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THE CEM ANAHUAC CONQUERORS Guillermo Marín
THE CEM ANAHUAC CONQUERORS Guillermo Marín Dedicated to the professor and friend Guillermo Bonfil Batalla, who illuminated me in the darkest nights. Tiger that eats in the bowels of the heart, stain its jaws the bloody night, and grows; and diminished grows old he who waits, while far away shines an irremediable fire. Rubén Bonifaz Nuño. Summary: The Cem Ānáhuac conquest has been going on for five centuries in a permanent struggle, sometimes violent and explosive, and most of the time via an underground resistance. The military conquest began by Nahua peoples of the Highlands as Spanish allies in 1521. At the fall of Tenochtitlan by Ixtlilxóchitl, the Spanish advance, throughout the territory, was made up by a small group of Spaniards and a large army composed of Nahua troops. The idea that at the fall of Tenochtitlan the entire Cem Anahuac fell is false. During the 16th century the military force and strategies were a combination of the Anahuaca and European knowledge, because both, during the Viceroyalty and in the Mexican Republic, anahuacas rebellions have been constant and bloody, the conquest has not concluded, the struggle continues. During the Spanish colony and the two centuries of Creole neo-colonialism, the troop of all armies were and continues to be, essentially composed of anahuacas. 1. The warrior and the Toltecáyotl Flowered Battle. Many peoples of the different ancient cultures and civilizations used the "Warrior" figure metaphorically. The human being who fights against the worst enemy: that dark being that dwells in the personal depths. A fight against weaknesses, errors and personal flaws, as the Jihad in the Islam religion. -
Ancient Tollan: the Sacred Precinct
100 RES 38 AUTUMN 2000 Figure 12. Upper section of Pillar 3: Personage with attributes of Tezcatlipoca. Photograph: Humberto Hiera. Ancient Toi Ian The sacred precinct ALBAGUADALUPE MASTACHE and ROBERTH. COBEAN Tula, along with Teotihuacan and Tenochtitlan, was to level the area for the plaza and to construct platforms one most of the important cities inMexico's Central that functioned as bases for buildings. Highlands. During Tula's apogee between a.d. 900-1150, It is evident that at Tula the placement of the area the city covered nearly 16 square kilometers. Its of monumental center is strategic, not only because it over an influence extended much of Central Mexico along occupies easily defended place but also because of its with other regions of Mesoamerica, including areas of central setting at a dominant point that had great visual the Baj?o, the Huasteca, the Gulf Coast, the Yucatan impact, being visible to inhabitants in every part of the city peninsula, and such distant places as the Soconusco, on and within view of many rural sites. Lefebvre observes that the Pacific Coast of Chiapas and Guatemala, and El a city's habitational zone ismade on a human scale, a Salvador. From cultural and ethnic perspective, Tula whereas the monumental zone has a superhuman scale, a constituted synthesis of principally two different which goes beyond human beings?overwhelming them, traditions: the preceding urban culture from Teotihuacan dazzling them. The monumental buildings' scale is the in the Basin of Mexico, and another tradition from the scale of divinity, of a divine ruler, of abstract institutions northern Mesoamerican periphery, especially the Baj?o that dominate human society (Lefebvre 1982:84). -
Highland Mexico Post Classic Aztec C. Andean South America Social Sciences Department HOLIDAY PARTY!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
WEEK OF THE DEAD December 1, 2014 XI Civilization D. New World b. Mesoamerica II: Highland Mexico Post Classic Aztec c. Andean South America Social Sciences Department HOLIDAY PARTY!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! This Friday, December 5 6:30 Home of Professor Harold Kerbo 2325 Tierra Drive, Los Osos Potluck!!!! Sign-Up in Department Office Building 47 Room 13d Major Prehistoric Civilizations 3600 B.C. 2000 B.C. 2500 B.C. 1500 B.C. ? Sub Saharan Africa A.D. 1000 3000 B.C. Years Isthmus Yucatan Valley of A.D./B.C. Mexico 1600 1500 + + 1400 + AZTEC 1300 + + 1200 POSTCLASSIC MAYA 1100 + + 1000 TOLTEC 900 + 800 + 700 + + 600 CLASSIC + MAYA 500 + + 400 + + 300 + + 200 + TEOTIHUACAN 100 A.D. + + 0 + + 100 B.C. + + 200 + + 300 + 400 PRE-CLASSIC MAYA 500 + + 600 + + 700 + + 800 + + 900 + + 1000 OLMEC + 1100 + + 1200 + + 1300 + + 1400 + + 1500 + + 1600 Olmec Culture Area (Isthmus of Tehuantepec) La Venta San Lorenzo Formative Culture: The Olmec (1500-500 B.C.) El Mirador Late Pre-Classic 200 B.C. – A.D. 250 El Mirador Pre-Classic Mayan City 300 B.C. to A.D. 250 Cultural Collapse and Abandonment A.D. 250 Tikal: Classic Maya City A.D. 250-850 CHICHEN ITZA Post Classic Maya 2. Mesoamerica II: Highland Mexico i. Teotihuacan: The Classic Period in Highland, Mexico Olmec Teotihuacan: City of the Gods Citadel and Temple of Quetzalcoatl Pyramid of the Sun Avenue of the Dead Pyramid of the Moon Pyramid of the Sun, Teotihuacan No ball courts documented at Teotihuacan Not popular in areas influenced by Teo • Associated with obsidian source • No true writing • True metallurgy by A.D. -
The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec
Mesoamerican Ancient Civilizations The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec Olmecs of Teotihuacán -“The People of the Land of Rubber…” -Large stone heads -Art found throughout Mesoamerica Olmec Civilization Origin and Impact n The Olmec civilization was thought to have originated around 1500 BCE. Within the next three centuries of their arrival, the people built their capital at Teotihuacán n This ancient civilization was believed by some historians to be the Mother-culture and base of Mesoamerica. “The city may well be the basic civilization out of which developed such high art centers as those of Maya, Zapotecs, Toltecs, and Totonacs.” – Stirling Cultural Practices n The Olmec people would bind wooden planks to the heads of infants to create longer and flatter skulls. n A game was played with a rubber ball where any part of the body could be used except for hands. Religion and Art n The Olmecs believed that celestial phenomena such as the phases of the moon affected daily life. n They worshipped jaguars, were-jaguars, and sometimes snakes. n Artistic figurines and toys were found, consisting of a jaguar with a tube joining its front and back feet, with clay disks forming an early model of the wheel. n Large carved heads were found that were made from the Olmecs. Olmec Advancements n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican societies, and the first to cultivate corn. n They built pyramid type structures n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican civilizations to create a form of the wheel, though it was only used for toys. -
The Political Economy of Linguistic and Social Exchange Among The
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2012 Mayas, Markets, and Multilingualism: The Political Economy of Linguistic and Social Exchange in Cobá, Quintana Roo, Mexico Stephanie Joann Litka Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES MAYAS, MARKETS, AND MULTILINGUALISM: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LINGUISTIC AND SOCIAL EXCHANGE IN COBÁ, QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO By STEPHANIE JOANN LITKA A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Anthropology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Copyright 2012 Stephanie JoAnn Litka All Rights Reserved Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2012 Stephanie JoAnn Litka defended this dissertation on October 28, 2011 . The members of the supervisory committee were: Michael Uzendoski Professor Directing Dissertation Robinson Herrera University Representative Joseph Hellweg Committee Member Mary Pohl Committee Member Gretchen Sunderman Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the [thesis/treatise/dissertation] has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii For the people of Cobá, Mexico Who opened their homes, jobs, and hearts to me iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My fieldwork in Cobá was generously funded by the National Science Foundation, the Florida State University Center for Creative Research, and the Tinker Field Grant. I extend heartfelt gratitude to each organization for their support. In Mexico, I thank first and foremost the people of Cobá who welcomed me into their community over twelve years ago. I consider this town my second home and cherish the life-long friendships that have developed during this time. -
Memorias De Piedra Verde: Miradas Simbólicas De Las Reliquias Toltecas
Memorias de piedra verde: miradas simbólicas de las reliquias toltecas Stephen Castillo Bernal* Museo Nacional de Antropología, INAH RESUMEN: Las placas de piedra verde son características del periodo Epiclásico (650-900 d.C.), en ellas se encuentran plasmadas las memorias de los guerreros, dignatarios y sacerdotes. Me- diante este texto se realiza un análisis simbólico y contextual de diversas placas recuperadas en los sitios de Xochicalco (650-900 d.C.) y de Tula (900-1200 d.C.), fundamentado en los significados simbólicos y anímicos que los toltecas le asignaron a esta clase de objetos. Al abrigo de la teoría del ritual de Victor Turner [1980, 1988], se avanza en una interpretación alterna de estos objetos, pues se ha asumido que ellos aluden a sacerdotes en estado de trance. Se postula también que los sujetos son representaciones de muertos, depositados como reliquias cargadas de meta-mensajes de tiempos pasados y que aparecen en contextos posteriores, como Tula o Tenochtitlan. PALABRAS CLAVE: Toltecas, piedra verde, reliquias, ancestros, muerte. Memories of green stone: A symbolic look at some Toltec relics ABSTRACT: Green stone slabs are characteristic of the Epiclassic period (650-900 A.D.). On them, warriors, dignitaries and priests were embodied. This paper provides a symbolic and contextual analysis of several of the said plates —in this case— recovered at the sites of Xochicalco (650-900 AD) and Tula (900-1200 AD), focusing specifically on the symbolic and emotional meanings that the Toltecs assigned to this class of object. From the ritual theory of Victor Turner [1980, 1988], an alternative interpretation of these objects is proposed, since it has been assumed that they allude to priests in a state of trance. -
Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics &A
Online Appendix for Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue (2014) Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics & Change Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue The following document lists the languages of the world and their as- signment to the macro-areas described in the main body of the paper as well as the WALS macro-area for languages featured in the WALS 2005 edi- tion. 7160 languages are included, which represent all languages for which we had coordinates available1. Every language is given with its ISO-639-3 code (if it has one) for proper identification. The mapping between WALS languages and ISO-codes was done by using the mapping downloadable from the 2011 online WALS edition2 (because a number of errors in the mapping were corrected for the 2011 edition). 38 WALS languages are not given an ISO-code in the 2011 mapping, 36 of these have been assigned their appropri- ate iso-code based on the sources the WALS lists for the respective language. This was not possible for Tasmanian (WALS-code: tsm) because the WALS mixes data from very different Tasmanian languages and for Kualan (WALS- code: kua) because no source is given. 17 WALS-languages were assigned ISO-codes which have subsequently been retired { these have been assigned their appropriate updated ISO-code. In many cases, a WALS-language is mapped to several ISO-codes. As this has no bearing for the assignment to macro-areas, multiple mappings have been retained. 1There are another couple of hundred languages which are attested but for which our database currently lacks coordinates. -
The Toltec Invasion and Chichen Itza
Other titles of interest published by Thames & Hudson include: Breaking the Maya Code Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs Angkor and the Khmer Civilization India: A Short History The Incas The Aztecs See our websites www.thamesandhudson.com www.thamesandhudsonusa.com 7 THE POSTCLASSIC By the close of the tenth century AD the destiny of the once proud and independent Maya had, at least in northern Yucatan, fallen into the hands of grim warriors from the highlands of central Mexico, where a new order of men had replaced the supposedly more intellectual rulers of Classic times. We know a good deal about the events that led to the conquest of Yucatan by these foreigners, and the subsequent replacement of their state by a resurgent but already decadent Maya culture, for we have entered into a kind of history, albeit far more shaky than that which was recorded on the monuments of the Classic Period. The traditional annals of the peoples of Yucatan, and also of the Guatemalan highlanders, transcribed into Spanish letters early in Colonial times, apparently reach back as far as the beginning of the Postclassic era and are very important sources. But such annals should be used with much caution, whether they come to us from Bishop Landa himself, from statements made by the native nobility, or from native lawsuits and land claims. These are often confused and often self-contradictory, not least because native lineages seem to have deliberately falsified their own histories for political reasons. Our richest (and most treacherous) sources are the K’atun Prophecies of Yucatan, contained in the “Books of Chilam Balam,” which derive their name from a Maya savant said to have predicted the arrival of the Spaniards from the east. -
"Comments on the Historicity of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and the Toltecs" by Michael E
31 COMMENTARY "Comments on the Historicity of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and the Toltecs" by Michael E. Smith University at Albany, State University of New York Can we believe Aztec historical accounts about Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and other Toltec phenomena? The fascinating and important recent exchange in the Nahua Newsletter between H. B. Nicholson and Michel Graulich focused on this question. Stimulated partly by this debate and partly by a recent invitation to contribute an essay to an edited volume on Tula and Chichén Itzá (Smith n.d.), I have taken a new look at Aztec and Maya native historical traditions within the context of comparative oral histories from around the world. This exercise suggests that conquest-period native historical accounts are unlikely to preserve reliable information about events from the Early Postclassic period. Surviving accounts of the Toltecs, the Itzas (prior to Mayapan), Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tula, and Chichén Itzá all belong more to the realm of myth than history. In the spirit of encouraging discussion and debate, I offer a summary here of my views on early Aztec native history; a more complete version of which, including discussion of the Maya Chilam Balam accounts, will be published in Smith (n.d.). I have long thought that Mesoamericanists have been far too credulous in their acceptance of native historical sources; this is an example of what historian David Fischer (1970:58-61) calls "the fallacy of misplaced literalism." Aztec native history was an oral genre that employed painted books as mnemonic devices to aid the historian or scribe in their recitation (Calnek 1978; Nicholson 1971). -
Toltec.Html Toltec
Text and pictures adapted from http://www.crystalinks.com/toltec.html Toltec The Atlantes are columns in the form of Toltec warriors in Tula The word Toltec in Mesoamerican studies has been used in different ways by different scholars to refer to actual populations and polities of pre-Columbian central Mexico or to the mythical ancestors mentioned in the mythical/historical narratives of the Aztecs. It is an ongoing debate whether the Toltecs can be understood to have formed an actual ethnic group at any point in Mesoamerican history or if they are mostly or only a product of Aztec myth. The scholars who have understood the Toltecs to have been an actual ethnic group often connect them to the archeological site of Tula, Hidalgo which is then supposed to have been the Tollan of Aztec myth. This tradition assumes the "Toltec empire" to have dominated much of central Mexico between the 10th and 12th century AD. Other Mexican cities such as Teotihuacán have also been proposed to have been the historical Tollan "Place of Reeds", the city from which the name Tolteca "inhabitant of Tollan" is derived in the Nahuatl language. The term Toltec has also been associated with the arrival of certain Central Mexican cultural traits into the Mayan sphere of dominance that took place in the late classic and early postclassic periods, and the Postclassic Mayan civilizations of Chichén Itzá, Mayapán and the Guatemalan highlands have been referred to as "toltecized" or "mexicanized" Mayas. For example the striking similarities between the city of Tula, Hidalgo and Chichen Itza have often been cited as direct evidence for Toltec dominance of the Postclassic Maya. -
Changes and Continuities in Ritual Practice at Chechem Ha Cave, Belize
FAMSI © 2008: Fernando Báez Urincho Building Four: a Palace in Tula Grande, the Lodging of the Toltec King Research Year: 2007 Culture: Toltec Chronology: Early Postclassic Location: Tula de Allende, Hidalgo State, Mexico Site: Tula Archaeological Zone Table of Contents Abstract Resumen Introduction Building Four and Tula Grande's Sacred Precinct The Shape of Building Four Building Four's construction System Building Four and its Occupation Processes The Toltec Occupation Abandonment Recovery Filling and Leveling Mexica Occupation Conclusions: Building Four and its Function Acknowledgments List of Figures Sources Cited 1 Abstract During the field seasons of 2002, 2003, and 2004, we had the opportunity of excavating the northeast sector (known as “Building 4”) in the main precinct of Tula’s Archaeological Zone. A series of architectonic elements were uncovered, with a spatial distribution which represents the importance and meaning that a palace complex had for Toltec society. These excavations confirmed the existence of this palace as originally was proposed by the archaeologist Jorge R. Acosta during his first investigations. Thanks to the support of the Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, we were able to achieve a better and greater knowledge concerning the area which we explored. These contributions, which form part of my thesis investigations, will help us to understand the cultural and social dynamics that took place in this building complex, thus relating these processes to other sectors of the precinct during different times of its occupation. This study also presents for the first time detailed information concerning an Early Postclassic palace complex in the Basin of Mexico. -
Reframing Mexican Migration As a Multi-Ethnic Process
UC Santa Cruz Reprint Series Title Reframing Mexican Migration as a Multi-Ethnic Process Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nn6v8sk Author Fox, Jonathan A Publication Date 2006-02-23 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Article REFRAMING MEXICAN MIGRATION 1 AS A MULTI-ETHNIC PROCESS 1 A longer version of this paper was presented at the Latin American Studies Association in Jonathan Fox 2004. Some sections draw University of California at Santa Cruz, CA from Fox and Rivera-Salgado (2004). Abstract The Mexican migrant population in the US increasingly reflects the ethnic diversity of Mexican society. To recognize Mexican migration as a multi-ethnic process raises broader conceptual puzzles about race, ethnicity, and national identity. This essay draws from recent empirical research and participant-observation to explore implications of the indigenous Mexican migrant experience for understanding collective identity formation, including the social construction of community member- ship, regional and pan-ethnic identities, territory, and transnational communities. Keywords indigenous; migration; Mexico; collective identity Introduction In the US, when the terms ‘‘multi-ethnic,’’ ‘‘multi-cultural,’’ and ‘‘multi- racial’’ are used to refer to Mexican migrants, they refer exclusively to relationships between Mexicans and other racial and national origin groups. Yet Mexican society is multi-ethnic and multi-racial. From an indigenous rights perspective, the Mexican nation includes many peoples. To take the least ambiguous indicator of ethnic difference, more than one in ten Mexicans come from a family in which an indigenous language is spoken (Serrano Carreto et al., 2003). Many of the indigenous Mexican activists in the US on the cutting edge are trilingual, and for some, Spanish is neither their first nor their second language.