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Personal Names Are Probably Nearly Universal, and Yet There Has Been Very Little Systematic Study of Them

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FR0.\1 PAHALLEL-:1\0MINAL TO PATIUNOMINAL: CHAl\GL'\G CUlCATEC PEHSONAL NAMES H.oBERT HuNT 0 EvA HuNTn RoBERTo \VEITLANER O. I ntroduction Personal names are probably nearly universal, and yet there has been very little systematic study of them. This is in spite of the fact that if they are inherited, they may provide some leverage in the analysis of the descent system of the society in which they occur. As a consequence of the little attention that has been paid to the inheritance systems of personal names, there has been no attempt to classify or even canvas the types which occur. We know that there are patronyms, and that they are inherited patrilincally, and it has been assumed that this system is standard throught the Western world. A few other patterns of naming have been reported. The main purpose of this paper is to prescnt the analysis of a parallel-nomi­ nal maming system which has hitherto been mentioned only very briefly in the literature on Mesoamerica. We also analyze the steps by which the population of one Cuicatec village changed their naming system from parallel-nominal to pa­ trimonial in the course of the last 150 years. Secondarily, we discuss how a primarily linguistic cultural pattern ( which is not a kinship term network) seems to correlatc with severa! features of the social organization. To this end we review the literature on naming systems in Mesoamerica, present the analysis of a large amount of new data, ancl relate this new evidence to some aspects of the social structure of thc Cuicatec town of San Andrés. There are two majar features of the parallel-nominal naming system which receive considerable attention in the following pages, the sex-linkage of the inheritance, and the types of words used in the names. The sex-linkage for inheritance is parallel, by which we mean that males inherit names from males, ~ 1\:orthwestern University. • • 1J nivcrsity of Chicago. 191 1!)2 A:\:ALES DEL 1:\ST!TUTO ;\;ACJ0:\,\1. DE A:\THOI'OI.OCÍA J·: JIISTOHL\ and fernales from fernah~s. It also hap¡wns to he tlw case that this systcm uses (in these Mcsoamcric:an lndian populatiom) Spanish words which are only given narnes, but uses them both as givcn names, ancl as inheritable names. The carliest rcferenc:e wc havc found to what might he thc parallel-nominal system is in La Fargc's and Byers' account of Jac:altenango, in \Vcstcrn Guate­ mala. Thcy did not attcmpt to analyzc tlw system, hut it is ,·cry dcar that thc first name of a parcnt is heing inhcritcd as the last namc of thc child. Thc sex-linkage was not clear to La Farge and Bycrs.' La Farge Iatcr reportecl that in the Kanhobal villagc of Santa Eulalia, in Westcrn Guatemala, Indians had a naming systcm whk:h uscd Spanish nan1es in a "corrupt" form. Eac:h individual reccived two names. Thc cldest son carricd both of his father's two names reverscd in ordcr, while younger sons took tlw father's first namc as their second ancl were given first nanws from the c:alen­ drical Saint's list or from other rclativcs. Girls took first namcs from rclatives, both of his father's two names reversed in ordcr, whilc youngcr sons took thc mother's last name." La Fargc states: "Various irrcgularitics suggcst the pos­ sibility of a secondary, matrilincal systcm of naming, or thc concept of the pair of names as a unit, given together in some cases without regard to other circum­ stances, or mercly a general irregularity in practice, regardless of fixcd thcory."" Weitlaner and Castro ( 181'54) prescnt two short genealogies from a Chinantcc town which suggest tlw prcsence of a similar systcm of naming. The town, Tlacoatzintepec, shares a common houndary with a Cuicatec municipio whose headtown is San Andrés, discussed in extenso bclow. Villa Rojas;' Pozas" and Stavcnhagen'' report a similar naming system among thc Mazatecs. In Soyaltepec, Villa reports that the Mazatec speakers in the population did not ha ve family names ( or apellidos), but instead all had given na mes (nombres propios or nombres de pila). In addition, the sec:ond nombre propio was inherited as if it were an apellido.' Pozas rcports the same,' also indi­ eating that females took as an a¡Jellido their mother's ( rather than their father's) second name. Stavenhagen reports the same naming pattern for the Mazatec town of Ixcatlán but indicates that there are thrce distinct naming procedures rathcr than one, which he c:alls A, B and C. In form A, nombres de pila also function as apellidos, males receiving their names from the fathcr, but females receive as apellido their mother's name. In form B, nombres de pila also function as apellidos, but al! children, independent of their sex, receive the father's name. Form C, uses thc standard Spanish naming system, with "true" apellidos inherited from the father." 1 La Farge, O. ancl D. Byers, 1931, pp. 81, 86. ' La Farge, 0., I 947 p. 26. :¡ lb. 1 Villa Rojas, A., 1955. " Pozas, R., 1960. " Stavenhagen, R., 1960. 7 Villa Rojas, A., op. cit., p. 100. • Pozas, R., op. cit., • Stavenhagen, R., op. cit., pp. 231-32. VH0\1 J'AHALLI':L-'\0~11:\AL TO l'ATHIN011INAL 193 i\cither Villa Hojas, Pozas, nor Stavenhagen seem to be aware of La Farge's previous reports, bnt similar questions were posed. Stavenhagen assumes that the naming system directly reflects the reckoning of descent, suggesting the pos­ sibility that the three narning fonns are associated with degree of acculturation ami monolinguism, and questions the possible correlation of the naming system with family organization ami a past hypothetical exogamic clan. However, he does not suggest in what ways cxogamic clans may be related to such naming 1 practices. " Pozas mentions the namc inheritancc systems in the context of polygyny but carries it no further.'' 1.0. The Cuicatec Ve1'ídon In the course of field-work among thc Cuicatec speakers of the ex-Distrito of Cuicatlán, in northeastern Oaxaca, Mexico, we have found all the forms reported by these authors and many others as well. We have enough evidence to justify the conclusion that thcre are essentially two naming systems, with distinct name types, and different inheritance procedures. We call these two systems the Parallel-nominal and the Patrinominal. Parallel-nominal is the old system. Pa­ trinominal is the new. (In the use of patrinominal we follow Firth) .12 In addition, all tlw other forms which we recorded in the field, which include those reported by Villa, Pozas, and Stavcnhagen's B, are best analyzed as forms which are transitional in the recent change from the parallel to the patrinominal system. '<Ve can establish that all these cases which do not fit the old or new system are intermediate stages in the process of change on two grounds: First, the "transi­ tional" namcs are intermediate in time between the two pure systems, when one observes them in a generational and genealogical context; and second, they are also intermediate in a structural sense, being logical steps in the gradual change over ( it usually takes severa! generations) from the old to the new system ( cf. bottom of Table 1, and Table 7). 1.1 The Data We have severa! kinds of naming data at our disposal. First, we utilized two genealogies of 186 and 101 persons from the Cuicatec town of San Andrés Teotilalpan. Each of these genealogies goes back to sometime before 1850 ( calculated by the age at the year of death of the oldest generation). One contains six and the other five generations. 18 These provide the data for our analysis of intermediate types. Together they contain 287 names, and 140 instances in which the naming pattern and inheritance system is discernible.14 10 lb. '' Pozas, R., op. cit., p. 219. 12 Firth, R., 1956. ''' These genealogies were gathered by Weitlaner and E. Hunt in 1955, and expanded by R. and E. Hunt in 1964. Our thanks are due to the Museo Nacional de Antropología of Mexico, which supported the first field trip, and to NSF for Grant No. GS-87 to R. and E. Hunt which supported a fifteen month field season ( 1963-64) in Mexico. 11 The latter must be smaller than the former for the first people in the genealogy do not have their parents' names entered, and there are numerous cases in such a genealogy in which the informants cannot remember the name of sorne remate relative. 1-' <.0 M:>- >z > Table l. Frequencies of MTI and MTII words in names by sex and age, 1955 Census, t"' San Andrés Teotilalpan. t'l "'tj t'l M = 982 t"' MTI = morpheme type I :7, MTII = morpheme type II ;j"',.., e '""'o :% Age Croup > z n _ .1 _ o 1 1 1 1 1 1 70 ·9 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 ! 60-69 + ~º ~-------- ::::1 Female-old (MTIF) 4 3% ¡--9-nl 14 14% 129 42% 1 19 45% ¡----w-7;-T 24 92~l- 21 87% ~ > :1. Female-New (MTII) 140 97% ¡¡' 125 93% l__ 87 86% 1 40 58% 1 23 5.5% ~-- 5 24~-J 3 8% T 3 13% ""'~ Male-Old (MTIM) 10 9% 9 lO% 1 13 16% 1 10 1.5% 1 1 3% j 6 27% 1 4 67% 1 7 64% - 1 : : 1 1 i -V Male-New (MTII) 103 91% 1 81 90% 1 67 84% 1 57 8.5% 30 97% ! 16 73% 1 2 33% 1 4 36% 2~ > ~ E- Old (MTI) 14 .S% 118 8% 27 14% ~- 39 21% 1 20 27% 1 22 51%-~-- 28 -s~5_%_1 28 80% 1 ..
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