Dr Richard S. Graysonintroduces This Special Issue of the Journal Of

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Dr Richard S. Graysonintroduces This Special Issue of the Journal Of liDr Richard S. Graysonb introduceserals this special issue of the Journal of Liberal History and the left his special issue tack- between the ‘left’ and ‘right’ of which was at odds with collectiv- les a long-standing the party. Graham Lippiatt sets ist sentiments. However, as he also issue within the Liberal out the Radical Reform Group’s points out, the existence of New Democrats and their influence on the direction of the Liberalism had a profound impact predecessor parties: Liberal Party. This was formed in on the ideas of the Labour Party, Trelations between themselves and 1952 when some were concerned even if, in Keynes’s words, ‘Possi- other parties on the left of British that the Liberal Party was becom- bly the Liberal Party cannot serve politics. The phrase ‘other parties ing too influenced by economic the State in any better way than by on the left’ is deliberately chosen. liberals. supplying Conservative Govern- Although the Liberal Democrat Some of these controversies ments with Cabinets, and Labour History Group has previously have arisen due to the diverse Governments with ideas’. examined the issue of liberal- roots of the party. Edward This impact of Liberals on the ism’s relationship with the right, Royle writes about two figures Labour Party is tackled explicitly the parties have rarely been any- who were among the most radi- in John Shepherd’s examination thing other than self-consciously cal of their generation. George of the movement of Liberals to the radical, in tune with many of the Jacob Holyoake was a committed Labour Party between 1914 and concerns of left radicalism. So this Chartist and secularist. Thomas 1931. During this time there were issue examines key moments in Paine, while often placed more in fluid boundaries between the par- Liberal history when the relation- a revolutionary and even social- ties, with flows of ideas from Lib- ship with the left has been crucial, ist context, advocated a number eral to Labour taking place even whether at times of formation, of liberal positions on issues such without people formally shifting government, decline or possible as markets and constitutional to the Labour Party. Of course, realignment. reform. this prefaced the later influence The first issue which emerges Matthew Roberts explores of Beveridge and Keynes on as regards relations between Lib- the origins of the Liberal Party, the post-1945 social democratic erals and those on the left is that it setting out the impact of Chartism settlement. has not always been easy to place on the party. Although normally The fluidity of ideas between Liberal politicians on a left–right part of the Labour narrative, the Liberals and Labour has peri- spectrum. More particularly, that impact of Chartists on the Lib- odically led some to question of has meant that there have been eral Party was significant. This whether there should be a for- shifts over whether the Labour could be seen as part of a chronol- mal organisational connection or Conservative party is favoured ogy which sees the Liberal Party between the two parties. Jo Gri- as a possible partner. As Rob- as becoming the leaders of social mond is a complicated figure in ert Ingham’s article on 1945–55 reform by the early twentieth the Liberal Party’s history. While shows, there have been times century. Yet Michael Freeden he was in no way a ‘big stater’, he when the party was in two minds. highlights some of the difficulties was, as Matthew Cole’s piece In 1945, the party started with of assuming that the Liberal Party shows, driven by a desire to rea- leftish instincts, but over the next pre-1914 was an overwhelmingly lign the left and consistently decade elements of the party were New Liberal one. It still had a sig- sought to collaborate with the in talks with both Labour and the nificant body of individualist and Labour Party. That he failed was Conservatives. Meanwhile, there traditional Liberal support, much partly because there was too much have been moments of conflict of which funded the party, and ideological distance between the 4 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 liDr Richard S. Graysonb introduceserals this special issue of the Journal of Liberal History and the left two parties, not least because Labour ever again, thus ending campaigns on Vietnam and South of the Labour Party’s focus on any question of the kind of rea- Africa. They were even seen as nationalisation as the core of its lignment imagined by Grimond being to the left of Labour and economic policy. and Ashdown. In such a situation, members were dubbed the ‘Red The most thorough attempt the former Labour voters who Guard’. to create a formal relationship have already come to the Liberal In a similar vein, James Gra- between Labour and the Lib- Democrats (a form of realignment ham covers a small and, most eral Democrats was made by in itself), might go back to Labour would say, far less significant Paddy Ashdown and Tony Blair with speed, feeling betrayed by a movement within the Liberal in the mid to late 1990s. Alan party which they believed would Democrats: the New Radicals, Leaman’s fascinating piece not align with the Conservatives. who had some profile within the includes reflections about those Members and activists may join Liberal Democrats in 1998–2003. times from somebody who was as them in a reformed and reinvig- As Graham recognises, the move- close to Ashdown as anyone while orated Labour Party under new ment ‘failed’ to achieve most of its relations developed. That such leadership. Alternatively, progres- goals, even though he argues that a connection was possible arose sive voters may see practical gains some positions (such as on mem- partly from a sense among many from the coalition and stay where bers of the House of Lords being Liberal Democrats that they were they are, allowing the Liberal involved in lobbying) have now cut from the same cloth as many Democrats to retain a progressive been ‘vindicated’. Labour members. This view was mantle. In such a situation, the The most important point commonly put at the time by Roy Liberal Democrats may emerge about the New Radicals is what Jenkins, who argued that the split strongly out of a coalition with the existence of such a movement among ‘progressives’ before and the Tories and after an election in says about the heart and soul of after the First World War had arti- a reformed system, once more be the Liberal Democrats, namely, ficially given the Conservatives strong enough to form a progres- that the party has a strong radical electoral dominance for much of sive government with Labour. core. Even if some of the ideas of the twentieth century. Ashdown Yet left radicalism is not the group went way beyond Lib- and Blair were inspired by Jenkins and need not be the preserve of eral Democrat policy, it is almost to try to bridge the divide. Labour. Some of the chapters in impossible to imagine a group Of course, there are now seri- this issue reveal a strong sense that called New Conservatives emerg- ous questions as to whether the at times, the Liberal Party saw ing within the party with the goal kind of realignment which has itself as being radical and ‘left’ in of preserving existing institutions. previously been talked about can a very different way to the Labour If nothing else, the very exist- ever happen. The Liberal Dem- Party. Matthew Cole’s piece on ence of the New Radicals points ocrat–Conservative coalition Grimond shows how the Liberal to the sentiments which drive the agreement may have undermined Party was pursuing a decidedly heart and soul of many Liberal the Liberal Democrats’ progres- non-socialist form of radicalism. Democrats. sive credentials forever. Progres- Peter Hellyer’s article on the sives may eternally see the Liberal late 1960s demonstrates how far Dr Richard S. Grayson is Head of Democrats as a centre-right rather Young Liberals were at the radi- Politics and Senior Lecturer in British than centre-left party and never cal cutting edge of British poli- and Irish Politics at Goldsmiths, Uni- consider anything other than tics with their involvement in versity of London. Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 5 .
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