this analysis is based on data that is available in the public domain, enabling the re-evaluation and critique of personality analysis numerous times (Elms, 1994). 3.8.4 The understanding of subjective reality. According to Fouché and van Niekerk (2005), psychobiographical research requires a hermeneutical and phenomenological understanding of the subjective reality of the individual. This understanding facilitates the development of a sense of empathy for the subject (Runyan, 1984). It is through this sense of empathy that the researcher is able to develop a clear, interesting and compelling understanding of the psychobiographical subject’s life (Runyan, 1984; Yin, 2003). 3.8.5 The development and testing of psychological theories. According to Allport (1962), the true test of a psychological theory is not whether it meets the criteria for statistical significance, but rather whether it is applicable to individual lives. It is thus through the application of psychological theories to individual lives that we are able to ascertain the value of a specific psychological theory. According to Yin (2003) and Fouché and van Niekerk (2005), psychological theory forms a framework against which data can be conceptualised and operationalised. The researcher is thus able to generalise the data collected to a specific theory. This generalisation is a form of analytical generalisation (generalising from a case study to a developed psychological theory), as opposed to statistical generalisation (generalising from data collected on a sample population to the population as a whole) (Yin, 2003). Analytical generalisation enables the researcher to ascertain whether the data is in accordance with (validating) or in opposition to (refuting) the parameters outlined in the specific psychological theory (Elms, 1994; Schultz, 2005c). The application of psychological theory to the life of an individual is not only beneficial in validating and refuting psychological theories, but also as a means for generating new ideas, which lead to new hypotheses and eventually theories (Elms, 1994; Schultz, 2005c). According to Schultz (2005c), psychobiographical research has the ability to produce insights and inspirations that lead to formal hypotheses, which can then be statistically validated through group testing, thus generating new psychological theories. This method of theory generation can be seen throughout the history of psychology, including in Freud’s (1920) psychoanalytic theory,

29 which has its origins in the analysis of clients who approached him for psychotherapy (Schacter, Gilbert, & Wegner, 2010). 3.9 Chapter summary. This chapter provided a theoretical overview of the psychobiographical approach. The chapter included a discussion on qualitative research, the case study method and psychobiography. The discussion on psychobiography encompassed a summation of related concepts, an overview of the international and South African development of psychobiography and an outline of the value of psychobiographical research. The following chapter will present a discussion on Daniel Levinson’s theory of lifespan development.

Chapter 4: Levinson’s Theory of Lifespan Development

4.1 Chapter overview This chapter provides an overview of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of human development as the selected theoretical framework used in the analysis of Bashar al-Assad’s life. This overview encompasses all of the developmental stages outlined by Levinson et al. (1978). However, due to the parameters outlined in Section 5.6, the analysis of Bashar al-Assad’s life will be limited to the first two developmental eras. Furthermore, this chapter provides an evaluation of this theory and its applicability to Bashar al-Assad’s life. 4.2 Developmental theories According to Louw and Louw (2009), development is a “life-long process which starts before birth and ends with death” (p. 16). Although universal, this process varies between individuals based on the complex interaction of biological and socio-cultural factors. Various postulations have been made with regard to the nature of human development. Theorists such as Piaget (1964) and Freud (1905) conceptualised development as the process leading up to adulthood (thus terminating at the end of adolescence). Most modern theorists have, however, rejected this notion and view development as a life-long process (McAdams, 2006a). According to Baltes (1987), development according to the lifespan developmental perspective is conceived as: (1) a life-long process, (2) multidimensional and multidirectional, (3) a combination of gains and losses, (4) a process which shows plasticity, (5) embedded in history and context and (6) multidisciplinary. 4.3 Levinson’s developmental theory Within the contextual framework of the lifespan developmental perspective, Levinson et al. (1978) developed a model for human development based on extensive interviews and psychological tests conducted with 40 men (novelists, biologists, executives and workers) between 30 and 40 years of age, so as to gain a more comprehensive understanding of Levinson’s own life structure (Levinson et al., 1978; Newton, 1994). Levinson, together with his wife, later furthered this research to encompass the life structure of women (Levinson & Levinson, 1996). This developmental theory is based on the premise that all human life is governed by a set of common developmental periods (Levinson et al., 1978; Levinson & Levinson, 1996). Based on this premise, all individuals (irrespective of gender, race, class or socio-economic status) experience the same basic sequence of eras at the same stages. Each life 31 is, however, seen as unique, with its own distinctive character and life course. This is due to the influence of both the individual and the society in which the individual exists (Levinson et al., 1978; Levinson & Levinson, 1996). 4.3.1 The life cycle. In order to develop an understanding of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory, definition-relevant terminology is needed. The concepts of lifespan, life course and life cycle are often used interchangeably within the field of developmental psychology (Levinson et al., 1978). These terms are, however, independent, each defining a specific construct within developmental psychology and specifically within Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development. Levinson et al. (1978) and Levinson (1986) define an individual’s lifespan as the period between birth and death. The term life course is the “flow of an individual’s life over time” (Levinson et al., 1978, p. 6). Life course, thus, has a greater meaning and substance than lifespan, as it encompasses the pattern of an individual’s life (including their relationships, achievements and failures). According to Levinson et al. (1978) and Levinson (1986), the term life cycle is a non- exact term, which has its roots in the seminal works of Jung, von Franz, Henderson, Jacobi, and Jaffe (1964), Erikson (1980) and Freud (1905). The life cycle is the journey or process from birth to death (Levinson et al., 1978). This journey is divided into a series of stable stages, which form the structure of a universal pattern of development. Although the pattern of the life cycle is universal, each individual’s life is coloured by an infinite number of cultural and individual variations. These variations give each life its character and shape (Levinson et al., 1978). In order to demonstrate the nature of this pattern of development, Levinson et al. (1978) and Levinson and Levinson (1996) used the metaphor of qualitatively distinct seasons. Levinson et al. (1978) and Levinson and Levinson (1996) conceived the life cycle of each individual as comparable to the seasons of a year. Thus, just as winter and summer are qualitatively unique phases (seasons) in the year, Levinson’s eras are qualitatively unique phases (seasons) in the human life cycle. Although relatively stable, change and growth occurs within each season, and a transition is needed in order to move from one season to the next (Levinson et al., 1978; Levinson & Levinson, 1996; Smuts, 2009). 4.3.2 The life structure. The principal component of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development is the life structure. Based on this theory, the life structure is conceived as

“the underlying pattern or design of a person’s life at a given time” (Levinson et al., 1978, p. 42). This pattern exists within a social and historical context and is determined by a series of internal and external influences. Levinson et al. (1978) identify these influences as (1) the individual’s socio-cultural world (provides meaning and consequences for decisions), (2) the characteristics of the individual (how they are controlled, expressed, inhibited and rejected) and (3) the individual’s participation in the world (provides the resources and relationships required in order to create an interaction between the person and the social world). The study of an individual’s life structure aims to provide insight into the manner in which the individual reflects and acts within their socio-cultural world (Levinson et al., 1978). The key components in the analysis of an individual’s life structure are their decisions. Due to the influence of the self and the external world, these decisions provide an indication of how the individual is participating in the world. 4.3.2.1 Components of the life structure. The decisions (and thus the life structure) of an individual will change based on which aspects of himself or his world hold value at a specific time. According to Levinson et al. (1987), not all influences have the same weighting in an individual’s life structure. Instead, influences are divided into central components, peripheral components and unfulfilled components. These components interact continuously in order to give each life its individual character. The primary or central components in a man’s life are those components that are the most important to the self and the socio-cultural world (e.g. a relationship with a significant other or occupation). Peripheral components are those components that are more easily altered due to a lowered self-investment (e.g. leisure). Finally, unfilled components are those aspects that the individual desires but has not attained (e.g. children). Unfilled components play a large role in the individual’s life structure as the individual strives to attain them. The relative importance of these components varies greatly throughout the course of the life structure and is dependent on where the individual is within their life structure (Levinson, 1986; Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.3 Eras, transitional periods and developmental periods within the human life cycle. Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory divides the life cycle into a series of age- based developmental periods or eras (each approximately 25 years in length). Each era within the life cycle is qualitatively unique and encompasses a series of biological, psychological and social characteristics and changes. Levinson et al. (1978) identified these eras as: pre-adulthood (0-22 years), early adulthood (17-45 years), middle adulthood (40-65 years) and late adulthood (60+

33 years). Each era consists of an entry life structure (stable period), a transitional period and a culminating life structure (stable period). Stable periods provide the individual with an opportunity to build their existing life structure. During this period the individual reinforces decisions made in the transitional period. Transitional periods are structure-changing periods. Within these periods the individual evaluates, questions and makes alterations to his existing life structure (Levinson, 1986; Levinson et al., 1978). As each developmental era ends, a new one begins. The transition between eras is facilitated by cross-era transitional periods, which form the boundary between the terminating era and the commencing one. These cross-era transitional periods exist as part of both eras, ensuring that eras are overlapping and not isolated units. Thus, cross-era transitional periods can only be understood from the conjoined perspective of the terminating and commencing eras (Levinson et al., 1978). Levinson et al. (1978) identify these cross-era transitional phases as: the early adult transition (17-22 years), the mid-life transition (40-45 years) and the late adult transition (60-65 years). According to Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory, each transitional period includes the interaction of three developmental tasks: the termination of the current life structure, individuation (determining the relationship between the self and the external world) and the initiation of a new life structure (Levinson et al., 1978). According to Levinson et al. (1978), individuation occurs through an attempt to resolve the four polarities that exist throughout the life cycle. These polarities are identified as young/old, masculine/feminine, creation/destruction and attachment/separateness. Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory provides a well-defined average age for the onset and termination of each developmental period. A range of two years on either side of the predefined age is incorporated so as to account for individual fluctuations within the life structure. This fluctuation allows for a slight variance in the onset and termination of developmental periods between individuals. 4.3.4 The seasons of a man’s life. Levinson et al.’s (1978) Seasons of a man’s life provides a conceptual framework for the understanding and analysis of the life cycle of a male. A more detailed description of this developmental theory, as portrayed in Figure 2, is discussed below.

Figure 2: Diagrammatic representation of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development.

4.3.4.1 The era of pre-adulthood (0-20 Years). According to Levinson et al. (1978) and Levinson (1986), the pre-adult era encompasses: (1) the early childhood transition phase (0-3 years), (2) childhood (0-12 years), (3) puberty (12-13 years) and (4) adolescence (13-20 years). The individual within this era is highly dependent on other individuals and vulnerable to various external influences. This era is characterised by large amounts of growth. This growth, however, serves only as a basis for adult living. 3.3.4.1.1 The early childhood transition phase (0-3 years). According to Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development, the transition from the womb to childhood is facilitated by the early childhood transition phase. During this phase, the infant establishes its existence as a distinct individual, separate from its mother. Furthermore, the infant develops an understanding of the permanent existence and character of other human beings. In order to achieve these developmental goals, the infant must, to some degree, negotiate the four polarities necessary for individuation (Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.4.1.2 Childhood (0-12 years): The entry life structure for pre-adulthood. During the childhood phase of the life structure, the individual expands his social world from his immediate family to other social settings such as school (Levinson et al., 1978). Although not formally categorised as a separate developmental period, the individual experiences a transitional period between early childhood and middle childhood at approximately 5-6 years of age. This transitional phase facilitates the development of discipline and various other skills (Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.4.1.4 Puberty (approximately 12-13 years): The transitional period for pre-adulthood. Puberty forms the transitional period between childhood and adolescence. This phase is characterised by a variety of physiological, emotional and social changes. Puberty is often a traumatic time for the individual as physiological and emotional changes often occur in an environment of high social pressure. The individual is thus required to negotiate the four polarities of individuation in a manner that is in accordance with societal norms. If this is not done, this phase may be highly stressful for the individual (Levinson et al., 1978) 4.3.4.1.5 Adolescence (approximately 13-20 years): The culminating life structure for pre- adulthood. The second trait-building or stable phase in an individual’s life is that of adolescence. It is during this phase that the individual receives their secondary education. As a result, the

36 individual is still dependent on their familial structure for economic, social and psychological support. Despite this dependence, the individual must build a life structure based on the changes made during puberty. The completion of this developmental task enables the individual to exit the pre-adulthood era and enter into the era of early adulthood, facilitated by the early adulthood transition phase (Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.4.2 The early adult transition (17-22 years). The early adult transition is the cross-era transition that forms the bridge between pre-adulthood and early adulthood. The engagement in the developmental tasks mentioned in Section 4.3.3 facilitates the movement away from the era of pre-adulthood and the initiation of the life structure of the early adulthood era. The young adult thus engages in the four polarities of individuation through the questioning of the nature of one’s world and one’s place within this world (Levinson et al., 1978). During this period of growth and change, the young adult begins to make the initial choices for adult living and thus develops an initial adult identity. These choices lead to changes in various components of childhood, such as relationships with family and peers. The individual is, however, not skilled in adult decision-making and is thus immature and vulnerable when entering the adult world (Levinson et al., 1978). 3.3.4.3 The era of early adulthood (17 -45 years). According to Levinson et al. (1978), the second developmental era of early adulthood extends from age 17 to 45. This era commences with the cross-era transitional phase (the early adult transition) and encompasses five distinct phases. Levinson et al. (1978) identified these phases as: (1) The early adult transition, (2) entering the adult world, (3) the age 30 transition, (4) the settling down period and (5) the mid- life transition. Levinson et al. (1978) and Levinson (1986) noted that a man reaches the height of his physical and intellectual functioning at approximately 20 years of age. This era is thus characterised by the highest levels of biosocial abundance. Early adulthood is further characterised by the highest levels of contrast and stress. These contradictions are due to, amongst others, the residual effects of childhood conflicts (which are yet to be solved), social pressures and the realisation of one’s potential (Levinson, 1986; Levinson et al., 1978). Within this era the individual must make a series of major life decisions, which will determine his identity as a young man. These decisions are based on which components of his life he esteems to have the most value, e.g. marriage, family, occupation and residence. These

37 decisions lead to a sequence of changes within the man’s life structure. This sequence of changes facilitates the passage from being a novice adult (at the commencement of the era) to a senior member within society (at the termination of the era). 4.3.4.3.1 Entering the adult world (22-28 years): The entry life structure of early adulthood. At 22, the novice adult enters the first structure building phase of the early adulthood era, entering the adult world. The individual is no longer dependent on their parents and must develop a new stable adult life structure as a novice adult within an environment of his own. The primary objectives of this era are to negotiate between exploring the possibilities of the adult world (whilst keep options open and avoiding strong commitments) and building a stable life structure (becoming more responsible and achieving something in life) (Levinson, 1986; Levinson et al., 1978). In order to find a balance, Levinson et al. (1978) suggest that certain components of the individual’s life structure should be made central while others should be disregarded. In order to do this, the man should develop a dream (of what he wishes to accomplish), find a mentor, establish a career and establish an intimate relationship with a significant other. If a man fails to negotiate these two objectives he risks developing a life structure that is either too loose (with no lasting commitments) or too rigid (with premature commitments) (Levinson et al., 1978; Louw & Louw, 2009). 4.3.4.3.2 The age 30 transition (28-33 years): The transitional period for early adulthood. The age 30 transition allows a man to evaluate and alter the life structure he created during the life structure he created during the entering the adult world developmental stage. A man will thus reject or reaffirm earlier decisions so that they are in accordance with the aspects of his life that he now values. Depending on the nature of the decisions that are re-evaluated, this process may be relatively easy or extremely painful. Irrespective of the ease of the process, the results are beneficial provided that they are in line with his dreams and abilities. Well-made decisions allow the man to create a more satisfactory, serious and realistic life structure to be used as the base for the rest of early adulthood. If, however, the individual makes decisions that are not in line with his dreams and ability, the basis for his next life structure is flawed and life within the next developmental periods will be problematic (Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.4.3.3 Settling down (33-40 years): The culminating life structure for early adulthood. By the time a man enters the culminating structure building phase of early adulthood (the settling down phase) he has generally made a series of commitments with regard to the various

38 components of his life structure (marriage, family, occupation, religion, etc.) (Levinson, 1986). These decisions are based on the respective importance ascribed to the various components within the life structure. Based on these decisions, a man will invest himself in establishing a life structure that attempts to fulfil the goals of his youth (Levinson et al., 1978). In order to fulfil the goals of his youth, a man must make advancements in various components of his life structure. Levinson et al. (1978) demonstrates this advancement through the imagery of a ladder, which the man must climb. The ladder within this theory encompasses both the components of the meaning and resolutions of the man and the realities of the external world. During this period the man must negotiate between establishing his niche within society and making it within society. He must thus balance his desire to build a better life with his desire to climb the ladder and become an established member of society (Levinson, 1986; Levinson et al., 1978). In the process of negotiating these objectives the individual undergoes five distinct periods within the settling down phase: (1) anticipated progress within the stable life structure, (2) serious failure or decline within the life structure, (3) trying for a new life structure that relieves prior dissatisfaction, (4) progress in various components of the life structure that cause change in other domains and (5) instability within the life structure due to the flux created by changes mentioned above (Levinson et al., 1978). The settling down period marks the transition from a novice adult to a fully fledged adult. This is seen in the culminating “boom” or “becoming one’s own man” phase, in which the developmental tasks of the early adulthood era are fully accomplished (Cytrynbaum & Crites, 1989; Levinson et al., 1978). During this phase, the individual sees himself as independent but still seeks affirmation from society. The culmination of the boom phase leads to the next cross- era transition (Levinson et al., 1978). Although discussed in full, the subsequent developmental phases will not be incorporated into the analysis of Bashar al-Assad’s life due to the timeframe of this study. 4.3.4.4 The mid-life transition (40-45 years). The mid-life transition facilitates the transition between early adulthood and middle adulthood (Levinson, 1986; Levinson et al., 1978). This cross-era transitional phase is characterised by existential questions about oneself and others. During this period the individual evaluates how well he has live up to the life structure envisioned in the boom phase of early adulthood. This evaluation leads to a temperate to severe developmental crisis. In this crisis, previously neglected (but now valued) aspects of the self

39 become more dominant within the individual’s life structure, causing alterations to the current structure (Levinson et al., 1978). In order to successfully transition into the era of middle adulthood, the individual must concurrently engage in three developmental tasks: (1) the termination of the era of early adulthood (through the evaluation of what he has accomplished in this era), (2) individuation (through an attempt to find a balance in the four polarities) and (3) the start of the move towards middle adulthood (through a shift in focus between past and present) (Cytrynbaum & Crites, 1989; Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.4.5 The era of middle adulthood (40-65 years). As an individual terminates the era of early adulthood, the era of middle adulthood commences. As a man enters middle adulthood he questions and re-evaluates his existing life structure in favour of one that is in line with the component of his life that he now values (Levinson et al., 1978). The era of middle adulthood is distinguished from the era of early adulthood based on changes within three domains of the individual’s life structure. These changes are in: (1) biological and psychological functioning (the slight slowing down of physical and mental abilities and the development of new psychological qualities such as wisdom, compassion, judgment and generosity of spirit), (2) one’s positioning within the sequence of generations (a new role within society as a father figure due to movement from the youthful generation to the older generation) and (3) one’s leadership role (the assumption of leadership roles within one’s career, family and social environment) (Levinson et al., 1978). The individual’s experience of middle adulthood is determined by how well they manage and perceive these changes. They may experience middle adulthood as a period of change, personal fulfilment, purpose and greater intimacy. Alternately, the experience of this era may be of a time of emptiness, stagnation and loss of vitality (Levinson et al., 1978; Levinson & Levinson, 1996). Middle adulthood comprises five distinct developmental periods: (1) the mid-life transition phase (discussed above), (2) entering middle adulthood, (3) the age 50 transition, (4) culmination of middle adulthood and (5) the late adulthood transition (the cross-era transition existing as part of both the middle adulthood and late adulthood eras) (Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.4.5.1 Entering middle adulthood (45-50 years): The entry life structure of middle adulthood. The termination of the mid-life transition is characterised by a series of (major and/or minor) changes, which make a considerable difference in the individual’s life structure. These

40 changes indicate progression into the first structure building phase of middle adulthood, entering middle adulthood. During this period the individual must build a solid life structure based on a series of decisions regarding the meaning of life and commitment. These decisions either reaffirm or reject decisions from prior eras to develop a life structure that is often dramatically different from earlier periods. The individual thus builds a life structure that facilitates his later growth and success based on his evaluation of previous eras (Levinson et al., 1978). According to Levinson et al. (1978), men experience entering middle adulthood in one of two ways. These are: (1) as a season of constriction and decline (due to a life structure that is of value to the world but does not reflect the self) and (2) as their richest and most creative season (due to a life structure which is simultaneously well connected to others, the world and the self).

4.3.4.5.2 Age 50 transition (45-50 years): The transitional period for middle adulthood. As the individual approaches 50 years old they experience a transitional phase similar to the age 30 transition, the age 50 transition. During this phase the individual adapts the structures formed in the period of entering middle adulthood so as to complete middle adulthood in a manner that is in line with the component of his life structure that he values at the time (Levinson et al., 1978). During this transition, the individual evaluates and attempts to alter his existing life structure within the constraints of his context. Individuals who evaded stress in the mid-life transition will often face these challenges in the age 50 transition, making this phase of the life cycle psychologically stressful (Cytrynbaum & Crites, 1989; Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.4.5.3 Culmination of middle adulthood (55-60 years): The culminating life structure of middle adulthood. As with other trait building (stable) phases, the culmination of middle adulthood is characterised by enhancing one’s life within the parameters of the dream and the life structure created during the earlier phases of middle adulthood. This phase provides the individual with an opportunity to realise the aspirations and goals of the middle adulthood era. Once this is achieved, the individual is able to progress into the cross-era transitional phase between middle adulthood and late adulthood (Cytrynbaum & Crites, 1989; Levinson, 1986; Levinson et al., 1978). 4.3.4.6 The late adulthood transition (60-65 years). Levinson et al. (1978) postulated that the transition from middle adulthood to late adulthood is facilitated by the late adulthood transition phase. This phase is shaped by various environmental markers, which indicate the commencement of late adulthood. These include (but are not limited to) illness and retirement. 41

This transition period can be experienced as either: (1) an awareness of one’s mortality and the anticipated loss of youth and vivacity or (2) a period of relative calm and fulfilment. Irrespective of how this period is experienced, it is a time of major development and a turning point in the life cycle (Levinson et al., 1978; Louw & Louw, 2009). 4.3.4.7 The era of late adulthood (60+ years). The final era in Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory is that of late adulthood. This theory does not provide a comprehensive understanding of this era, as the sample population was limited to individuals in previous developmental eras (Cytrynbaum & Crites, 1989). As such, Levinson et al. (1978) do not divide this era into qualitatively unique phases. Instead, Levinson et al. (1978) view this era as a qualitative whole. Despite this era’s lack of definition, Levinson et al. (1978) postulated that it is characterised by a further decline in physiological, psychological and social functioning. This decline necessitates changes within the individual’s internal and external world and heightens their experience of their own mortality. These alterations are more frequently within the components of occupation and social relationships. Men in this era tend to reduce their occupational responsibilities and step down from positions of authority. Those who choose not to step down tend to become isolated leaders, as they create conflict with those in middle adulthood and are not able to relate to their subordinates. Depending on the socio-cultural and environmental circumstances, this leads to either unrealistic idealisation or hatred. The individual within this era must thus find a new balance between themselves and society, which takes into account their new life structure (Levinson et al., 1978). 4.4 Evaluation of Levinson’s developmental theory Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory is of great value to psychology and psychobiographical studies. It provides a coherent structure and perspective for studying the life structure of the individual (Newton, 1994). Through this theory, Levinson et al. (1978) contribute to the study of consistency and change within personality psychology and research (Rabin, Aronoff, Barclay, & Zucker, 1981). As Rabin et al. (1981) noted, Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory provides “a set of bearings for examining the adult life span” (p.25). Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory thus provides a comprehensive analysis of post-adolescent human development. This is in contrast to prior developmental theorists, who either focused on development up to the termination of adolescence (for example, Freud (1905) and Piaget (1964))

42 or focused on adult development in broad categories (for example, Erikson (1980)). Furthermore, in developing this theory, Levinson et al. (1978) provided personality psychology with a means of studying the human life in a manner that led to an understanding of the person as a whole. This is in contrast to psychological theories that result in abstractions that in no way resemble the person or the process of living (Newton, 1994; Rabin et al., 1981). As with any psychological theory, Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development is, however, not without its limitations. According to Cytrynbaum and Crites (1989), these criticisms are most frequently directed at methodological shortcomings in the theories’ development and the theories’ conceptualisation of adult development. The limitations conceptualised by Cytrynbaum and Crites (1989), Louw and Louw (2009) and Newton (1994) are discussed below. 4.4.1 Research methodology. According to Wrightsman (1994) and Louw and Louw (2009), one of the main methodological criticisms of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory is the nature of the sample. This theory is based on a sample of only 40 men under the age of 45. Although Levinson made attempts to diversify his sample by including people from different occupations and statuses within the community, a sample of 40 men does not provide statistically significant data. 4.4.2 Gender. As mentioned above, Levinson et al.’s (1978) original sample consisted solely of men. Despite this, Levinson et al (1978) generalised this theory to both men and women. It was only in later research that Levinson and Levinson (1996) identified differences in the experiences of men and women, especially with regard to their dreams and career development (Louw & Louw, 2009). 4.4.3 The claim of universality. Newton (1994) noted the criticisms lobbied at Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory and its claim to universality. Levinson et al.’s (1978) study was conducted shortly after the Great Depression. Thus, the participants selected generally came from stable families within a growing economy. Levinson et al.’s (1978) sample consisted of white, well-educated males, thus prioritising Eurocentric values and development (Newton, 1994). According to Newton (1994), this grievance is irrelevant at it does not take into account the theory’s consideration of internal and external aspects of an individual’s life structure. 4.4.4 The role of life events in development. An individual’s life is often influenced by drastic and unpredictable internal and external changes. These changes play an important role in

43 the trajectory of an individual’s life. According to Cytrynbaum and Crites (1989), Levinson et al. (1978) failed to take into account the effects these changes may have on each individual’s life structure. Newton (1994) defends Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory by maintaining that life structure is deeply entrenched in all human development and allows for limitless variations in the life cycle. Furthermore, allowances are made in Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory for the fluctuation in the age of onset and completion due to unpredicted changes in the life cycle. 4.4.5 The role of interpersonal relationships. Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory is further criticised for its failure to take into account the role that interpersonal relationships play in an individual’s development. In their later work, Levinson and Levinson (1996) account for this criticism by explaining that an individual’s life structure is comprised primarily of an individual’s relationships with others (Newton, 1994). According to Levinson and Levinson (1996), the analysis of an individual’s life structure is the analysis of the various relationships an individual has and the prominence that is given to those relationships. In analysing how these relationships evolve and develop we are able to generate an understanding of the individual’s life (Levinson & Levinson, 1996; Newton, 1994). 4.4.6 Socio-cultural differences. According to Louw and Louw (2009), this theory failed to take into account the role that cultural and traditional values may have on an individual’s life structure. Levinson (1986), however, viewed the inclusion of external factors in his developmental model as a means of allowing for socio-cultural variations between individuals. 4.5 Chapter summary This chapter provided an overview of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory, with specific reference to his theory of male development. The chapter commenced with a brief overview of theories of human development. A detailed description of relevant concepts related to Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory, Levinson’s four developmental eras (pre- adulthood, early adulthood, middle adulthood and late adulthood) and cross-era transitional phases (early childhood transition, early adult transition, mid-life transition and late adult transition) was provided. This chapter concluded with an evaluation of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory.

Chapter 5: Methods

5.1 Chapter overview According to Sandelowski (2004, p. 893), qualitative research is “an umbrella term for an array of attitudes towards and strategies for conducting inquiry that are aimed at discovering how human beings understand, experience, interpret and produce the social world”. Qualitative research methods thus form the basis of developing an understanding of an individual(s) life. This chapter outlines the research methodology used in developing a psychobiographical understanding of Bashar al-Assad’s life. The chapter discusses the primary aims of the research, the research design, the selection of the psychobiographical subject and theoretical framework, the data collection and analysis strategies and ethical considerations pertaining to the study of Bashar al-Assad. 5.2 The aim of this research One of the main aims of qualitative research and personality psychology is to provide an understanding of the life of the individual (Runyan, 1981; Sandelowski, 2004). According to Schultz (2005c), a person is significant and worth understanding in a deep way. The primary aim of this study is, thus, to generate a psychological understanding of Bashar al-Assad (from birth until December 2000) in terms of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development. This study also aims to generate an understanding of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory and its applicability to Bashar al-Assad’s life. The final aim of this study is to determine the applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory within a cross-cultural context. 5.3 The research design In order to generate a psychological understanding of the life of Bashar al-Assad this study made use of a qualitative single-case study research design in the form of a psychobiographical research method (Kőváry, 2011; Yin, 2003). Due to the aims of this study (outlined in Section 5.2) this study is a combination of an intrinsic and instrumental case study. This study can therefore be described as having a qualitative morphogenic design, as it focuses on the individual within their socio-historical context (Allport, 1962; Elms, 1994; Runyan, 1983; Stake, 2005). 5.4 The psychobiographical subject Bashar al-Assad was selected as the subject of this psychobiography using purposive sampling. Purposive sampling, a non-probability sampling method, was used as specific predefined criteria were instrumental in selecting the participant (Tongco, 2007). According to 45

Howe (1997) psychological researchers have used biographical data to study original thinking, creative and outstanding individuals. This is due to the (among other characteristics) unique, exceptional, renowned, enigmatic and paradigmatic nature of these individuals (Carlson, 1988; Fouché & van Niekerk, 2010; McAdams, 1988). Bashar al-Assad was selected as a suitable psychobiographical subject based on interest value and the unique and significant nature of his life. This is due to Bashar al-Assad’s role as the president of Syria (a nation characterised by oppression and subsequent violence) and his uncustomary rise to power. Furthermore, reasons for his selection include (1) the researcher’s interest in the Arab Spring and political leaders within the Arab Spring and (2) an interest in attempting to apply a psychological framework to understand the development of Bashar al-Assad prior to the extensive influence of political factors and the propaganda of the Damascus Winter and Arab Spring. 5.5 Selection of theoretical framework Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory was selected as the theoretical framework in this study, based on: (1) its suitability to the psychobiographical analysis of Bashar al-Assad, (2) its prevalence within the field of psychobiographic research and (3) its high scientific regard within the field of developmental psychology. 5.5.1 The suitability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory to the psychobiographical analysis of Bashar al-Assad. As mentioned above, Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development has been criticised due to the limitations of its sample (Wrightsman, 1994). However, Bashar al-Assad is somewhat in accordance with the sample selected. Despite being a Muslim, Bashar al-Assad is only marginally older than the sample used in generating Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development. Furthermore, Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development accounts for cultural differences by taking into account both the internal and external environment of the individual. Thus, although Bashar al-Assad comes from an alternate racial, cultural and religious group to Levinson et al.’s (1978) original sample, Levinson et al.’s (1978) consideration of the effect of an individual’s environment and choices on their life structure enables the suitability of this theory. As a developmental theory, Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory was selected, as it enables an understanding of Bashar al-Assad’s whole life. Its inclusion of relationships enables a more holistic understanding of Bashar al-Assad’s life. This theory was thus selected as a suitable theory in analysing Bashar al-Assad.

5.5.2. Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory’s prevalence within psychobiographical research. According to Fouché et al. (2007) and Fouché and van Niekerk (2010), Levinson et al.’s (1978) and Levinson and Levinson’s (1996) theories of male and female development are the most prominent psychological theories used in psychobiographical research in South Africa. This prominence indicates the high level of applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development to psychobiographic research as a whole, thus indicating its applicability in the psychobiographic analysis of Bashar al-Assad’s life. 5.5.3 The high scientific regard for Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory within developmental psychology. The final contributing factor in the applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory is its high scientific regard within the field of developmental psychology. Daniel Levinson is not a minor or unknown psychological theorist; instead he is well known within the field of developmental psychology and is often cited in psychological textbooks. Likewise, Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory is not a minor, obsolete, or unknown developmental theory. Instead it is a well-regarded and frequently cited and tested developmental theory, which has been subject to scientific scrutiny. Furthermore, it is the most commonly used theoretical framework for psychobiography is South Africa from 1995 till 2004 (Fouché et al., 2007) 5.6 Selection of a timeframe for this study. According to Elms and Song (2005), the subjects of political psychobiography are generally alive. As such, a predefined starting and ending date is needed for political psychobiographies. For the purposes of this study, the period between Bashar al-Assad’s birth (11 September 1965) and the approximate culmination of the Damascus Spring/commencement of the Damascus Winter (December 2000) has been selected. This is due to the increased political control and propaganda that led to the Damascus Winter and subsequent civil uprisings in Syria. The increase in political control and propaganda inhibits accurate data collection and analysis, as data is often tainted by political objectives. This period was thus selected in order to gain insight into who Bashar al-Assad was as a person prior to this propaganda, which inhibits one’s ability to perceive his real personality. 5.7 Ensuring quality in psychobiographical research. According to Tracy (2010), a variety of leading qualitative scholars have suggested that methodological considerations in qualitative research are dependent on the paradigm, theory and

47 qualitative community that inform the specific research study. Although all qualitative research should be based on “a systematic and rigorous approach to the design and implementation of the study, the collection and analysis of data, and the interpretation and reporting of findings” (Fossey, Harvey, McDermott, & Davidson, 2002, p. 721), not all qualitative research is bound by the reliability and validity considerations of the empiricist tradition (Bochner, 2000; Fossey et al., 2002; Tracy, 2010; Yardley, 2000). Instead, Fossey et al. (2002) proposed that the quality of qualitative research is determined based on:

...whether the participants’ perspectives have been authentically represented in the research process and the interpretations made from information gathered (authenticity); and whether the findings are coherent in the sense that they fit the data and social context they were derived from (p. 723).

In order to achieve this quality, various qualitative scholars have proposed guidelines for evaluating and ensuring the quality of qualitative research (Chapple & Rogers, 1998). These include, but are not limited to, Elliott, Fischer, and Rennie (1999), Fossey et al. (2002), Guba and Lincoln (2005), Hoddinott and Pill (1997), Seale and Silverman (1997), Tracy (2010) and Yardley (2000). For the purposes of this study, the criteria outlined by Yardley (2000) have been selected in ensuring quality qualitative research. These criteria were selected as they provide broad principles (which are open-ended and flexible) that are in accordance with the paradigm and psychological theory of this study. The criteria outlined by Yardley (2000) and their applicability to this study are discussed below. 5.7.1. Sensitivity to context. A qualitative study of a high quality is sensitive to the theoretical context, the data, the relationship between the researcher and the participant and the socio-cultural context (Yardley, 2000). Within this study, sensitivity to the abovementioned domains was maintained by: (1) establishing an understanding of pre-existing literature on the psychobiographical research method, as well as the life of Bashar al-Assad; (2) an awareness of the manner in which data was selected and recorded as discussed in Sections 5.10; (3) a periodical reflection of the emotional response that the researcher had towards the subject; and (4) research into the socio-cultural and religious world in which Bashar al-Assad exists so as to contextualise his life and development.

5.7.2. Commitment and rigour. According to Yardley (2000), commitment and rigour can be seen in a continuous engagement with the topic and relevant data so as to develop competencies in the research methods that are then applied to the study. In order to adhere to these guidelines, the researcher engaged with both the life of Bashar al-Assad (by reading Western and non-Western data), as well as with the psychobiographical method (through reading additional psychobiographies, researching the methodological guidelines and researching the benefits and limitations of the method). Only once the researcher understood the psychobiographical method did data collection and analysis begin, thus ensuring the researcher’s competence before applying it to the study. 5.7.3. Transparency and coherence. Transparency and coherence can be seen in both the argument or description and the manner in which data is displayed. According to Yardley (2000), the argument or description should be easy to understand and convincing, with a strong “rhetorical power” (p. 222). Furthermore, there should be a clear fit between the selected theory and method. In order to ensure transparency and coherence in the manner in which data is displayed, all relevant aspects of the research process should be disclosed (Yardley, 2000). This study has maintained transparency and coherence through the development of a logical argument based on Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development. Furthermore, all relevant aspects of the research process have been discussed in Chapter 5. 5.7.4. Impact and importance. According to Yardley (2000), a qualitative study should be of theoretical, practical and socio-cultural value. The impact and importance of this study is discussed in detail in Chapter 7 5.8 Methodological considerations In order to ensure that quality is maintained, a discussion on methodological difficulties is needed. According to Yin (2003), limitations in psychobiographical research are generally highlighted within the domains of the research design and research method. As a result, the methodological considerations for psychobiographical research are discussed below. 5.8.1 Analysis of an absent subject. Various critics have noted the inability of psychobiography to gain data from direct contact with the psychobiographical subject (Fouché, et al., 2005). In contrast to data collected from a present subject, the researcher has to perform his/her analysis based on secondary (often sparse) resources. Anderson (1981), however, noted that the analysis of an absent subject is an advantage rather than a limitation of the

49 psychobiographical method. Although data from historical sources may be sparser than data from direct contact, the researcher is able to gather data from a variety of sources. The data can thus be gathered across the lifespan of the individual. This allows the researcher to analyse the life of the individual as a whole, noting not only actions but their ultimate consequences. Viewing the individual’s life as a whole allows the researcher to develop a more objective and holistic view of the individual’s life (Anderson, 1981). Another advantage of analysing an absent subject is that the researcher is not bound by the constraints of the therapeutic relationship (Anderson, 1981). This leads to a more holistic view of the individual, as the researcher is not solely focused on maladaptive aspects of the individual’s behaviour. Anderson (1981) did, however, note that the researcher is at a greater advantage when the psychobiographical subject is still alive. This is due to the possibility of interviewing the subject to gain data and validate and refute tentative hypotheses. 5.8.1.1 Analysis of an absent subject in the psychobiography of Bashar al-Assad. Although Bashar al-Assad is a living subject, the researcher was unable to contact him for an interview. This was due to his protected position as president of Syria. The researcher was, however, able to collect data across Bashar al-Assad’s lifespan. Although, a portion of this data was not relevant to the age parameters of this study it was relevant in forming an overall general picture of who Bashar al-Assad is. This was of benefit to this study as the researcher was able to view Bashar al-Assad holistically and not just as the man portrayed in the media. This was especially relevant to the timeframe being discussed as who Bashar al-Assad is had not been suppressed under political agendas. 5.8.2 Researcher bias. Psychobiographical research is also criticised for its disparagement or idealisation of the psychobiographical subject (Alexander, 1988; Anderson, 1981; Elms, 2005; Fouché et al., 2005; Runyan, 2005; Schepeler, 1990). Due to the longitudinal nature of psychobiographical research and prior preconceptions, the researcher may develop counter- transference reactions to the psychobiographical subject (Anderson, 1981; Schepeler, 1990). This counter-transference is generally unconscious in nature and can be corrected through: (1) an awareness of the researcher’s feelings towards the subject, (2) the analysis of the researcher’s feelings towards the subject by peers and specialists, (3) the development of empathy towards the subject, and (4) the critique of the relationship between the researcher and the subject by the subject (if possible) (Anderson, 1981; Fouché et al., 2005; Schurink, 1988)

5.8.2.1 Researcher bias in the psychobiography of Bashar al-Assad. At the commencement of this psychobiography, the researcher had strong feelings of disparagement towards Bashar al- Assad due to his involvement in the Syrian civil war. After reflection, communication with intimate acquaintances and the research supervisor, as well as a review of collected data, the researcher was able to develop a sense of empathy towards Bashar al-Assad. Despite Bashar al- Assad being alive, it was not possible to submit the manuscript to him for his comment on this relationship. Through the continuous monitoring of the researcher’s emotional responses to Bashar al-Assad, she was able to develop an awareness of her unconscious reactions to Bashar al-Assad and monitor the effects that they had on the study. 5.8.3 Reductionism. A study is considered to be reductionist when it attempts to reduce the complex nature of an individual to a one-dimensional component. Various critics have noted the reductionist nature of psychobiographic research (Anderson, 1981; Cheshire, 1975; Falk, 1985; Mack, 1971; Runyan, 1988; Schultz, 2005c). According to Falk (1985), psychobiographical research can be reductionist in two ways: (1) when it is based on the assumption that a simplistic analysis can explain the complex life of an individual, and (2) when it is based on the assumption that an individual’s personality is constructed of only psychological factors to the exclusion of external factors such as culture and community. According to Anderson (1981), Schultz (2005c) and Runyan (1984), psychobiographies are also reductionist when they attempt to explain an individual’s entire life in terms of childhood experiences. Further reductionism occurs when the researcher attempts to concentrate on pathological aspects of an individual instead of viewing the individual holistically (Anderson, 1981; Elms, 1994). In order to reduce reductionism in psychobiographical research, the following strategies can be implemented: (1) the use of multiple data sources in both the collection and analysis phases of the research process, (2) the avoidance of psychological jargon and terminology, (3) the adequate explanation of necessary jargon and terminology, (4) the use of an eugraphic rather than pathographic approach towards the subject (in a eugraphic approach the focus is on how the subject becomes and remains relatively psychologically healthy) and (5) viewing the psychobiographical subject in a holistic manner (Anderson, 1981; Fouché et al., 2005; Howe, 1997; McAdams, 2006a; Runyan, 1988). 5.8.3.1 Reductionism in the psychobiography of Bashar al-Assad. In order to ensure that this study was not reductionist, multiple sources were considered in both the data collection and

51 analysis phases. Furthermore, psychological jargon was avoided. Any psychological jargon that was necessary due the selection of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development was defined within the study. This study attempted to view Bashar al-Assad as holistically as possible by forming a perception based on data on his life as a whole. This study was thus eugraphic in nature as the focus was not on pathological characteristics, but rather the development of Bashar al-Assad as a whole individual. 5.8.4 Cross-cultural differences. According to Anderson (1981), psychobiography is a form of cross-cultural research, as the psychobiographical subject is generally from a different cultural group to the researcher. This poses a challenge to psychobiographical research, as the psychological principles of one culture and psychological theory may not be relevant to the psychobiographical subject’s behaviour. In order to ensure that the effects of cross-cultural differences are minimised, Anderson (1981) suggests approaching psychobiographical research using an emic approach. In order to achieve this, the researcher must attempt to develop a comprehensive cultural understanding of the subject’s world. This enables the researcher to develop and portray an understanding that is culturally empathetic and more realistic (Anderson, 1981). 5.8.4.1 Cross-cultural differences in the psychobiography of Bashar al-Assad. Cross- cultural differences were one of the main considerations when developing a psychobiographical understanding of Bashar al-Assad. As an Arab Alawite male in a presidential family, the psychobiographical subject was from an alternate culture to the researcher (a white, non-Muslim, South African female) and the sample population used in developing the theoretical framework (Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development). Prior to the analysis of data, the researcher immersed herself, as far as possible, in Arab and Islamic culture. This included: (1) conducting a thorough reading of literature on Islamic religious beliefs and culture, (2) developing an understanding of the various Islamic factions within Syria, (3) developing an understanding of the role of a male within Islamic culture (4), developing an understanding of a male within Syrian and Arab society, (5) visiting mosques and discussing these factors with Imams and Islamic acquaintances and (6) attending an academic conference on Islam. This background research informed the analysis of the selected data. Due to the limitations of a minor dissertation, these factors are not discussed in detail, but rather addressed where necessary.

As mentioned above, psychobiographical research is based on psychological theories that rarely take into account the complex socio-cultural factors of an individual’s life. In order to account for this limitation, psychological theories were not viewed as fixed. Psychological theories were instead viewed as malleable, allowing for alterations that allow for a fit between Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development and Bashar al-Assad (Anderson, 1981; Noland, 1977). 5.8.5 Validity and reliability criticisms. According to Runyan (1983), the most frequent criticisms of the psychobiographical method are aimed at its reliability and validity as an ideographic research method. Yin (2003) identifies four assessments of quality in social science research as: (1) construct validity, (2) internal validity, (3) external validity and (4) reliability. Fossey et al. (2002) noted that the criteria outlined by Guba and Lincoln (2005) and other qualitative theorists (as outlined in Section 5.7) are parallel to the criteria for internal validity, external validity and reliability. As such, the criteria outlined in Section 5.7 are used in place of reliability and validity in determining the quality of this research study. 5.8.5.1 Validity and reliability criticisms in the psychobiography of Bashar al-Assad. As noted above, reliability and validity were not used to establish quality in this study. As a result, these considerations were not included in the psychobiographical analysis of Bashar al- Assad. 5.8.6 Elitism and easy genre. The psychobiographical method has been criticised as an “easy genre”, which only focuses on the elite (Fouché et al., 2005; Runyan, 1988). This is due to the tendency of psychobiography to focus on individuals of power and prestige at the expense of ordinary individuals (Smuts, 2009). Runyan (1988), however, argues that it is the individual’s level of achievement and not social class that informs participant selection. Further criticisms have been directed at the ease with which a psychobiographical study takes shape. This is due to the predefined structure created by the chronological development of the subject’s life (Runyan, 1988). According to Runyan (1988), this may be the case for bad to average psychobiographies, but good psychobiographies are challenging to write. They depend on: (1) consultation with a wide variety of sources and (2) extensive knowledge of the subject’s socio-cultural environment (Runyan, 1988). 5.8.6.1 Elitism and easy genre in the psychobiography of Bashar al-Assad. In an attempt to avoid elitism, this study selected Bashar al-Assad based on the uniqueness of his rise

53 to power and his preliminary leadership style. The selection of Bashar al-Assad as the psychobiographical subject is discussed in detail in Section 5.4. In order to ensure that this study could be classified as a good psychobiography, the researcher immersed herself in the socio- cultural world of Bashar al-Assad (as discussed in Section 5.8.4.1) and consulted a wide variety of sources (as discussed in Section 5.10). 5.8.7 Infinite amount of biographical data. McAdams (2006a) noted the infinite amount of data available to psychobiographical researchers. In order to address the infinite amount of data, reduction strategies are needed. According to Green (2006) data can be reduced through the selection of: (1) an appropriate psychological theory, (2) a data reduction technique and (3) predefined categories for identifying psychologically relevant data. 5.8.7.1 Infinite amount of biographical data in the psychobiography of Bashar al- Assad. Due to the political nature of this psychobiography data on Bashar al-Assad (especially data on his upbringing etc.) was limited. Despite the limited amount of data, data was still extensive enough to pose a problem for data reduction and analysis. Thus, in accordance with the guidelines provided by Green (2006): (1) Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development was selected as the psychological theory (see Section 5.5); (2) the data reduction technique proposed by Huberman and Miles (1994) and Huberman, Miles, and Saldaña (2013) was selected to manage data (see Section 5.11.1); (3) Alexander’s (1988, 1990) principal identifiers were selected to reveal psychologically salient data (see Section 5.11.2). 5.8.8 Inflated expectations. Psychobiographical studies which assume the absolute truth of psychological theories, and do not take into account their speculative nature, are often criticised due to their inflation of psychological theories (Anderson, 1981). Psychobiographical research should thus not be seen in isolation, but rather seen as adding to additional explanations of an individual’s personality and behaviour (Anderson, 1981). 5.8.8.1 Inflated expectation in the psychobiography of Bashar al-Assad. In order to ensure that this study does not inflate expectations, it does not assume to have attained the ultimate truth. Instead, the researcher notes the tentative and speculative nature of the analysis of Bashar al-Assad and psychobiographical research as a whole (Anderson, 1981). These considerations are not restricted to qualitative and psychobiographical research, but occur in almost all applications of psychology and psychoanalysis (Noland, 1977). As a

54 result, researchers and psychoanalysts need to take these considerations into account when considering the quality of the truth they are ascribing to their analysis. 5.9 Evaluation of psychobiographical interpretations Psychobiographical research is positivistic in nature and thus assumes that there is a single truth, which can be attained provided that methodological rigour is used (Schultz, 2005c). This philosophical stance has led to the critique of the psychobiographical method, as it does not allow for the numerous and varied interpretations that exist in the analysis of the life of the psychobiographical subject (Runyan, 1981). In order to account for these varying interpretations, Runyan (1981) summarises the works of Cheshire (1975), Crosby (1979), Hempel (1965, 1966) and Scherwood (1969) to develop a series of criteria for the critical evaluation of psychological interpretations. These are: (1) is the interpretation logically sound? (2) Does the interpretation account for all the perplexing aspects? (3) Does the interpretation withstand falsification attempts? (4) Is the explanation consistent with the available evidence? (5) Is the explanation consistent with general explanations of human behaviour? (6) Is the explanation credible in relation to other proposed explanations? 5.10 Data Collection Data for this study was collected from a variety of primary sources (data produced by Bashar al-Assad) and secondary sources (data produced by others). For the purposes of this study, biographical data on the life of Bashar al-Assad was collected from biographical (secondary) sources, as no autobiographical sources were available. Further secondary data sources were collected from a variety of English Syrian and international newspaper articles and journal articles. Due to the infinite amount of data (discussed in Section 5.8.7) and the chronological limitations of this study (discussed in Section 5.6), data from newspapers was limited to data from major international publications. Data from newspapers and journal articles was further limited to articles that made reference to the time period between 1965 (Bashar al- Assad’s birth) and 2000 (the end of the Damascus Spring). Any data outside of these parameters was used to gain a greater understanding of Bashar al-Assad outside of the chronological restrictions of this study. In order to generate a comprehensive and socio-culturally aware perspective of Bashar al- Assad, secondary data was also collected on the external social, cultural and political events that may have influenced his development. This included data on the religious dynamics within

Syria, the socio-cultural constructions of a man within Muslim society, Muslim family structure and international political events. Primary data sources were also used in the analysis of Bashar al-Assad. Primary data sources were mainly in the form of television, radio, book and newspaper interviews, as well as published public speeches. Although all data sources are indicated in the reference list, a concise list of major data sources is given in Appendix B. According to Yin (2003), data that is published may be subject to author bias. This can be overcome through the selection of multiple data sources for data triangulation (Patton, 2005). By triangulating data from multiple sources and authors, the researcher was able to minimise the effects of author bias and thus establish a more accurate depiction of Bashar al-Assad. To further ensure that author bias does not influence this study, the researcher constantly reflected on feedback and criticism from supervision (Smuts, 2009). The researcher also maintained an awareness of the nature of data that is generated about political leaders. 5.10.1 Data selection in the psychobiographical study of political leaders. According to Elms and Song (2005), the subjects of political psychobiography differ from those of other psychobiographies in two distinct ways. Firstly, the subjects of political psychobiographies are alive and not dead. Secondly, politicians are more likely to limit and control public access to information about their personality and life history. As a result, the data available on political leaders may be sparse and influenced by political agendas. Data must thus be treated in a manner that avoids author bias, as discussed in Section 5.8.2 . This ensures that the data included in the study gives an accurate portrayal of the individual. Elms and Song (2005) state that data should thus be acquired from the politician’s first independent success (this is problematic in Bashar al-Assad’s life, as he was raised in a political family and thus did not have an independent political success) and public statements. To further ensure that the data selected is a reflection of the subject and not propaganda or political distortions, data on political leaders is subject to a number of checks (Elms & Song, 2005). According to Elms and Song (2005), consistency checks are done across data sources, decisions (made by the subject) and domains (within the subject’s life). This enables the selection of data consistent with traits belonging to the subject. Data on Bashar al-Assad was then analysed using Huberman and Miles’ (1994) and Huberman, Miles and Saldaña’s (2013) data analysis strategy as discussed below.

5.11 Data analysis According to Yin (2003), data analysis is the process of generating an understanding of the individual case through the examination, extraction and categorisation of relevant information regarding the subject. In order to achieve this, a data analysis strategy is necessary. For the purposes of this study, the data analysis strategies of Huberman and Miles (1994), Huberman et al. (2013) and Alexander (1988, 1990) were used concurrently. According to Huberman and Miles (1994) and Huberman et al. (2013), data analysis comprises three sub-processes (data reduction, data display and conclusion drawing and verification), which continuously interact throughout the research process. During this process it is important to identify data that is psychologically relevant. In order to do this, Alexander’s (1988, 1990) nine markers for extracting psychologically salient data were used. 5.11.1 Huberman et al. (2013) and Huberman and Miles’s (1994) data analysis strategy. The data analysis strategy outlined by Huberman and Miles (1994) is discussed below. 5.11.1.1 Data reduction. Huberman and Miles (1994) define data reduction as “the process of selecting, focusing, simplifying, abstracting, and transforming data” (p. 10). This process occurs throughout the research process. According to Huberman and Miles (1994) and Huberman et al. (2013), data reduction can be initially seen through the choice of a conceptual or theoretical framework and research subject, which guides the data selected. In this study, data reduction thus began through the selection of Bashar al-Assad as the psychobiographical subject and Levinson et al.’s theory of male development as the theoretical framework. In selecting these two components of the research study the researcher determined which data would be used in this study. 5.11.1.2 Data display. The next step in the data analysis process is data display. Data display is defined as “an organised, compressed assembly of information that permits conclusion drawing and action” (Huberman & Miles, 1994, p. 11). One way in which this is possible is through the formulation of a data matrix on which to systematically display data. According to Huberman and Miles (1994) and Huberman et al. (2013), this matrix forms part of the data analysis process. For the purposes of this study the data analysis matrix in Appendix D was used to systematically display and organise biographical, familial, political and socio-cultural data within the contextual framework of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory.

5.11.1.3 Conclusion drawing and verification. According to Huberman and Miles (1994) and Huberman et al. (2013), the third component of data analysis is conclusion drawing and verification. Throughout the research process the researcher develops tentative interpretations of the data. These interpretations are, however, tentative and should be viewed with caution. Final conclusions should only be drawn when verified through “intersubjective consensus” (Huberman & Miles, 1994, p. 11). Throughout this psychobiographical study the researcher developed tentative interpretations of the data. These conclusions were due to the emergence of (among others) regularities and irregularities in behaviour, behavioural patterns and familial and peer relationships (Huberman & Miles, 1994). Final conclusions were only drawn at the end of the study when data merged to form a coherent picture of Bashar al-Assad’s life and fitted with Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development. 5.11.2 Alexander’s (1988, 1990) markers for psychologically salient data. Throughout this study, data that was psychologically relevant to developing a psychobiographical understanding of Bashar al-Assad was identified using Alexander’s (1988, 1990) markers for psychological saliency. Schultz (2003, 2005b) summarises these pointers as follows. Frequency – when the subject retells the same story, numerous times, in a variety of contexts. Primacy – the events which are presented at the beginning of each data source, e.g. the opening scene in a biography. Emphasis – the importance of a specific event is overemphasised, underemphasised or misplaced. Isolation – events within the data which seem irrelevant in the context of the information being provided. Uniqueness – life events which the subject identifies as unique by stating their importance or altering their language or tone. Incompletion – a topic is introduced and then abruptly changed with no justifiable reason. Error – instances where the subject makes mistakes in their recollection of events e.g. distortions and slips of tongue. Omission – information which is avoided or left out in a data source.

Negation – the contradiction or denial of information between data sources. 5.12 Ethical Considerations According to Elms (1994), the psychobiographical study of political leaders is ethically sound, as their chosen career necessitates the public inspection of their lives. Thus, in entering the political domain, political leaders relinquish their right to anonymity, confidentiality and informed consent. Elms (1994) acknowledges the lack of current ethical guidelines provided by the American Psychological Association in the psychobiographical study of political leaders. Elms (1994) thus provided a set of ethical guidelines for studies using the psychobiographic method. These guidelines include: (1) avoiding the dishonest use of biographical data, (2) avoiding over- emphasising and or under-emphasising certain biographical data, (3) formulating conclusions that are beyond the scope of the data and (4) invading the individual’s privacy by acquiring data in an unethical manner (Elms, 1994). This psychobiographical study was conducted in a manner that adhered to the ethical guidelines provided by Elms (1994). Data was only obtained from sources that were available in the public domain. In order to ensure that data was not used dishonestly and not over-emphasised or under-emphasised, this study took into account a series of methodological considerations for both qualitative and psychobiographical research. Furthermore, data collection and analysis techniques were used in a manner that respected Bashar al-Assad and any other relevant parties. 5.13 Chapter summary This chapter provided an outline of the research methodology used in developing a psychobiographical understanding of Bashar al-Assad. This chapter provided an overview of the primary aims of the study, the research design and the selection of the psychobiographical subject and theoretical framework. This chapter further provided an overview of methodological considerations and factors influencing the quality of psychobiographical research. The discussion then progressed to the data analysis strategies used in this study. A discussion of ethical considerations was presented as the culmination of this chapter.

Chapter 6: Findings and Discussion

6.1 Chapter overview Levinson et al. (1978) postulated that the life course of an individual is characterised by a generic progression of pre-determined developmental eras. The unique nature of each individual’s life is due to the complex interaction of internal characteristics and external circumstances. This chapter provides an analysis of the life of Bashar al-Assad (as presented in Chapter 2) from birth (11 September 1965) up to shortly after the culmination of the Damascus Spring (December 2000) according to Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory (as presented in Chapter 4). Relevant information that lies outside of this time period will also be discussed so as to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of Bashar al-Assad prior to the commencement of the Damascus Winter and subsequent Arab Spring. 6.2 The life of Bashar al-Assad according to Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. As discussed in Chapter 4, Levinson et al. (1978) categorised the life of an individual (male) into four qualitatively unique overlapping developmental eras. Levinson et al. (1978) identified these eras as: pre-adulthood (0-22 years), early adulthood (17-45 years), middle adulthood (40-65 years) and late adulthood (60+ years). The transition between these developmental eras is facilitated by cross-era transitional phases. These cross-era transitional phases are: the early adulthood transition (17-22 years), the mid-life transition (40-45 years) and the late adulthood transition (60-65 years). Due to the parameters of this study (as outlined in Section 5.6), the eras of pre-adulthood and early adulthood, along with biographical data on Bashar al-Assad, will be discussed through the theoretical framework of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. This discussion is informed by the data matrix in Appendix D, which provides a summarised overview of the life of Bashar al-Assad according to Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development. Data displayed in this matrix encompasses data on (1) the life of Bashar al-Assad, (2) his family and (3) relevant external and internal political events. 6.2.1 Pre-birth: Socio-cultural contextual framework. According to Levinson et al. (1978), an individual’s development exists within the socio-cultural context of their family and society. Bashar al-Assad was born into the al-Assad family, an apparently typical Alawite family (Lesch, 2005; Seale, 1988). However, there were aspects of his family life that were far from typical, including the family’s financial and political status. The al-Assad family were 60 traditionally from a poor Alawite Muslim community in the mountainous regions of north- western Syria (Lesch, 2005; Zahler, 2009). Due to these financial constraints, Hafez al-Assad chose to pursue a military career, in which he increased in rank and financial status (Lesch, 2005). Thus, unlike his predecessors and the majority of Alawites, Bashar al-Assad was born into a wealthy family. Due to Hafez al-Assad’s direct involvement in politics, Bashar al-Assad was born into a world which directly and indirectly exposed him to politics and war. The political climate in Syria preceding and shortly after Bashar al-Assad’s birth was tense, and Hafez al-Assad was a central figure within this tension (as discussed in Section 6.2.2). This political influence was further exacerbated by the role of religion within Islamic (and specifically Syrian) politics (Moaddel, 2002). According to Islamic doctrine there must be a unity between the church and state (Lewis, 1993) This unity between church and state necessitates the dependence of legal law on Islamic divine law (Sharia law) (Hallaq, 2009; Tibi, 1994). This link between church and state is problematic within Syria as Syria is split into various religious factions, of which the majority faction is Sunni. Although these factions are products of Islamic civilisations, they have each developed a unique identity and doctrine. These differing identities have led to a history of clashes between these minority groups and the majority Sunni population (Olson, 1982). 6.2.2 Pre-adulthood (0-20 years): Schooling and family. Levinson et al. (1978) identified the process of individuation as the main developmental task of this developmental era. This process involves the negotiation of the relationship with oneself and the external world through the negotiation of the four polarities (young/old, masculine/feminine, creation/destruction and attachment/separateness). Central components in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure during this time are the political environment and turmoil in the Middle East and Syria and Bashar al-Assad’s schooling and peer relationships. Another central, albeit unfilled, component is Bashar al- Assad’s relationship with various members of his family, including Hafez al-Assad and Basel al- Assad. Peripheral components include the family homes in Seven Lakes and Malki, Bashar al- Assad’s desire to be normal and his role as the president’s son. Bashar al-Assad was born in Damascus on September 11, 1965. Bashar al-Assad was the third living child and second son of Hafez al-Assad and Aniseh al-Assad (their first child died in infancy). At the time of Bashar al-Assad’s birth, Hafez al-Assad was minister of defence and commander of the Syrian Air Force under the Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party. During the years

61 following Bashar al-Assad’s birth, Hafez al-Assad progressed to prime minister (20 November 1970) and finally president of Syria (12 March 1971) through his involvement in The 1970 Corrective Revolution (a bloodless intra Ba’ath coup d’état) (Lesch, 2005; Olson, 1982; Zîser, 2007). According to Zîser (2001), Hafez al-Assad’s first years in power (and thus Bashar al- Assad’s first years of life) were characterised by a struggle to maintain power and conflict within the Middle East and Syria. This conflict included the Lebanese Civil War, The War of Attrition, The Arab-Israeli War, The Next Arab-Israeli War, The Hama Uprising and numerous assassination attempts on Hafez al-Assad. This conflict within the Middle East and Syria and Hafez al-Assad’s political involvement created a political environment in the Assad household that was a central component in Bashar al-Assad’s pre-adulthood development (Lesch, 2005). As noted in Section 2.3.2, conflicting data is presented on the role that this turmoil played in Bashar al-Assad’s development. According to Lesch (2005), this turmoil led to the formation of Bashar al-Assad’s political consciousness. Foreign sources (including Zîser (2007) and Belt (2009)), however, argue that Bashar al-Assad lacked interest in politics and the military. Irrespective of the role that the turmoil in the Middle East and Syria had on the development of Bashar al-Assad’s political consciousness, it infiltrated his process of individuation by influencing his relationship with various individuals and the outside environment. This is clearly seen in Bashar al-Assad’s perception of his environment after returning from Qurdaha in 1973 (after evacuation due to the Next Arab Israeli War) and his relationship with his family, especially Hafez and Basel al-Assad. As the second son, Bashar al-Assad may have, to some extent, been insulated and isolated from the influences of politics and his family’s involvement therein. This is due to the fact that he was not (at this point in time) the heir apparent. Levinson et al. (1978) postulated that the pre-adult lives within the social unit of the family, who are responsible for providing protection, socialisation and support of growth. In accordance with Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory, Bashar al-Assad described his family as having “two loving parents” (Lesch, 2005) and Hafez al-Assad as “a very warm and caring father” (Belt, 2009, p. 9). He also notes Hafez al-Assad’s active involvement in his childhood. This relationship is portrayed in his father always signing his report card, playing football with him in the parking lot before leaving for work (see Section 2.3.2) and him running into his father’s office as an excited seven-year-old after his first French lesson (Belt, 2009). Despite these depictions, alternate data sources indicate an absent father relationship with Hafez al-Assad. This is indicative of a family

62 unit that is not in accordance with the one outlined in Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. Zîser (2007) noted that Hafez al-Assad was frequently absent from the family home, and when present, he was engaged in matters of state in his private study. Even Bashar al-Assad mentioned that the abovementioned incident was the only time when he entered his father’s study. While engaged in matters of the state, Hafez al-Assad would often go days without speaking to his children (Zîser, 2007). Basel al-Assad recalled the relationship as follows:

We saw our father at home but he was so busy that three days may pass without our talking to him. We never had breakfast together, or dinner and I can’t remember our ever lunching together as a family, or only once or twice, on formal occasions. As a family we might spend a day or two together at Latakia in the summer, but even there he worked in his office and we didn’t see much of him. (P. Seale, 1988, p. 344)

Thus, although Bashar al-Assad portrays a good relationship with Hafez al-Assad, conflicting data, including a statement from Basel al-Assad, seems to indicate that this was not the case. On 26 June 1980, members of the Muslim Brotherhood attempted to publicly assassinate Hafez al-Assad (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013). This was followed by a succession of retaliatory actions culminating in the Hama massacre, where between 10 000 and 30 000 individuals were killed (Parvaz, 2013). Bashar al-Assad, who was 14 years old at the time of the attempted assassination, was now faced not only with a father who was often absent due to affairs of state but also the possibility of his father’s death. Furthermore, Hafez al-Assad’s retaliation against the Muslim Brotherhood taught Bashar al-Assad that “dissent could not be tolerated” and that “any sign of rebellion was an existential threat that must be quashed with overwhelming force and international law be damned” (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013). The author believes that it is likely that Hafez al-Assad’s absence and life threats were further exacerbated by his focus on Basel al-Assad. According to Baker and Newton-Small (2013), Hafez al-Assad spent a considerable time educating Basel in war and politics, in order to ensure that his first son would be his heir apparent. Bashar al-Assad, in contrast, was not educated in the military and politics, creating a discrepancy in the way in which Bashar al-Assad and Basel were treated (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013). As with his portrayal of his relationship with Hafez al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad portrays his relationship with Basel al-Assad as a close one. Lesch (2005) notes that Bashar al-Assad and 63

Basel shared a room in their average-sized home in Seven Lake Square and that Bashar al-Assad looked up to Basel as an older brother and role model. According to Lesch (2005), this bond continued throughout their childhood, adolescence and early adulthood. Despite this perception, a variety of sources, including CNN (Wilkinson & Smith-Spark, 2013) and Near East Quarterly (Near East Quarterly, 2011), have disputed this relationship. Instead, they say that Basel was a cruel older brother who frequently bullied Bashar al-Assad. As noted in Section 2.2, both Lesch (2005) and alternate data sources may be tainted by political propaganda and Western bias. It is, however, important to note the cultural and religious implications that may be the cause for the discrepancies in data with regard to Bashar al-Assad’s portrayal of his relationship with his father and brother. According to the Hadith3 a Muslim should not speak ill of the dead nor should they mention the dead’s evil deeds (Fiqh us sunnah, vol. 4, p. 76). However, Bashar al-Assad is an Alawite (an extremist secular offshoot of Shi’ite Islam with religious beliefs derived from the Islamic Profits, the Qur’an and the books of Imama from the Ahl al-Bayat) and thus may not share the same views as other Muslims (Abd-Allah, 1983; Olson, 1982). The extent to which Bashar al-Assad adheres to these religious guidelines is unknown due to the strong tradition of secrecy and religious dissimulation (taqiyya) developed by the Alawites in order to prevent persecution as a minority (Friedman, 2001, 2005). Thus, the manner in which Bashar al-Assad posthumously discusses his relationships with Hafez al-Assad and Basel al-Assad may be attributed to cultural and religious factors. This discrepancy may further be indicative of Bashar al-Assad’s desire for a relationship with both Hafez al-Assad and Basel al-Assad (which was in the past and is now unattainable). Although Hafez al-Assad may have been a loving father, his absence may have made Bashar al- Assad’s desired relationship with him unattainable. Similarly, although he desired a positive sibling relationship with Basel al-Assad, this may have been unattainable due to the contrast between Basel and Bashar al-Assad’s personalities. This makes relationships with Hafez al- Assad and Basel al-Assad unfilled components of Bashar al-Assad’s pre-adult life structure. As a significant component of Bashar al-Assad’s life structure, politics influenced various aspects of his life structure. This is clearly seen in the influence the political environment had on Bashar al-Assad’s perception of his environment and relationship with brother and father.

early Muslim traditions recording the deeds and words of Muhammad (peace be upon him) and his (حدي ث) Hadith 3 prophets (peace be upon them) 64

Despite the clear effects of this influence, Bashar al-Assad still maintained the depiction of his family as ‘normal’ (Lesch, 2005). This is indicative of Bashar al-Assad’s constant desire to be normal, as discussed throughout this analysis. Other significant components of Bashar al-Assad’s pre-adult life structure were his schooling and peer relationships. In accordance with the postulations made by Levinson et al. (1978), Bashar al-Assad built on the life structure established in the early childhood transition phases (0-3 years) by expanding his social world from his family to other social settings. This expansion is in line with the move towards independence throughout the pre-adult era. Hafez and Anisa al-Assad facilitated this expansion by sending Bashar al-Assad (age 3) to al-Huriyya (Laïque) a renowned semi-private school near their home (Lesch, 2005; Zîser, 2007). In selecting al-Huriyya for Bashar al-Assad’s education, Hafez al-Assad ensured that Bashar al-Assad remained humble while his social world expanded to include children of upper class Syrians and members of the Syrian military (Zîser, 2007). Bashar al-Assad’s transition between sub-elementary (3-5 years), elementary (6-10 years), preparatory (11-13 years) and secondary school (14-17 years) chronologically mirror the developmental periods outlined by Levinson et al. (1978) for the pre-adult era (the early childhood transition phase, childhood, puberty and adolescence). Bashar al-Assad’s schooling and peer relationships are characterised by a desire to be normal. Both Lesch (2005) and external data sources, including Zîser (2007) and Rafizadeh (2013) describe Bashar al-Assad as a shy and reserved young boy. According to Baker and Newton-Small (2013, p. 26), “Bashar al-Assad was a middling student – introverted, stubborn and moody but also loyal and modest”. This is in contrast to his siblings Basel al-Assad, Mahir al-Assad and Bushra al-Assad, who are described as having strong charismatic personalities (Zîser, 2007). According to interviews conducted with Bashar al-Assad’s educators, he was a humble and unassuming learner who did everything possible to appear to be a normal student. This includes (1) dressing like a regular student, (2) not having the accompaniment of bodyguards and (3) attending field trips like other learners. Bashar al-Assad was, however, not a regular student, and the political events in Syria infiltrated this component of Bashar al-Assad’s life structure. As noted in Section 2.3.2.1, Bashar al-Assad’s grades dropped significantly during the Muslim Brotherhood uprisings and subsequent Hama massacre. Although Bashar al-Assad attributed this drop in grades to spending too much time socialising, this may not have been the case (Lesch, 2005). Lesch (2005),

65 however, notes the possible influence of the increased political tension in Syria (due to the conflict between Hafez al-Assad and the Muslim Brotherhood) as a possible contributing factor to Bashar al-Assad’s decline in grades. Due to this decline in grades, Bashar al-Assad was moved to La Frère, a small all-boys school in Damascus, for his last two years of schooling. An added important, albeit peripheral, component of Bashar al-Assad’s pre-adulthood was the Assad family home in Seven Lakes and Malki. At the time of Bashar al-Assad’s birth the al-Assad family lived in a modest home in Seven Lakes, Damascus. As Hafez al-Assad changed careers, so too did the family home. In 1973 (two years after Hafez al-Assad became president), the Assad family relocated to Malki, a more prestigious and upmarket area in Damascus (Lesch, 2005). Although located in a prestigious area, the Assads lived in a modest house. This was in line with Hafez al-Assad’s modest upbringing and his desire to instil modesty in his children (Zîser, 2007). According to Lesch (2005), this area provided an environment of sound childhood development for Bashar al-Assad. The environment and relationship that Bashar al-Assad had with their Malki house provided, to some extent, shape for Bashar al-Assad’s life structure. This influence is seen in the fact that Bashar al-Assad selected to remain in the family home with his family even after he had assumed the role of president and was married (Lesch, 2005). As noted in Section 2.3.2, Malki was not always a safe environment for its residents, as politics one again infiltrated another aspect of Bashar al-Assad’s life structure. During The Next Arab Israeli War (October 1973, just months after moving to Malki) and the Islamic Revolt in Syria (1976-1982), the Assad family was evacuated to Qurdaha, an Alawite community in the mountainous regions of north-western Syria (Lesch, 2005; Zîser, 2007). On returning, Bashar al- Assad noted the change that had occurred in his environment and in his community. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad noted this as the time in which he began to question the nature and meaning of war. Due to the influence of politics and turmoil within the Middle East and Syria, Bashar al- Assad’s pre-adult era was characterised by constant change. During this era Bashar al-Assad changed schools and homes from Seven Lakes to Malki and to Qurdaha for the evacuation. Although no mention of this is made in the data, this constant change must have been unsettling for Bashar al-Assad, creating an unstable pre-adult life structure. When looking at the central, unfilled and peripheral components of Bashar al-Assad’s pre-adulthood life structure, it is apparent that politics and the turmoil in the Middle East and

Syria infiltrated all aspects of Bashar al-Assad’s development. Despite the Assads attempts to provide Bashar al-Assad with a normal and stable upbringing, his childhood is characterised by this turmoil and change. Due to his role as one of the Assads, Bashar al-Assad had a politically charged upbringing. He was, however, merely a member of the Assad family at this stage in his development and not the Syrian heir apparent, and as such, not the significant child. Although the al-Assads provided Bashar al-Assad and his siblings with material support, his pre-adulthood life structure lacked the psychological support needed for an individual to grow into a dependable and well-adjusted adult (Levinson & Levinson, 1996). This is in accordance with postulations made in Levinson’s later work on female development (Levinson & Levinson, 1996), which notes that a large number of children and adults are living in an environment that is hostile to their psychological development. 6.2.3 Early adult transition (17-22 years): Tertiary education. Bashar al-Assad’s transition from secondary to tertiary education mirrors the chronological onset of the early adult transition phase. This cross-era transition phase facilitated his movement from pre-adulthood to early adulthood. The central components identified in Bashar al-Assad’s life during this developmental period were his post-secondary-school studies and Hafez al-Assad’s illness. Peripheral events included external political events such as the assassination of President of Lebanon Bashir Gemayel by Syrian forces and the bombing of the US embassy in Beirut. The desire to be normal and have a relationship with Hafez al-Assad are the unfilled components in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure during this developmental period. On 19 September 1982, Bashar al-Assad (17) began his tertiary education in medicine (ophthalmology) at the University of Damascus (Lesch, 2005). This selection was in line with cultural norms in wealthy Arab society. According to Lesch (2005), it is customary for the second son to study medicine, as the eldest son would follow in his father’s footsteps. Despite this cultural norm, Bashar al-Assad was the only male son of Hafez al-Assad not to assume a military career (Zîser, 2007). Thus, although in line with cultural norms, Bashar al-Assad’s decision to study medicine appears to be in opposition to familial norms. Lesch (2005) attributes this decision to the precise surgical procedures required when operating on the eye, as well as the remarkable recovery of ophthalmological patients, which can be seen almost instantaneously. Lesch (2005) further notes that Bashar al-Assad enjoyed the healing and technical aspects of ophthalmology. This idea is verified in the documentary by Ayad and de Cointet (2011) in which

Bashar al-Assad justified his calling to medicine as follows: “You work for the health of the human. So I think that’s why it’s known as a humanitarian job. And you have to be very precise, anything wrong you do, any mistake you do you affect the health of the human”. Dr. Schulenberg, Bashar al-Assad’s supervisor in London and a non-Syrian observer, stated:

From my acquaintance with [Bashar al-Assad], I think that what drew him to ophthalmology was his obsessive trait of doing things accurately. He had a high sensitivity for perfection. This is an important quality for an eye doctor, for we are not dealing with a profession that allows mistakes. He also had great esteem for modern technologies. He was aware that Syria lagged behind the Western world in the field of ophthalmology and he wanted to study so he could pass on the knowledge he acquired to his people. (Zîser, 2007, p. 20)

Zîser (2007), however, noted the possibility of a familial influence on Bashar al-Assad’s choice of occupation. Bashar al-Assad was not the only member of the Assad family to pursue a medical career; his older sister Bushra al-Assad also selected a career in the medical field. This may have been attributed to Hafez al-Assad’s fascination with the medical profession. In his youth, Hafez al-Assad had desired a medical career but settled on a military one due to lack of finances. Levinson et al. (1978) postulated that transition periods enable the individual to make choices through which they alter their life structure. Bashar al-Assad’s decision to pursue a medical career could thus be a conscious decision, based on his enjoyment of the analytical precision of the career, to establish an adult life structure in line with his areas of enjoyment. This decision may also be based on an attempt to establish a better relationship with Hafez al- Assad, one of the unfilled components of Bashar al-Assad’s pre-adult life structure. Bashar al- Assad may not have shared Hafez al-Assad’s interest in the military and politics and thus may have used his selection of a medical degree as an attempt to establish a common interest on which to build an adult relationship with his father. The influence of the above mentioned familial and societal factors on Bashar al-Assad’s decision to study medicine are in line with the postulations made by Levinson et al. (1978), who stated that in relatively stable, undifferentiated society a young man’s adult role and circumstances pre-determine his pre-adult world. Bashar al- Assad’s adult role as a doctor was thus pre-determined by pre-adult world which encouraged a career in medicine.

Bashar al-Assad’s decision to study medicine can thus be attributed to a combination of internal and external factors. Internal factors include his enjoyment of the field and his sense for perfection. External factors include familial influences and customs within Arab (Syrian) society. At this point in his development, Bashar al-Assad had a clear non-political career path and trajectory around which he had formed his identity. As with his primary and secondary education and peer relationships, Bashar al-Assad’s post-secondary school studies and peer relationships were characterised by the desire to be ‘normal’. This desire to attain this unfilled component of Bashar al-Assad’s life structure is seen in what his fellow peers described as his modest behaviour. These behaviours (as discussed in Section 2.3.3) include (1) his choice of automobile (a five-year-old Peugeot), (2) parking on campus where regular students parked, (3) his dislike of the attention bestowed on him as a member of the Assad family, (4) attending class without security and (5) reacting lightly to insults (such as when an educator called him “the son of a donkey”) (Lesch, 2005; Regencia, 2013). These behaviours led to the description of Bashar al-Assad by one of his peers at the University of Damascus as “a very average and humble person” who “ate with us and … just talked as friends” and another peer stating that he was “unremarkable” (Regencia, 2013). Despite Bashar al-Assad’s attempts to attain this unfilled component, this was not possible. Bashar al- Assad was, after all, the president’s son. As such, perceptions of Bashar al-Assad were not unanimous. This can be attributed to the fact that politics influenced some individuals’ perceptions of him. As another student stated “we tried to avoid him, his father was a barbaric dictator and we always said that if we got close to him, someday we will be targeted by the regime” (Regencia, 2013). The limitations of Bashar al-Assad’s attempts at normality were further exacerbated by the political turmoil within Syria, which once again invaded Bashar al-Assad’s life structure. In 1983, Hafez al-Assad became ill with what were rumoured to be heart problems (Brownlee, 2007; Lesch, 2005; Seale, 1988). While Bashar al-Assad and Syria were concerned over Hafez al-Assad’s health, Rifaat al-Assad (the recently inaugurated vice president of Syria) attempted to usurp Hafez al-Assad by taking forced military control of Damascus (Lesch, 2005; Rustow, 1984; Zîser, 2007). Bashar al-Assad’s academic environment was filled with both pro-Hafez and pro-Rifaat supporters. Despite this, Bashar al-Assad viewed the university as a place where he was able to live a ‘normal’ life (Lesch, 2005). Thus, although turmoil within Syria and his

69 father’s ill health had infiltrated Bashar al-Assad’s academic environment, it appears that he was able to negotiate these challenges in a way that lead to a more satisfactory life structure with which to enter the era of early adulthood. In spite of these challenges, Bashar al-Assad had made a series of tentative decisions with regard to his occupation, studies and the life structure on which he wished to build in the entering the adult world phase. When viewing Bashar al-Assad’s life in terms of the proposed developmental tasks outlined by Levinson et al. (1978) for transitional periods, it is clear that Bashar al-Assad made a decision that altered his life structure during the period that facilitates the transition between pre- adulthood and early adulthood. In accordance with the postulations made by Levinson et al. (1978), Bashar al-Assad engaged in the developmental tasks of this transition period. This is seen in his termination of his relationships with pre-adulthood institutions (school) and taking the initial steps into the adult world by making preliminary choices about his provisional adult life structure (studying to become an ophthalmologist). In selecting a medical career, Bashar al- Assad began two of the major tasks outlined by Levinson et al. (1978) for the novice phase of adulthood: the formation and living out of a dream and the formation of an occupation. Bashar al-Assad further validated Levinson et al.’s (1978) postulation that individuals from affluent and professional families move towards a life structure with an occupation that is fulfilling or socially valuable. Although chronologically outside of the pre-defined ages for the early adulthood transition, Bashar al-Assad further terminated his pre-adult life structure and initiated his new life structure when he terminated his studies and began working as a doctor at Tishreen Military Hospital on the outskirts of Damascus (Lesch, 2005; Leverett, 2005; Zîser, 2007). This new life structure, which is discussed in detail in Section 6.2.4, is in accordance with Levinson et al.’s (1978) findings, which allow for a fluctuation of approximately two years on either side of a developmental period. In contrast to the postulations made by Levinson et al. (1978), Bashar al-Assad did not distance himself from his pre-adulthood familial relationships by moving out of the family home during this transitional period. Although Bashar al-Assad did not leave home, Levinson et al. (1978) propose that college provides men with the opportunity to distance themselves from their family through the negotiation of the attachment/separateness polarity. This is, however, a life- long process, which Bashar al-Assad only fully engaged in towards the end of the entering the

70 adult world phase of early adulthood (discussed in Section 6.2.4.1) (Lesch, 2005). During this time it appears that Bashar al-Assad did not adequately negotiate the polarity of attachment/separateness, but instead remained within the context of his immediate family. The analysis above indicates that Bashar al-Assad’s life is both in accordance with and contrary to the theoretical postulations made by Levinson et al. (1978). However, it could be argued that Bashar al-Assad had not fully engaged in terminating pre-adult relationships and forming novice adult relationships, and thus had not yet completed the transition from pre- adulthood to early adulthood as postulated by Levinson et al. (1978). 6.2.4 Early Adulthood (17-45 years). Bashar al-Assad’s life during the era of early adulthood is, as Levinson et al. (1978) proposed, characterised by a combination of psychological and physical abundance, and contrastingly, of contradiction and stress. Bashar al- Assad did experience fulfilment in his preliminary occupation (as an ophthalmologist), relationships (as seen in his marriage to Asma al-Assad) and family life (with the births of Hafez, Zein and Karim al-Assad). However, the death of Basel al-Assad and Hafez al-Assad and his subsequent change in occupation created great stress in Bashar al-Assad’s life. Levinson et al. (1978) further postulated the era of early adulthood as a time of important life choices. These choices included Bashar al-Assad’s choice of provisional occupation, his choice to study abroad, his choice to return to Syria after Basel al-Assad’s death, his choice of final occupation after Hafez al-Assad’s death, his choice to marry Asma al-Assad and his choice to have a family. Added to these choices are the complexities and uncertainties surrounding Bashar al-Assad’s developing life structure created by the death of Basel and Hafez al-Assad and his radical career change. The stress accompanying the abovementioned choices and their complexities is in accordance with Levinson et al.’s (1978) postulations. A further stress noted by Levinson et al. (1978) was that Bashar al-Assad was still a novice adult, and as such lacked the life experience necessary to make sound decisions. 6.2.4.1 Entering the adult world (22-28 years): Medical occupation. Data regarding this developmental period in Bashar al-Assad’s life was limited; however, the central components were his medical career, his life in London and his desire to be ‘normal’. Peripheral components included a variety of political events, including the on-going Lebanese Civil War and his love for aspects of the Western world (including the internet and Western music). The unfilled

71 components identified during this developmental period are Bashar al-Assad’s romantic relationships, friendships and the desire to prove his worth. After finishing his undergraduate studies, Bashar al-Assad, a gentle-looking blue-eyed, tall and thin novice adult with a pencil-line moustache and receding hairline, continued with the major novice phase tasks of forming and living out a dream and forming an occupation. In 1988, Bashar al-Assad (age 22) began his four-year internship at Tishreen Military Hospital as a medical doctor and eye surgeon (Lesch, 2005; Leverett, 2005; Zîser, 2007). During this time, Bashar al-Assad built a more stable life structure and established himself as a novice medical professional (ophthalmologist). Bashar al-Assad enjoyed working as an ophthalmologist and was successful with his surgeries. According to Lesch (2005), Bashar al-Assad was “popular with patients, displaying a caring, jovial bedside manner that contrasted with that of other physicians who viewed the day’s rounds as nothing but toil and drudgery” (p. 59). After the completion of his internship, Bashar al-Assad (age 26) made a deliberate decision about the life structure that he desired, as Levinson et al. (1978) suggested. In order to achieve this life structure, Bashar al-Assad chose to further his studies abroad. This is in accordance with the postulation made by Levinson et al. (1978) that this developmental period is characterised by the negotiation of the conflicting tasks of creating a stable life structure (as an ophthalmologist) while exploring alternative options (such as life in London). Thus, despite not having a solid command of the English language, Bashar al-Assad elected to explore alternative opportunities within his life structure and thus continue his studies in London at the Western Eye Hospital, a member of the St. Mary’s Nation Health Service Trust (NHS) (Lesch, 2005; Zîser, 2007). Lesch (2005) noted that Bashar al-Assad “relished the opportunity to prove his worth under such potentially difficult circumstances” (p. 59) As with his previous developmental periods, Bashar al-Assad’s life structure in London was once again shaped by his desire to be ‘normal’. Unlike in other developmental periods, however, the fulfilment of this desire was almost possible in London. This was due to the fact that Bashar al-Assad was relatively unknown in London, as opposed to his extensive fame in Syria. This normality is seen in his fellow staff members’ perceptions of him as

A gentle, sympathetic doctor with a wonderful bedside manner that distinguished him from most of the other doctors. He was a very good time-keeper, always punctual. He was apparently very popular with the staff at the hospital, as he was known as an honest and compassionate individual,

a real “nice chap” as one former staff member fondly recalls. He was just “one of the guys” at the hospital, and he never had any bodyguards at the facility. (Lesch, 2005, p. 62)

According to Lesch (2005, p. 63) Bashar al-Assad, “fit seamlessly into one of the bastions of the Western world”. Bashar al-Assad was no longer the son of the president, and as such the influence of political events on his life structure during this developmental period was not as great, making them a peripheral component of his life structure. Moving to London provided Bashar al-Assad with the opportunity to further engage in the polarity of attachment/separateness and thus engage in the early adulthood transition phase task of separating from one’s family. In moving to London, Bashar al-Assad was no longer living in his family home. Instead, he had formed his own home in a flat in the upscale Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea (Lesch, 2005). Despite this, Bashar al-Assad did not engage in many social activities in London. This was attributed to him either working or studying for exams, and as a result, social relationships were an unfilled component of Bashar al-Assad’s life structure in entering the adult world. Bashar al-Assad’s exploration of a new life structure was not limited to his occupation and home, but also included the exploration of the world outside of the limitations and control of his father’s political regime. Prior to leaving for London Bashar al-Assad was a member of a controlled and repressive society where access to technology and uncontrolled information was limited (Lesch, 2005). This was in stark contrast to the Western society in London where freedom and information were readily available. This Western influence led to the development of an important, albeit peripheral, component of Bashar al-Assad’s life structure, his love for aspects of the modern (Western) world. This included an enjoyment of Western music such as Phil Collins and The Electric Light Orchestra and a love for technology (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013; Lesch, 2005). As Lesch (2005) describes, Bashar al-Assad was:

Interested in computers, he found the freedom of internet access in London positively enlightening, especially since the internet would not enter Syria for several more years to come; indeed, every morning the first thing he did was surf the internet, especially the Top 40 Billboard chart to see which songs were popular. (p. 60)

As noted above, work was one of the central components of the initial phase of Bashar al- Assad’s early adulthood era in both Syria and London. Through his internship at Tishreen 73

Military Hospital and fellowship at the Western Eye Hospital, Bashar al-Assad was able to develop his competence as a professional while having an active role in the public world. Bashar al-Assad was thus able to use his internship and fellowship as an opportunity to build on and explore within the parameters of his newly established life structure as a medical professional while adding value to society. This is seen in Bashar al-Assad’s description of ophthalmology as a “humanitarian” (Ayad & de Cointet, 2011) profession. This is in accordance with the postulations made by Levinson et al. (1978), as Bashar al-Assad used this opportunity to make a link between the valued self and adult society. In deciding to further his education in London, Bashar al-Assad initiated the termination of the entering the adult world phases and the commencement of the age 30 transition. In accordance with Levinson et al.’s (1978) postulations, Bashar al-Assad had actively explored the opportunities available to him while building a stable life structure. In this exploration, Bashar al-Assad completed a series of developmental tasks outlined by Levinson et al. (1978), including (1) forming and building on a dream, (2) the formation of an occupation, (3) forming a mentorship relations, (4) building a stable life structure, (5) exploring possibilities and (6) moving away from his family and building a home. Although, Bashar al-Assad had not yet engaged in the final task of the novice phase (the formation of a love relationship, marriage and family), he had successfully built a stable life structure within the entering the adult world phase. He could, however, not have been prepared for the drastic changes to his life structure that occurred in the subsequent transitional period. 6.2.4.2 The age 30 transition (28-33 years): Loss, love and the new heir apparent. On 21 January 1994 at 7:00 a.m., Bashar al-Assad received a phone call that drastically altered his life structure and commenced the age 30 transition in a way that no one could have foreseen (Lech, 2005). Basel al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad’s older brother and the Syrian heir apparent, had died in a car accident (Lesch, 2005, 2012; Schmidt, 1994; Zahler, 2009; Zîser, 2007). This created a dramatic and unpredictable change in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure, creating a disjuncture between this developmental period and prior ones. Although this must have been a challenging time for Bashar al-Assad, he used the circumstances to form his next life structure as Levinson et al. (1978) proposed. This new life structure was centred on Bashar al-Assad’s military advancement and subsequent involvement in politics. Peripheral components included the restructuring of the Syrian government and his love for sports, and a continued love for

74 aspects of the Western world (as discussed in Section 6.2.4.1). Although it appears that Bashar al-Assad was in a romantic relationship with Asma al-Akhras at the time, he had not engaged in the traditional marriage enterprise and thus marriage and family are possible unfilled components in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure. Similarly, this unfilled component is the only major developmental task of the novice phase that Bashar al-Assad had not yet negotiated. The dissimilarity between the central components of Bashar al-Assad’s life during this developmental period and previous developmental periods is indicative of the drastic changes that Bashar al- Assad made to his life structure during this period. As noted in Section 2.3.5, data from sources close to Bashar al-Assad differs greatly from data from the Assad regime (Lesch, 2005). In January 1994, Bashar al-Assad prematurely returned to Syria to mourn the death of his brother. Instead of returning to London, however, Bashar al-Assad elected to remain in Syria and assume Basel’s role. According to a variety of external sources, Hafez al-Assad summoned Bashar al-Assad back to Syria to groom him for the presidency (Aikman, 2009; Baker & Newton-Small, 2013; Belt, 2009; Pipes, 2004; Sachs, 2000b; Seale, 1988; Zîser, 1999, 2007). However, Bashar al-Assad argues:

I went back in because I was a military doctor. My father told me, “are you going to go back to London?” and I said “no”. Then he asked me what I was going to do. I told him that I am military now, and in the military you have the right to change specialities, such as towards engineering or officer school. For weeks he said that I can go back to London or stay in Syria as a doctor, but I said I wanted to go into the military, and eventually he was convinced of this and said OK. (Lesch, 2005, p. 64)

When considering Bashar al-Assad’s motivation for returning to Syria, cultural considerations also need to be taken into account. Within Arab and Syrian society, the eldest male child plays a large role in the family business (in this case, politics). After Basel’s death, Bashar al-Assad was now the eldest male child and Basel’s prior responsibilities were now his. These responsibilities included taking care of his parents, as seen in a statement made by Dr. Bouthaina Shaaban (a family friend and advisor and translator for Bashar al-Assad in his presidency):

… so when he came back after he lost his brother, it was not surprising that he did not return to London – Bushra told me he was not returning. President Bashar felt he had to stay with his

parents after the tragedy and comfort them. He said he is not going back – he is going to stay with his parents. (Lesch, 2005, p. 67)

There is no way of knowing which of the data sources provide an accurate reflection of the events surrounding Bashar al-Assad’s return to Syria. This is due to external sources not having insight into Bashar al-Assad’s inner dialogue. Similarly, data provided by Bashar al- Assad and those within his regime is questionable, as it was collected after the Damascus Winter and thus may be tainted by political propaganda. Irrespective of his motivation, Bashar al-Assad made a decision (based on his circumstances), which drastically altered his life structure. This change is in accordance with the postulations made by Levinson et al. (1978), as life during this stage becomes more serious and the individual must decide “If I want to change my life – if there are things in it that I don’t like, or things that are missing that I would like to have – this is the time to make a start, for soon it will be too late” (Levinson et al., 1978, p. 85). Bashar al-Assad’s decision to return to Syria may thus be based on an attempt to alter a previously unfilled component of his life structure, a relationship with his father, Hafez al-Assad, which may not have been possible had Basel al-Assad not died. Bashar al-Assad’s decision to remain in Syria and assume a military career was followed by his quick progression through the military ranks (a necessary step in gaining the qualifications needed to become the president of the Syrian regime) and assumed Basel’s role of head of the Republican Guard (Lesch, 2005; Zîser, 1999). Bashar al-Assad was also put in charge of the Syrian Computer Society, the significant Lebanon File and an anti-corruption unit to weed out his opposition. According to Lesch (2005), this progression was not seen by Bashar al-Assad as an attempt to groom him for the presidency.

I never expected to be president. It was mentioned in the press and magazines everywhere but I never thought about it. I wanted to work in the public domain and I was a member of the party but I did not expect to lead to party. He did not plan for me to lead the party, if so, he could have arranged that much earlier … He never tried to get me to do anything presidential. It was my ambition to work in the public domain. But he never prepared me to be president.” (Lesch, 2005, p. 64)

Bashar al-Assad’s wife further confirms this perception, as seen in Lesch (2005, p. 66)

He went to the university to go to school and he went to the military to become an officer, not to be groomed to take over. Bashar was never brought up as the president’s son and he was never brought up to be president.

Although unlikely, it is possible that Bashar al-Assad was unaware of his father’s intentions to groom him for the role of president. This is due to him not being in proximity to the age required by Syrian law (40) for an individual to become president. However, Seale (1988) noted that Hafez had a strong desire to train Bashar al-Assad as a leader. In order to do this, Hafez al-Assad asked the American ambassador to Syria to train him on international affairs and diplomacy (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013). In spite of this, Hafez al-Assad still avoided directly instructing Bashar al-Assad. Despite Bashar al-Assad having an office next to Hafez al-Assad’s, he did not attend any political meetings with Hafez (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013; Belt, 2009). Even Bashar al-Assad notes that what he learnt about decision-making came from reading his father’s notes (Belt, 2009). The transition away from his life structure while he was entering the adult world culminated in Bashar al-Assad beginning an unexpected career in politics at the termination of the age 30 transition. This transition, as postulated by Levinson et al. (1978), was characterised by difficulty, as Bashar al-Assad transitioned to a new life structure on which to base the rest of his early adulthood. This life structure was contrary to the apparent dream that Bashar al-Assad had established for his life in prior developmental periods. This is not to say that Bashar al- Assad’s dream had not changed, but rather that his new life structure was not in accordance with his original dream. Bashar al-Assad had entered the adult world with a tentative life structure and dream. However, upon the completion of the age 30 transition and thus the novice phase of adulthood, he had built an entirely different life structure. As proposed by Levinson et al. (1978), Bashar al- Assad had made important new choices, which facilitated his change from a boy to a man. This vital step in adult development enabled the life structure that formed the basis of Bashar al- Assad’s subsequent life structure (Levinson et al., 1978). 6.2.4.3 The settling down period (33-36 years): rise to power, presidency, marriage and family. Levinson et al. (1978) proposed that the settling down period is a time in which a man invests himself in the major components of the life structure. These major (central) components

77 included the death of Hafez al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad’s new occupation and rise to presidency, his marriage to Asma al-Akhras and subsequent family and The Damascus Spring. Peripheral components included diplomatic relationships, due to external political events such as the September 11 terrorist attacks on America and the subsequent Afghan war. These components differ substantially from those in previous developmental periods as Bashar al-Assad was not president in previous eras. Similarly, up until this point Bashar al-Assad had not engaged in the fourth major task of the novice phase, the formation of a love relationship, marriage and family (Levinson et al., 1978). Bashar al-Assad began the major tasks for this developmental period (working towards advancement and establishing a niche within society) almost instantaneously. Shortly after Bashar al-Assad became formally involved in politics (towards the end of the age 30 transition), he began advancing, or as Levinson et al. (1978) metaphorically described it, “climbing the ladder”. Bashar al-Assad’s accelerated advancement up the ladder included being promoted to colonel in the Syrian army and diplomatic visits to France and Saudi Arabia, where he made the Hajj (one of the five pillars of Islam commonly known as the pilgrimage to Mecca) (Lesch, 2005; Sachs, 2000b; Zîser, 2007). Hafez al-Assad ensured that the environment surrounding Bashar al-Assad would not in any way hinder his advancement. This began with the strategic removal of possible parliamentary hindrances to Bashar al-Assad’s ascension to power and culminated in the reshuffling of parliament to remove dominant Sunni Muslims and the detainment and suppression by force of more than a thousand of Rifaat al-Assad’s supporters (Lesch, 2005). On 10 June 2000, death once again altered Bashar al-Assad’s life structure: Hafez al- Assad died (Lesch, 2005; Sachs, 2000b). Although this must have been an emotional time for Bashar al-Assad, he did not publicly display it. Instead, he capitalized on the situation in order to further advance up the ladder and establish his niche in society. Shortly after Hafez al-Assad’s death, Bashar al-Assad made the hastened ascension needed to become president (reaching the top of the ladder). This included both military and political ascension in the form of being promoted to lieutenant-general in the army and becoming leader and secretary-general of the Ba’ath party (Lesch, 2005). The final hindrance to his assumption of power, the Syrian constitution, adjusted the legal age of the president from 40 to 34 shortly after Hafez al-Assad’s

78 death. On 17 July 2000, only a month after his father’s death, Bashar al-Assad took his constitutional oath and gave his inaugural speech as president. Although some viewed Bashar al-Assad as incompetent, he was viewed by others within Syria and the Western world as the hope of Damascus (Lesch, 2005; Sachs, 2000b). His incompetence was noted by a variety of authors and friends: Patrick Seale, the British author, stated “the young doctor was awkward and lacked the common touch necessary to win the loyalty of the population” and that “He was, still is, a terrible public speaker. He blathers on in an uncontrolled way and loses his audience quickly” (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013, p. 26). A fellow student at the University of Damascus stated, “I have known this guy for years and the position of president is not for him” (Regencia, 2012). Bashar al-Assad’s approach to the presidency was indicative of his desire to establish a niche in society. This is clearly seen in his pro-reform and pro-democracy inaugural speech, in which Bashar al-Assad noted the problems within the old regime and promised change and a Syrian-specific democracy. This was in contrast to the old regime, which was repressive. In his inaugural speech, Bashar al-Assad stated: As we are speaking about development, which I believe is the major concern of every citizen in this country and in all fields, we have to know in which direction we are treading and what is the best way to take and what are the desired results. The answers to such questions constitute the compass that determines our current and future moves. In order to achieve what we aspire to achieve we have to move at three basic fronts at one and the same time. First: to suggest new ideas in all domains, whether in order to solve our current problems and difficulties or in order to improve the current situation.

Second: to renew old ideas which are no longer appropriate to our reality with the possibility of discarding outdated ideas which can neither be renewed nor could they be beneficial; rather they have become an obstacle in the way of our performance.

Third: to improve old ideas and renew them in order to be suitable to the current and future purposes. Each work needs to be assessed in order to determine the percentage of progress and achievement in it. It is useful in this regard to adopt a set of measures: the first measure is the time factor which we should use to the utmost extent in order to achieve what we aspire to achieve in the shortest time possible.

Both the international and Syrian communities responded positively to the possibility of reform within Syria. As Levinson et al. (1978) postulated, Bashar al-Assad was now “strongly connected to a segment of his society, responsive to its demands and seeking the affirmation and rewards it offers” (p. 141). Bashar al-Assad continued to establish his niche in society and respond to the demands of Syrian society through a series of changes, as noted in Section 2.3.6.1. In an attempt to respond to the needs of the people, Bashar al-Assad allowed for the emergence of a number of muntadayāt or political forums. Bashar al-Assad viewed these forums as an opportunity to conceptualise the situation in Syria. This is seen in his statement to Lesch (2005):

I don’t think it is a good thing to have an opinion. You need to have different options so I can see different parts of the problem. Teamwork is important to me – I like a lot of advice and opinions. (p. 235)

Bashar al-Assad’s consultation resulted in the Manifesto of 99 and Statement of 1000, documents outlining suggestions for reformation within Syria. Implementing reform was, however, challenging for Bashar al-Assad as it implied a direct attack on Hafez al-Assad’s ideologies. Furthermore, friends and colleagues noted that Bashar al-Assad had difficulty making decisions. As one Syrian official noted, “He wants to consider all of the angles and is incapable of making snap decisions” (Baker & Newton-Small, 2013, p. 26). Change in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure was not limited to political and occupational components. In December 2000, Bashar al-Assad married the British born and raised Sunni Muslim Asma al-Akhras (Lesch, 2005). According to Levinson et al. (1978), marriages in this developmental period are characterised by a combination of love and the need for a more stable, balanced life. Although little is known about their courtship and the nature of their relationship, his marriage to Asma al-Akhras further enabled Bashar al-Assad to establish his niche within society as president. In marrying Asma, a Sunni Muslim, Bashar al-Assad was able to create the perception of unity between Sunni and Shi’ite Muslims as reflected in their marriage. Furthermore, Asma, a well-educated, fashionable, ambitious, cosmopolitan businesswoman and philanthropist, had a specific image that could be seen as a reflection of the society that Bashar al-Assad was attempting to create in Syria (Buck, 2011). This was followed by the birth of their children, Hafez (3 December 2001), Zein (5 November 2003) and Karim (16 December 2004).

Bashar al-Assad’s relationship with his children is not discussed here, as it is outside of the parameters outlined for this study. Despite the promises of reform and freedom that Bashar al-Assad offered in his inaugural speech and the image created by Asma al-Assad, leadership in Syria quickly returned to its previous constraints and dictatorship. According to Lesch (2005), a former American official stated that “Some of the tough guys in the regime came to Bashar al-Assad and essentially said: ‘Hey kid, this is not how we do things here’” (p. 92). Bashar al-Assad thus gradually became engulfed in the world of politics and political propaganda, rendering the essence of who he was as a man almost unattainable, and thus terminating the chronological timeline for this study. 6.3 Chapter summary Bashar al-Assad’s life appeared to be following a non-political trajectory; however, the death of Basel al-Assad (during the age-30 transition) drastically altered Bashar al-Assad’s life structure and subsequent life course. Bashar al-Assad went from being Dr. Bashar al-Assad to the heir apparent and subsequent president of Syria. This chapter provides an analysis of Bashar al-Assad’s life structure and the changes within it according to Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. This analysis was provided through the analysis of the life of Bashar al- Assad from birth (11 September 1965) up to shortly after the commencement of the Damascus Winter (December 2000).

Chapter 7: Conclusion

7.1 Chapter overview This, the culminating chapter for this study, provides an overview of the findings in the psychobiographical study of Bashar Hafez al-Assad. This is followed by the researcher’s personal reflections and a discussion on the value and limitations of this study. Recommendations for further research are then provided, followed by a summation of this chapter. 7.2 Summary of research findings The primary aim of this study was to develop a psychological understanding of Bashar al- Assad through the use of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. This enabled the exploration of Bashar al-Assad’s development through the first two developmental eras of his life cycle. This exploration served as a means to develop a better understanding of Bashar al- Assad’s essence prior to the political control and propaganda of the Damascus Winter. Secondary aims in this study included the determination of (1) the applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory to Bashar al-Assad’s life and (2) the applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory when used for cross-cultural analysis. Within the predefined ages covered by this study, Bashar al-Assad developed from a quiet shy child with the desire to be perceived as normal to the president of Syria with no possibilities of a normal life. Changes in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure were often the result of loss and tragedy, as seen in the death of his brother and father. This study demonstrated that Bashar al-Assad, although from a political family, spent his pre-adult era, early adulthood transition phase and the phase of entering the adult world trying to be ‘normal’. Bashar al- Assad’s life structure did, however, not follow the ‘normal’ trajectory he had envisioned. The death of Basel al-Assad and subsequently Hafez al-Assad led to his assumption of the role of president of Syria, changing his life structure in a way that he seemed unable to change. Systematic influences in Bashar al-Assad’s life included his family, his peers and schooling, his tertiary education, his desire to be normal, his career as an ophthalmologist, his life in London, his brother and father’s death and his role as heir apparent and subsequently president. These influences were constantly interacting with Bashar al-Assad’s socio-cultural world, and as a result the political turmoil in the Middle East and Syria formed one of the primary influencing factors in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure. 82

The chronological life structure development of Bashar al-Assad is almost in exact accordance with the timeframes postulated by Levinson et al. (1978). Bashar al-Assad’s termination of pre-adulthood was marginally outside of the predefined ages of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory; however, Levinson et al. (1978) allowed for fluctuations of approximately two years on either side of predefined age categories. Levinson et al. (1978) conceptualised the process of individuation as the theoretical foundation for the era of pre-adulthood. This process involves the negotiation of four polarities (young/old, masculine/feminine, creation/destruction and attachment/separateness). Although data that provides an indication of Bashar al-Assad’s negotiation of the attachment/separateness polarity is available throughout his life structure, data on his negotiation of the other polarities is limited. According to Levinson et al. (1978), transition periods provide an opportunity for the individual to alter their life structure through decisions based on the evaluation of previous life structures. In accordance with these postulations, Bashar al-Assad’s life structure altered during these periods. Changes occurred as Bashar al-Assad transitioned from scholar to student to ophthalmologist (early adulthood transition). The major changes in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure were, however, the product of environmental changes and not necessarily personal dissatisfaction. These major changes were from ophthalmologist to heir apparent (during the age 30 transition), which facilitated the subsequent promotion and change from heir apparent to president (the settling down period). During these major life changes, Bashar al-Assad forfeited his desire for normality (a component of his life structure in previous developmental periods). Within this major change in life structure, Bashar al-Assad drastically altered his dream and thus its influence on his life structure. After these major changes in Bashar al-Assad’s life structure, he spent the remainder of his era of early adulthood building on his new life structure and dream. Bashar al-Assad climbed Levinson et al.’s (1978) metaphorical ladder until reaching a position of leadership (presidency) in the settling down period. Levinson et al. (1978) identified a variety of developmental tasks with regard to family, love and marriage that an individual needs to undertake throughout their life cycle. This study identifies these tasks as problematic for Bashar al-Assad. This study notes Bashar al-Assad’s difficulty in separating from his birth family in the early adult transition and later developmental

83 periods. Furthermore, this study notes the lack of data on Bashar al-Assad’s romantic relationships. Although Bashar al-Assad did engage in the traditional marriage enterprise, it was long after the predefined stage outlined by Levinson et al. (1978). Thus, although some variations occur, Bashar al-Assad’s life structure is generally in accordance with the postulations made by Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. Levinson et al.’s (1978) theory of male development enables us to develop an understanding of Bashar al-Assad as a relatively liberal and apolitical man up until he stopped being in charge of his own life structure. Even though Bashar al-Assad attempted to maintain his previous identity, his pre-adult identity seems to have been unable to withstand the cultural, political and traditional context of his leadership position. As such, at the termination of the outlined timeframe for this study, it appears that Bashar al-Assad’s new identity is in the process of formation. 7.3 Personal Reflection I began this study with a desire to form a greater understanding of who Bashar al-Assad is. Although I attempted to take as unbiased approach as possible, original perceptions were of a cruel dictator who was guilty of various crimes against humanity (as portrayed in the current media). However, as the study progressed I developed a strong sense of empathy for Bashar al- Assad, often to the extent of defending him in public. At this stage in the research process, a tragedy occurred in Syria as thousands of Syrian civilians were killed in what appeared to be a chemical weapons attack by the Assad regime. Although various accounts were given of who was to blame for this attack, I remained unsure. This created great conflict for me, as the data (and as such my perception of Bashar al-Assad) was not in accordance with such cruel actions. As the situation in Syria became of global concern, I once again attempted to understand the essence of Bashar al-Assad prior to the Damascus Winter, so as to determine for myself who the person possibly responsible for these crimes against humanity was. As the research process continued, I once again began to develop empathy towards Bashar al-Assad as a man and leader prior to the political control of the Damascus Winter. I found the existence of constantly conflicting data one of the greatest challenges of this study, as validation was almost impossible. In order to attempt to address this conflict, I emailed David Lesch, the author of the primary biographical source for this data, in order to question discrepancies. This, however, resulted in further frustration, as he was away on research sabbatical for the duration of this study.

The above-mentioned empathy enabled me to engage with the complex and contradictory data without being biased by the current and constantly changing socio-political events created by the Syrian Civil War. The nature of this constant socio-political change made this study increasingly relevant. 7.4 The value of this study This study provided a psychobiographical explanation of the life of Bashar al-Assad prior to the Damascus Winter in accordance with Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory. This study further provided a cross-cultural analytical generalisation of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory based on Bashar al-Assad’s life. Through this analytical generalisation, this study served as a confirmation of Levinson et al.’s (1978) postulation that the life cycle of a man can be divided into a series of chronologically defined developmental eras and transitional periods irrespective of cultural variations. This study also demonstrated the importance of developmental tasks in transitioning between developmental periods. The confirmation of Levinson et al.’s (1978) postulations indicates that this theory thus provided a comprehensive tool with which to unravel the mystery that is Bashar al-Assad. The value of the psychobiographical method is discussed in Section 3.8. It is, however, important to note that the use of the psychobiographical method adds value to this study, as it highlights the importance of studying of unique and exemplary human lives. This study highlighted the value of Bashar al-Assad’s development within the context of the broader socio- cultural environment in the Middle East and Syria. This is of great value, as the current Syrian crisis necessitates an understanding of the various role-players. Bashar al-Assad is one of the most prominent role-players within this crisis. 7.5 Limitations of this study. Despite the adherence to the methodological guidelines provided in Section 5.8, this study is not without limitations. Data available on Bashar al-Assad was extensive; however, due to the constraints of a Master’s treatise, data was limited to specific sources, languages, timeframes, and subsequently, developmental eras. Due to this limitation, this psychobiography provides insight into a specific period in Bashar al-Assad’s life from a specific perspective and not into his life as a whole. The conflicting nature of various data sources further limited this study, as the researcher, even through extensive reading, was only able to form tentative and

85 cautious conclusions as to which data provided an accurate reflection of Bashar al-Assad’s life and which was influenced by political propaganda and control. The understanding of Bashar al-Assad was further limited by the decision to view Bashar al-Assad’s life in terms of one psychological theory. Although Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory enabled the highlighting of specific aspects of Bashar al-Assad’s life and a comprehensive discussion, a more diverse theoretical lens may have enabled a greater insight into who Bashar al-Assad is. This would have been achieved through the integration of various psychological theories (such as Alfred Adler’s theory on birth order) in order to form a theoretical lens through which to test the accuracy of the interpretation of data. Due to the limitations of a Master’s treatise, this was, however, not possible. 7.6 Recommendations for further research The primary recommendation for further research is to conduct this study on a larger scale, encompassing Bashar al-Assad’s entire lifespan, more data sources and a variety of psychological theories. In order to do this, it is recommended that a psycho-history of the Arab Spring is conducted so as to provide an adequate contextual framework within which one can develop a socio-cultural understanding of Bashar al-Assad and other Arab leaders. It is also recommended that a study be done to further determine the cross-cultural applicability of Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory to Muslim individuals and individuals in the Middle East. Based on the current crisis in Syria and the Middle East (the Arab Spring), the researcher believes that psychobiographical studies into all Middle-Eastern leaders are necessary, so as to determine underlying factors that may be having a negative impact on their decisions and governance. 7.7 Chapter summary This concluding chapter provided a summary of the research findings discussed in Chapter 6. The chapter then progressed to the researcher’s personal reflection, in which she describes her emotional response towards Bashar al-Assad and the research process. The value and limitations of this study are then considered, resulting in recommendations for further research.

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Appendix A

Genogram of relevant members of the al-Assad family

Figure A1: Genogram of relevant members of the al-Assad family

104

Appendix B

Significant biographical and non-biographical sources used in the analysis of Bashar al- Assad

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105

Appendix C

Photographic timeline of Bashar al-Assad’s life

The al-Assad family and Bashar during the era of Pre-adulthood

Bashar al-Assad at approximately 5 years old.

Figure C1: A cropped photograph of Bashar al-Assad at approximately 5 years old [online image]. Adapted from World Human Rights, Retrieved November 23, 2013 from http://worldhumanrights.files.wordpress.com/2013/06/bashar-al-assad-as-a-child.jpg

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The al-Assad family in 1970

Figure C2: The family of Hafez al-Assad in 1970. Left to right: Bashar al-Assad, Hafez al- Assad, Maher al-Assad, Anisa al-Assad, Majd al-Assad, Bushra al-Assad and Basel al-Assad. Reprinted from Syrian History, Retrieved from http://www.syrianhistory.com/content/president- hafez-al-assad-his-family-early-1970’s. Copyrighted 2013 by Haykal Media

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The al-Assad family in 1974

Figure C3: The al-Assad family riding bicycles in Damascus in 1974. Left to right: Maher al- Assad, Hafez al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad, Basel al-Assad, Anisa al-Assad, Bushra al-Assad. Reprinted from Farhang News, by A. De Borchgrave. Retrieved from: http://www.farhangnews. ir/content/47854. Copyright 2013 by Farhang News

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Bashar al-Assad at unknown ages during his pre-adulthood

Figure C4: Cropped photograph of Bashar al-Assad at unknown ages during his pre-adulthood. Adapted from World Human Rights, Retrieved from http://worldhumanrights.files.wordpress. com/2013/06/bashar-al-assad-as-a-child.jpg

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Bashar al-Assad during his secondary education

Figure C5: Bashar al-Assad as a school student at an unknown age during his pre-adulthood. Reprinted from Farhang News. Retrieved from: http://www.farhangnews.ir/content/47854. Copyright 2013 by Farhang News

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Bashar al-Assad during the early adulthood transition phase

Bashar al-Assad as a student at the University of Damascus

Figure C6: Bashar al-Assad, a student at the Faculty of Medicine at Damascus University in the early 1990s. Reprinted from Syrian History, Retrieved from http://www.syrianhistory.com/ en/photos/3114. Copyrighted 2013 by Haykal Media

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Bashar al-Assad during the era of early adulthood

Bashar al-Assad during the entering the adult world phase

Bashar al-Assad observing an eye surgery during his ophthalmology training

Figure C7: Bashar al-Assad observing an eye surgery during his ophthalmology training [Online Image]. Reprinted from Mail Online. (1992). Retrieved from http://www.dailymail.co.uk /news/article-2408039/Gentle-weak-UK-trainee-eye-surgeon-student-Syrian tyrant.html?ITO=1490&ns_ mchannel=rss&ns _cam paign =1490. Copyright 1992 by Camera Press

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Bashar al-Assad during the age 30 transition phase

Bashar al-Assd at an unknown age during his military career

Figure C8: Maher al-Assad and Bashar al-Assad during his military career. Reprinted from Syrian History, Retrieved from http://www.syrianhistory.com/en/phot os/3117?tag=Bashar+al- Assad Copyrighted 2013 by Haykal Media

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Bashar al-Assad during the settling down period

Bashar al-Assad at the funeral of Hafez al-Assad

Figure C9: Bashar al-Assad and certain unidentified family members at the funeral of Hafez al- Assad. 2000. Maher al-Assad, Assef Shawkat and Bashar al-Assad. Reprinted from Syrian History, Retrieved from http://www.syrianhistory.com/en/photos /2931?tag =Ba shar+al-Assad. Copyrighted 2013 by Haykal Media

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Bashar al-Assad and Asma al-Assad shortly after their marriage

Figure C10: Bashar and Amsa al-Assad shortly after their marriage. Reprinted from Syrian History, Retrieved from http://www.syrianhistory.com/en/photos /5585?tag=Bashar+al-Assad. Copyrighted 2013 by Haykal Media

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Bashar al-Asad, Asma al-Assad and their children

Figure C11: Bashar al-Assad, Asma al-Assad and their children. Retrieved from http://www.telegraph. co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/syria/9416845/Syrian-President-Bashar-al-Assads-family- photo-album.html. Copyright n.d. Camera Press

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APPENDIX D: Data Matrix used in analysing the life of Bashar al-Assad according to Levinson et al.’s (1978) developmental theory

Date Trans The Life of Siblings of Syrian External Stable (Sep Hafez al- Era -ition Age Bashar al- Bashar al- political political Phase - Assad Phase Assad Assad events events Sep)

30/04/1927 1959 First 1963 State of Family child dies in Emergency name infancy enacted in changes to Syria allowing Assad 24/10/1960 the use of meaning Bushra al- emergency birth

- lion Assad Born power Pre 01/03/1963 10/06/1930 23/03/1962 Baath Party 1947-1950 born a poor Basel al- came into Israeli War Alawite Assad born power

Became

02/1966 Intra- minister of Born 11 Baath coup -

1966 defense and - 0 September Salah Jadid commander 1965 coming into

1965 in the air power force

- Majd al- Israel captured Start of Arab 1

1967 Assad Born Golan Heights Israeli War 1966

- 8/12/1967

Early childhood transition phase transition childhood Early 2 Maher al- 1968 1967 Assad Born adulthood

- 03/1969 War

Pre Started

1969 of Attrition - 3 School at (Israel & al-Huriyya

1968 Egypt)

08/1970 War

of Attrition 0

Childhood ended due to 197 - 4 limited

ceasefire 1969 agreement by USA

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Date Trans The Life of Siblings of Syrian External Stable (Sep Hafez al- Era -ition Age Bashar al- Bashar al- political political Phase - Assad Phase Assad Assad events events Sep) 28/09/1970 Gamal Abd 20/11/1970 Internal coup al-Nasser, Made prime within the president of

Completed minister of Ba'ath party Egypt died. sub- Syria leads to Hafez A giant in

1971 - 5 elementary rise to power his day.

schooling by removal of Bashar was 1970 Jadid and to young to 12/03/1971 supporters remember elected as him. Listed president of him as one Syria of his hero's

- Began 6 elementary 1972 1971 school

- Moved to a 7 new home, 1973 1972 in Malki

Disengagement 6/10/1973

agreement Start of next Evacuated

1974 between Syria Arab Israeli - 8 due to the and Israel war initiated war adulthood - 1973 brokered by by Anwar al-

Pre USA Sadat

Started to

- build Lebanon 9

1975 political Civil War 1974

Childhood awareness? Followed Assassination Lebanon of teachers, war closely? 1976 doctors and Lebanon - 10 Completed others in Hama Civil War

1975 elementary by Muslim school Brotherhood 05/1977

Menachem Started Begin 1977 - 11 preparatory became

school prime 1976 minister of Puberty Israel

- Lebanon 12

1978 Civil War 1977

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Date Trans The Life of Siblings of Syrian External Stable (Sep Hafez al- Era -ition Age Bashar al- Bashar al- political political Phase - Assad Phase Assad Assad events events Sep) Lebanon Civil War

02/1979 Initiated Ended Iranian

1979 conflict with - 13 preparatory Revolution the Muslim

Puberty school 1978 Brotherhood 29/03/1979 Egypt - Israeli Peace treaty signed

Started secondary Liberalisation Assassinatio of Syrian school n attempt by

1980 Economy due Lebanon - 14 member of Joined the to poor Civil War Muslim

1979 Baath party economy and brotherhood youth drought movement

Iraqi Supported invasion of Changed Early 1980's non-Arab Iran 1981 school due internal threat - 15 Iran leading to poor from Muslim 80 Adolescence to isolation Lebanon 19 grades brotherhood in 1980's Civil War

Israeli Pre-adulthood Pre-adulthood invasion of

Lebanon 08/1982 Bashir Gemayel

02/1982 elected as Muslim president of 1982 - 16 brotherhood Lebanon uprising in 1981 Hama 08/1982 multinational force into Lebanon

(USA, Britain, Italy & France)

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Date Trans The Life of Siblings of Syrian External Stable (Sep Hafez al- Era -ition Age Bashar al- Bashar al- political political Phase - Assad Phase Assad Assad events events Sep)

04/1983 Graduated Bombing of from High USA School embassy in Beirut 14/09/1982

Assassination of President of 05/1983

1983 Israeli - 17 Lebanon Bashir Lebanese

1982 Began peace Gemayel by studying agreement Syrian forces medicine at brokered by University Reagan administratio n without

Syria

Israelis Rifaat al-Assad stayed on promoted to leading to 11/1983 vice president the birth of became very

Hezbollah ill and 1984

Early Adulthood Adulthood Early elected a Multinationa - 18 Riafaat al- committee l Forces Assad attempts

1983 to run the evacuated Early Adult Transition Phase Transition Adult Early to take power country in from leading to his absence Lebanon conflict in street Lebanon (03/1984) Civil War

- Lebanon 19

1985 Civil War 1984

- Lebanon 20

1986 Civil War 1985

- Lebanon 21

1987 Civil War 1986

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Date Trans The Life of Siblings of Syrian External Stable (Sep Hafez al- Era -ition Age Bashar al- Bashar al- political political Phase - Assad Phase Assad Assad events events Sep) Graduated from medical school in Damascus 1988 Lebanon - 22 Internship at Civil War

1987 Tishreen (military hospital in Damascus) Hafez

Internship at praised Tishreen Egypt for 1989 - 23 (military first time hospital in since Egypt- 1988 Damascus) Israeli peace treaty Lebanon Civil War

Internship at Tishreen Iraq invades 1990 - 24 (military Kuwait; hospital in Syria joins 1989 Damascus) the US-led coalition

Early Adulthood Adulthood Early against Iraq.

Entering the Adult world Adult the Entering Middle East Watch reports that

Internship at Assad Tishreen regime is a 1991 - 25 (military gross hospital in violator of 1990 Damascus) human rights

Lebanon Civil War

Moved to London to 1992 - 26 study Ophthalmol 1991 ogy

- 27 1993 1992

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Date Trans The Life of Siblings of Syrian External Stable (Sep Hafez al- Era -ition Age Bashar al- Bashar al- political political Phase - Assad Phase Assad Assad events events Sep) Returned to Syria to take Basel's role Israeli-PLO Declaration Captain in of Principals Mid 1990's the Syrian Syria engaged Army 21/01/1994 in peace Basel al-

1994 process with - 28 Assad dies Working as Israel and part of the in a car 1993 positive accident military in relationship Syria with USA 1994 Jordan Israeli peace Chairman of treaty signed the Syrian Computer Society

29 1995 1994

- 30 1996 1995

Early Adulthood Adulthood Early Promoted to

The age 30 Transition 30 The age Lieutenant- 1997 - 31 cornel in the Syrian 1996 Army

Became Riafaat formally "relieved of involved in post" as deputy politics president

07/1998 Pensioning off 1998 - 32 of General Hikmat al-

1997 Given Shihabm, Syrians Sunni military Lebanon file general - possible successor to Hafez

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Date Trans The Life of Siblings of Syrian External Stable (Sep Hafez al- Era -ition Age Bashar al- Bashar al- political political Phase - Assad Phase Assad Assad events events Sep) Promoted to Cornel in the Syrian army Visited France 1000+ of president Rifaats supporters

1999 Jaques - 33 Chirac were rounded up and 1998 Visited suppressed by Saudi force Arabia and made the hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca)

Promoted to Lieutenant General in 03/2000 the Syrian Reshuffling of Army parliament including the 11/06/2000 removal of nominated prominent Early Adulthood Adulthood Early

Settling down period down Settling by Ba'ath Sunnis party from president

24/06/2000 08/2000 Riyad

2000 elected 10/06/2000 - 34 Seif formed the secretary Died Friends of the

1999 general of Civil Society the Ba'ath in Syria party

17/07/2000 took 09/2000 constitution Statement al oath and (manifesto) of gave 99 outlining inaugural goals for speech as reform president

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11/2000

Bashar orders 12/2000 35 the release of 09/2000 December December

Married 600 political

- Palestinian Asma Assad prisoners al-Aqsa

2000 (Akhars), a intifada Sunni 16/11/2000 (uprising)

Early Adulthood Early Muslim granted general

Settling down period down Settling amnesties to

September 2000 September prisoners

124