Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy
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Coalitions in Ukraine's Orange Revolution
psr1300029 xxx (xxx) June 17, 2013 20:48 American Political Science Review Vol. 107, No. 3 August 2013 doi:10.1017/S0003055413000294 c American Political Science Association 2013 The Semblance of Democratic Revolution: Coalitions in Ukraine’s Orange Revolution MARK R. BEISSINGER Princeton University sing two unusual surveys, this study analyzes participation in the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, comparing participants with revolution supporters, opponents, counter-revolutionaries, U and the apathetic/inactive. As the analysis shows, most revolutionaries were weakly committed to the revolution’s democratic master narrative, and the revolution’s spectacular mobilizational success was largely due to its mobilization of cultural cleavages and symbolic capital to construct a negative coalition across diverse policy groupings. A contrast is drawn between urban civic revolutions like the Orange Revolution and protracted peasant revolutions. The strategies associated with these revolution- ary models affect the roles of revolutionary organization and selective incentives and the character of revolutionary coalitions. As the comparison suggests, postrevolutionary instability may be built into urban civic revolutions due to their reliance on a rapidly convened negative coalition of hundreds of thousands, distinguished by fractured elites, lack of consensus over fundamental policy issues, and weak commitment to democratic ends. t is widely acknowledged that the character of political freedoms in their immediate wake, though in revolution has -
The Rise and Fall of Virata's Network: Technocracy and the Politics Of
The Rise and Fall of Virata’s Network: Technocracy and the Politics of Economic Decision Making in the Philippines Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem* The influence of a technocratic network in the Philippines that was formed around Cesar E. A. Virata, prime minister under Ferdinand Marcos, rose during the martial law period (1972–86), when technocracy was pushed to the forefront of economic policy making. Applying concepts of networks, this essay traces the rise and even- tual collapse of Virata’s network to a three-dimensional interplay of relationships— between Virata and Marcos, Virata and the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, and Marcos and the United States. Virata’s close links to social, academic, US, and business community networks initially thrust him into government, where he shared Marcos’s goal of attracting foreign investments to build an export-oriented economy. Charged with obtaining IMF and World Bank loans, Virata’s network was closely joined to Marcos as the principal political hub. Virata, however, had to contend with the networks of Marcos’s wife, Imelda, and the president’s “chief cronies.” While IMF and World Bank support offered Virata some leverage, his network could not control Imelda Marcos’s profligacy or the cronies’ sugar and coconut monopolies. In Virata’s own assessment, his network was weakened when Marcos’s health failed during an economic crisis in 1981 and after Benigno Aquino’s assassination in 1983. In those crises, Imelda Marcos’s network and Armed Forces Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver’s faction of the military network took power amidst the rise of an anti-dictatorship movement. -
'New Society' and the Philippine Labour Export Policy (1972-1986)
EDUCATION IN THE ‘NEW SOCIETY’ AND THE PHILIppINE LABOUR EXPORT POLICY (1972-1986) EDUCATION IN THE ‘NEW SOCIETY’ AND THE PHILIPPINE LABOUR EXPORT POLICY (1972-1986) Mark Macaa Kyushu University Abstract: The ‘overseas Filipino workers’ (OFWs) are the largest source of US dollar income in the Philippines. These state-sponsored labour migrations have resulted in an exodus of workers and professionals that now amounts to approximately 10% of the entire country’s population. From a temporary and seasonal employment strategy during the early American colonial period, labour export has become a cornerstone of the country’s development policy. This was institutionalised under the Marcos regime (1965-1986), and especially in the early years of the martial law period (1972-81), and maintained by successive governments thereafter. Within this context, this paper investigates the relationship between Marcos’ ‘New Society’ agenda, the globalization of migrant labour, and state sponsorship of labour exports. In particular, it analyses the significance of attempts made to deploy education policy and educational institutions to facilitate the state’s labour export drive. Evidence analyzed in this paper suggests that sweeping reforms covering curricular policies, education governance and funding were implemented, ostensibly in support of national development. However, these measures ultimately did little to boost domestic economic development. Instead, they set the stage for the education system to continue training and certifying Filipino skilled labour for global export – a pattern that has continued to this day. Keywords: migration, labour export, education reforms, Ferdinand Marcos, New Society Introduction This paper extends a historical analysis begun with an investigation of early Filipino labour migration to the US and its role in addressing widespread poverty and unemployment (Maca, 2017). -
Maritime Events Calendar
MARITIME REVIEW A Publication of The Maritime League Issue No. 17-4 July-August 2017 REARING A MARITIME NATION PhilMarine 2017 Learning from Korea Reactions on China War Threats PRS Stability Software CONTENTS CONTENTS 2 Maritime Review JUL-AUG 2017 CONTENTS CONTENTS Contents 5 The Maritime League Maritime Calendar ...................................................... 4 CHAIRMAN EMERITUS Feature Story Hon. Fidel V Ramos Rearing A Maritime Nation ........................................................ 5 HONORARY CHAIRMAN Hon. Arthur P Tugade Maritime Events PHILIPPINE MARITIME CONFERENCE at the 6 TRUSTEE AND PRESIDENT 4th PHILMARINE 2017 ............................................................. 6 Commo Carlos L Agustin AFP (Ret) Philippine Self-Reliant Defense Posture Program .................... 7 TRUSTEE AND VICE PRESIDENT VAdm Eduardo Ma R Santos (Ret) Chairman’s Page TRUSTEE AND TREASURER Learning from Korea ................................................................. 8 RAdm Margarito V Sanchez Jr AFP (Ret) 8 TRUSTEE AND AUDITOR Maritime Forum Commo Gilbert R Rueras (Ret) Proceedings: MF's 115 & 116 ..................................................11 TRUSTEES Edgar S Go Maritime Law Delfin J Wenceslao Jr An UNCLOS-based Durable Legal System for Regional Herminio S Esguerra Maritime Security and Ocean Governance for the Indo- Alberto H Suansing Pacific Maritime Region .......................................................... 13 VAdm. Emilio C Marayag (Ret) 16 Take Defense Treaty Action for Philippine Sovereignty -
People Power II in the Philippines: the First E-Revolution?
People Power II in the Philippines: The First E-Revolution? Julius Court With the new Century over a year old, technology has now played critical yet very different roles in bringing two of the world’s leaders to power. Among others things, Florida will remembered for technological hitches that plagued the ballot counting and possibly pushed the outcome of the U.S. election in favor of George W. Bush. On the other hand, a new information and communications technology (ICT) - the mobile phone - was the symbol of the People Power II revolution in the Philippines. Arguably, the most lasting image of Ms Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s new Presidency was when, on being asked in a news conference whether a Lt. Gen. Espinosa was planning a coup, she called him up on her mobile phone. In moment of high drama she asked him directly if this was the case and after a brief conversation reported it wasn’t. But it was the use of cellphones for “texting” rather than calls that was the most intriguing part of People Power II and was also the key to its success. The lack of attention to the role of technology is surprising. People Power II was arguably the world’s first “E-revolution” - a change of government brought about by new forms of ICTs. “Texting” allowed information on former President Estrada’s corruption to be shared widely. It helped facilitate the protests at the EDSA shrine at a speed that was startling - it took only 88 hours after the collapse of impeachment to remove Estrada. -
Evaluating the Sociology of First Amendment Silence Mae Kuykendall
Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly Volume 42 Article 3 Number 4 Summer 2015 1-1-2015 Evaluating the Sociology of First Amendment Silence Mae Kuykendall Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Mae Kuykendall, Evaluating the Sociology of First Amendment Silence, 42 Hastings Const. L.Q. 695 (2015). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly/vol42/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Evaluating the Sociology of First Amendment Silence by MAE KUYKENDALL* Introduction Silence is that curious answer to the riddle, "What is golden and disappears when you speak its name?" In the context of First Amendment jurisprudence, Silence is just as puzzling as a riddle. Silence may be used as a verb, as in, to cause a speaker to cease speaking or as a noun, as in, the absence of speaking or sound. In either form, Silence has long been recognized as a rhetorical vehicle for expression. As it is wont to do, Silence often sits quietly in the interstices of First Amendment doctrine. But when she speaks, she roars. When Silence becomes speech, and that speech becomes law, Silence can get a thumping for its unseemly intrusion. The thumping of silence as legal doctrine, such as it has been, was a product of the Court's rescue of the Boy Scouts in Boy Scouts of America v. -
The 1986 EDSA Revolution? These Are Just Some of the Questions That You Will Be Able to Answer As You Study This Module
What Is This Module About? “The people united will never be defeated.” The statement above is about “people power.” It means that if people are united, they can overcome whatever challenges lie ahead of them. The Filipinos have proven this during a historic event that won the admiration of the whole world—the 1986 EDSA “People Power” Revolution. What is the significance of this EDSA Revolution? Why did it happen? If revolution implies a struggle for change, was there any change after the 1986 EDSA Revolution? These are just some of the questions that you will be able to answer as you study this module. This module has three lessons: Lesson 1 – Revisiting the Historical Roots of the 1986 EDSA Revolution Lesson 2 – The Ouster of the Dictator Lesson 3 – The People United Will Never Be Defeated What Will You Learn From This Module? After studying this module, you should be able to: ♦ identify the reasons why the 1986 EDSA Revolution occurred; ♦ describe how the 1986 EDSA Revolution took place; and ♦ identify and explain the lessons that can be drawn from the 1986 EDSA Revolution. 1 Let’s See What You Already Know Before you start studying this module, take this simple test first to find out what you already know about this topic. Read each sentence below. If you agree with what it says, put a check mark (4) under the column marked Agree. If you disagree with what it says, put a check under the Disagree column. And if you’re not sure about your answer, put a check under the Not Sure column. -
People's Power
#2 May 2011 Special Issue PersPectives Political analysis and commentary from the Middle East PeoPle’s Power the arab world in revolt Published by the Heinrich Böll stiftung 2011 This work is licensed under the conditions of a Creative Commons license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. You can download an electronic version online. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work under the following conditions: Attribution - you must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work); Noncommercial - you may not use this work for commercial purposes; No Derivative Works - you may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. editor-in-chief: Layla Al-Zubaidi editors: Doreen Khoury, Anbara Abu-Ayyash, Joachim Paul Layout: Catherine Coetzer, c2designs, Cédric Hofstetter translators: Mona Abu-Rayyan, Joumana Seikaly, Word Gym Ltd. cover photograph: Gwenael Piaser Printed by: www.coloursps.com Additional editing, print edition: Sonya Knox Opinions expressed in articles are those of their authors, and not HBS. heinrich böll Foundation – Middle east The Heinrich Böll Foundation, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. Our foremost task is civic education in Germany and abroad with the aim of promoting informed democratic opinion, socio-political commitment and mutual understanding. In addition, the Heinrich Böll Foundation supports artistic, cultural and scholarly projects, as well as cooperation in the development field. The political values of ecology, democracy, gender democracy, solidarity and non-violence are our chief points of reference. -
People Power: the Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in Burma and the Philippines
People Power: The Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in Burma and the Philippines Nicholas Henry A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2011 ii ... the tale he had to tell could not be one of a final victory. It could be only the record of what had had to be done, and what assuredly would have to be done again in the never ending fight against terror and its relentless onslaughts, despite their personal afflictions, by all who, while unable to be saints but refusing to bow down to pestilences, strive their utmost to be healers. Albert Camus, The Plague This thesis is dedicated to all those who, resisting the terror of state violence, continue to do what has to be done. iii Abstract How do Community Based Organisations (CBOs) in Burma and the Philippines participate in the construction of political legitimacy through their engagement in local and international politics? What can this tell us about the agency of non-state actors in international relations? This thesis explores the practices of non-state actors engaged in political resistance in Burma and the Philippines. The everyday dynamics of political legitimacy are examined in relation to popular consent, political violence, and the influence of international actors and norms. The empirical research in this thesis is based on a grounded theory analysis of in-depth semi-structured interviews with a wide cross-section of spokespeople and activists of opposition groups from Burma, and with spokespeople of opposition groups in the Philippines. -
Current Bus Service Operating Characteristics Along EDSA, Metro Manila
TSSP 22 nd Annual Conference of the Transportation Science Society of the Philippines Iloilo City, Philippines, 12 Sept 2014 2014 Current Bus Service Operating Characteristics Along EDSA, Metro Manila Krister Ian Daniel Z. ROQUEL Alexis M. FILLONE, Ph.D. Research Specialist Associate Professor Civil Engineering Department Civil Engineering Department De La Salle University - Manila De La Salle University - Manila 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila, Philippines 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila, Philippines E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The Epifanio Delos Santos Avenue (EDSA) has been the focal point of many transportation studies over the past decade, aiming towards the improvement of traffic conditions across Metro Manila. Countless researches have tested, suggested and reviewed proposed improvements on the traffic condition. This paper focuses on investigating the overall effects of the operational and administrative changes in the study area over the past couple of years, from the full system operation of the Mass Rail Transit (MRT) in the year 2000 to the present (2014), to the service operating characteristics of buses plying the EDSA route. It was found that there are no significant changes in the average travel and running speeds for buses running Southbound, while there is a noticeable improvement for those going Northbound. As for passenger-kilometers carried, only minor changes were found. The journey time composition percentages did not show significant changes over the two time frames as well. For the factors contributing to passenger-related time, the presence of air-conditioning and the direction of travel were found to contribute as well, aside from the number of embarking and/or disembarking passengers and number of standing passengers. -
The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada
International Bulletin of Political Psychology Volume 5 Issue 3 Article 1 7-17-1998 From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada IBPP Editor [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp Part of the International Relations Commons, Leadership Studies Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Editor, IBPP (1998) "From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada," International Bulletin of Political Psychology: Vol. 5 : Iss. 3 , Article 1. Available at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp/vol5/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Bulletin of Political Psychology by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Editor: From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada International Bulletin of Political Psychology Title: From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada Author: Elizabeth J. Macapagal Volume: 5 Issue: 3 Date: 1998-07-17 Keywords: Elections, Estrada, Personality, Philippines Abstract. This article was written by Ma. Elizabeth J. Macapagal of Ateneo de Manila University, Republic of the Philippines. She brings at least three sources of expertise to her topic: formal training in the social sciences, a political intuition for the telling detail, and experiential/observational acumen and tradition as the granddaughter of former Philippine president, Diosdado Macapagal. (The article has undergone minor editing by IBPP). -
Conservation and the Myth of Consensus
Essays Conservation and the Myth of Consensus M. NILS PETERSON,∗ MARKUS J. PETERSON,† AND TARLA RAI PETERSON‡ ∗Department of Fisheries and Wildlife, Michigan State University, 13 Natural Resources Building, East Lansing, MI 48824-1222, U.S.A., email [email protected] †Department of Wildlife and Fisheries Sciences, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843-2258, U.S.A. ‡Department of Communication, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT 84112-0491, U.S.A. Abstract: Environmental policy makers are embracing consensus-based approaches to environmental de- cision making in an attempt to enhance public participation in conservation and facilitate the potentially incompatible goals of environmental protection and economic growth. Although such approaches may pro- duce positive results in immediate spatial and temporal contexts and under some forms of governance, their overuse has potentially dangerous implications for conservation within many democratic societies. We suggest that environmental decision making rooted in consensus theory leads to the dilution of socially powerful con- servation metaphors and legitimizes current power relationships rooted in unsustainable social constructions of reality. We also suggest an argumentative model of environmental decision making rooted in ecology will facilitate progressive environmental policy by placing the environmental agenda on firmer epistemological ground and legitimizing challenges to current power hegemonies that dictate unsustainable practices. Key Words: democracy, environmental conflict,