For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 67 / Summer 2010 / £10.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

Liberals and the left Matthew Roberts Out of Chartism, into Liberalism Popular radicals and the Liberal Party Michael Freeden The Liberal Party and the New Liberalism John Shepherd The flight from the Liberal PartyLiberals who joined Labour, 1914–31 Matt Cole ‘An out-of-date word’ Jo Grimond and the left Peter Hellyer The Young Liberals and the left, 1965–70 Liberal Democrat History Group Liberal Leaders The latest publication from the Liberal Democrat History Group is Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats since 1900.

The sixty-page booklet contains concise biographies of every Liberal, Social Democrat and Liberal Democrat leader since 1900. The total of sixteen biographies stretches from Henry Campbell-Bannerman to Nick Clegg, including such figures as H. H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, Jo Grimond, David Steel, David Owen and Paddy Ashdown.

Liberal Leaders is available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers for the special price of £5 (normal price £6) with free p&p. To order, please send a cheque for £5.00 (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) Liberal Unionists Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete political entity. Help private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK with identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; i.cawood@newman. the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ ac.uk. projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. The Liberal Party in the West Midlands December 1916 – 1923 election Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall The Lib-Lab Pact and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore the effects of the party split The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between at local level. Also looking to uncover the steps towards temporary 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected]. Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; [email protected].

‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Francis; [email protected]. Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected].

The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected]. friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected] [email protected].

2 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 Journal of Liberal History Issue 67: Summer 2010 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberals and the left 4 Guest Editor: Dr Richard S. Grayson Dr Richard S. Grayson introduces this special issue of the Journal Editor: Duncan Brack Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Out of Chartism, into Liberalism? 6 Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Popular radicals and the Liberal Party in mid-Victorian Britain; by Matthew Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Roberts Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, York Membery The Liberal Party and the New Liberalism 14 Patrons Michael Freeden examines the relationship between the New Liberalism and the Liberal Party. Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent Thomas Paine 21 Editorial Board Edward Royle examines the impact of Thomas Paine (1737–1809) on Liberalism Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr and liberal thought. David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr The flight from the Liberal Party 24 J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed Randall; Liberals who joined the Labour Party, 1914–31; by John Shepherd Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Iain Sharpe George Jacob Holyoake 35 Editorial/Correspondence Edward Royle examines how the life of Holyoake (1817–1906) exemplified the Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and development of popular Liberalism. book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: A retreat from the left? 38 The Liberal Party and Labour 1945–55; by Robert Ingham Duncan Brack (Editor) 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ email: [email protected] Radical Reform Group 45

All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. Graham Lippiatt examines the group’s formation, history and pubications.

Advertisements ‘An out-of-date word’ 50 Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Jo Grimond and the left; by Matt Cole Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please New Radicalism 57 contact the Editor. and the Liberal Democrat Whig tendency; by James Graham Subscriptions/Membership An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History The Young Liberals and the left, 1965–70 60 costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes Peter Hellyer reviews the relationship between the Young Liberals and the left membership of the History Group unless you inform in the 1960s. us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £5.00. The institutional rate is £50.00, which includes online Blair and Ashdown 68 access. As well as printed copies, online subscribers Notes on a political relationship; by Alan Leaman. are able to access online copies of current and all past Journals. Online subscriptions are also available to individuals at £40.00.

Cheques (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) should be sent to: Cover illustration: cover of Liberal Magazine, January 1947 Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Liberal Democrat History Group Payment is also possible via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone occasional publications. Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ. Printed by Kall- Kwik, 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: www.liberalhistory.org.uk. July 2010 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 3 liDr Richard S. Graysonb introduceserals this special issue of the Journal of Liberal History and the left

his special issue tack- between the ‘left’ and ‘right’ of which was at odds with collectiv- les a long-standing the party. Graham Lippiatt sets ist sentiments. However, as he also issue within the Liberal out the Radical Reform Group’s points out, the existence of New Democrats and their influence on the direction of the Liberalism had a profound impact predecessor parties: Liberal Party. This was formed in on the ideas of the Labour Party, Trelations between themselves and 1952 when some were concerned even if, in Keynes’s words, ‘Possi- other parties on the left of British that the Liberal Party was becom- bly the Liberal Party cannot serve politics. The phrase ‘other parties ing too influenced by economic the State in any better way than by on the left’ is deliberately chosen. liberals. supplying Conservative Govern- Although the Liberal Democrat Some of these controversies ments with Cabinets, and Labour History Group has previously have arisen due to the diverse Governments with ideas’. examined the issue of liberal- roots of the party. Edward This impact of Liberals on the ism’s relationship with the right, Royle writes about two figures Labour Party is tackled explicitly the parties have rarely been any- who were among the most radi- in John Shepherd’s examination thing other than self-consciously cal of their generation. George of the movement of Liberals to the radical, in tune with many of the Jacob Holyoake was a committed Labour Party between 1914 and concerns of left radicalism. So this Chartist and secularist. Thomas 1931. During this time there were issue examines key moments in Paine, while often placed more in fluid boundaries between the par- Liberal history when the relation- a revolutionary and even social- ties, with flows of ideas from Lib- ship with the left has been crucial, ist context, advocated a number eral to Labour taking place even whether at times of formation, of liberal positions on issues such without people formally shifting government, decline or possible as markets and constitutional to the Labour Party. Of course, realignment. reform. this prefaced the later influence The first issue which emerges Matthew Roberts explores of Beveridge and Keynes on as regards relations between Lib- the origins of the Liberal Party, the post-1945 social democratic erals and those on the left is that it setting out the impact of Chartism settlement. has not always been easy to place on the party. Although normally The fluidity of ideas between Liberal politicians on a left–right part of the Labour narrative, the Liberals and Labour has peri- spectrum. More particularly, that impact of Chartists on the Lib- odically led some to question of has meant that there have been eral Party was significant. This whether there should be a for- shifts over whether the Labour could be seen as part of a chronol- mal organisational connection or Conservative party is favoured ogy which sees the Liberal Party between the two parties. Jo Gri- as a possible partner. As Rob- as becoming the leaders of social mond is a complicated figure in ert Ingham’s article on 1945–55 reform by the early twentieth the Liberal Party’s history. While shows, there have been times century. Yet Michael Freeden he was in no way a ‘big stater’, he when the party was in two minds. highlights some of the difficulties was, as Matthew Cole’s piece In 1945, the party started with of assuming that the Liberal Party shows, driven by a desire to rea- leftish instincts, but over the next pre-1914 was an overwhelmingly lign the left and consistently decade elements of the party were New Liberal one. It still had a sig- sought to collaborate with the in talks with both Labour and the nificant body of individualist and Labour Party. That he failed was Conservatives. Meanwhile, there traditional Liberal support, much partly because there was too much have been moments of conflict of which funded the party, and ideological distance between the

4 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 liDr Richard S. Graysonb introduceserals this special issue of the Journal of Liberal History and the left

two parties, not least because Labour ever again, thus ending campaigns on Vietnam and South of the Labour Party’s focus on any question of the kind of rea- Africa. They were even seen as nationalisation as the core of its lignment imagined by Grimond being to the left of Labour and economic policy. and Ashdown. In such a situation, members were dubbed the ‘Red The most thorough attempt the former Labour voters who Guard’. to create a formal relationship have already come to the Liberal In a similar vein, James Gra- between Labour and the Lib- Democrats (a form of realignment ham covers a small and, most eral Democrats was made by in itself), might go back to Labour would say, far less significant Paddy Ashdown and Tony Blair with speed, feeling betrayed by a movement within the Liberal in the mid to late 1990s. Alan party which they believed would Democrats: the New Radicals, Leaman’s fascinating piece not align with the Conservatives. who had some profile within the includes reflections about those Members and activists may join Liberal Democrats in 1998–2003. times from somebody who was as them in a reformed and reinvig- As Graham recognises, the move- close to Ashdown as anyone while orated Labour Party under new ment ‘failed’ to achieve most of its relations developed. That such leadership. Alternatively, progres- goals, even though he argues that a connection was possible arose sive voters may see practical gains some positions (such as on mem- partly from a sense among many from the coalition and stay where bers of the House of Lords being Liberal Democrats that they were they are, allowing the Liberal involved in lobbying) have now cut from the same cloth as many Democrats to retain a progressive been ‘vindicated’. Labour members. This view was mantle. In such a situation, the The most important point commonly put at the time by Roy Liberal Democrats may emerge about the New Radicals is what Jenkins, who argued that the split strongly out of a coalition with the existence of such a movement among ‘progressives’ before and the Tories and after an election in says about the heart and soul of after the First World War had arti- a reformed system, once more be the Liberal Democrats, namely, ficially given the Conservatives strong enough to form a progres- that the party has a strong radical electoral dominance for much of sive government with Labour. core. Even if some of the ideas of the twentieth century. Ashdown Yet left radicalism is not the group went way beyond Lib- and Blair were inspired by Jenkins and need not be the preserve of eral Democrat policy, it is almost to try to bridge the divide. Labour. Some of the chapters in impossible to imagine a group Of course, there are now seri- this issue reveal a strong sense that called New Conservatives emerg- ous questions as to whether the at times, the Liberal Party saw ing within the party with the goal kind of realignment which has itself as being radical and ‘left’ in of preserving existing institutions. previously been talked about can a very different way to the Labour If nothing else, the very exist- ever happen. The Liberal Dem- Party. Matthew Cole’s piece on ence of the New Radicals points ocrat–Conservative coalition Grimond shows how the Liberal to the sentiments which drive the agreement may have undermined Party was pursuing a decidedly heart and soul of many Liberal the Liberal Democrats’ progres- non-socialist form of radicalism. Democrats. sive credentials forever. Progres- Peter Hellyer’s article on the sives may eternally see the Liberal late 1960s demonstrates how far Dr Richard S. Grayson is Head of Democrats as a centre-right rather Young Liberals were at the radi- Politics and Senior Lecturer in British than centre-left party and never cal cutting edge of British poli- and Irish Politics at Goldsmiths, Uni- consider anything other than tics with their involvement in versity of London.

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 5 Out of Chartism, into Liberalism? Popular Radicals and the Liberal Party in Mid-Victorian Britain

One of the most he ‘Age of the Char- structural explanations have fallen tists’ was the golden age from favour, which, to a new remarkable political of popular protest, of generation of post-Marxist, post- developments crowds meeting in town Modernist historians, seem rather squares, public parks crude and simplistic. In seeking to during the first half Tand on moorland summits (some- explain the rise of popular Liber- times with weapons and under the alism, revisionist historians have of the nineteenth protective cover of darkness) to rejected social explanations and century was the rise demand their democratic rights. have turned their attention back So unnerved were the state and to politics itself.1 of a more coherent, the propertied classes that forces This article develops this pol- of surveillance and suppression itics-centred approach by paying organised and assertive were unleashed on the Chartists attention to some of the ways in popular radicalism, which – along with internal divi- which the Liberal Party was able sions and the failure after ten years to use ideas, values and beliefs culminating in the to secure the enactment of the to construct broad-based coali- coveted ‘People’s Charter’ – led to tions of supporters. Whilst agree- Chartist movement the decline of the movement after ing with the renewed emphasis 1848. which has been placed on the of the late 1830s and In contrast to the tumult of the importance of political ideas, this 1840s. Matthew early-Victorian years, the mid- article lends further weight to a Victorian decades were tranquil. growing body of post-revisionist Roberts examines Politically, this ‘Age of Equipoise’ work which has reemphasised manifested itself in the constitu- just how painful and protracted the ways in which encies in the rise of popular Lib- the transition was from Chart- the nascent Liberal eralism, based on a coalition of ism into Liberalism, a process ex-Chartists (popular Radicals) that was fraught with tension and Party was able to use and Liberals. But why did these liable to break down.2 The first popular Radicals and Liberals, section of the article surveys the the ideas, values and after two decades of conflict with various explanations of mid-cen- beliefs of the Chartists one another, agree to cooperate? tury political stability which have Historians have been divided. It been put forward by historians and other Radicals to used to be argued that this trans- and relates these to the debates formation was largely the result of on the rise of popular Liberalism. construct broad-based underlying changes in the struc- The second section looks at what coalitions of support ture and outlook of the working Liberals and popular Radicals class: rising real wages, greater were able to agree on by focusing – a process which was job security, the rise of an influ- on some of the key political issues ential and politically moderate of the day in the mid-Victorian fraught with tension group of ‘labour aristocrats’, and decades. While the third section and liable to break the splintering of the working highlights some of the differences class in terms of occupation, status of opinion and conflict over down at any time. and culture. More recently, these principles which bedevilled the

6 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 Out of Chartism, into Liberalism? Popular Radicals and the Liberal Party in Mid-Victorian Britain

popular Liberal coalition during its revolutionary destiny in the Great Chartist began to decrease and real wages this period. 1840s, abandoned its mission and Meeting on began to rise, thus limiting the Why did the confronta- reconciled itself to the established Kennington appeal of a radical politics based tional politics of Chartism give order. A whole range of ‘consola- Common, on ‘hunger and hatred’.3 The ris- way to the relatively harmoni- tory’ explanations were advanced 10 April 1848 ing profit margins of the manu- ous and compromising politics to explain this apparent ‘false (this and facturing middle class allowed it of moderate reformism? This consciousness’, most of which accompanying to engage in a variety of practices, question was central to the Marx- highlighted the socio-economic daguerrotypes the objective of which was to ist inspired historiography of foundations of mid-century sta- were the first reshape the workers in their own the 1960s and 1970s, not least bility. Against the background ever taken of a image in the workplace (by cre- because it presented Marxists of economic recovery in the late crowd scene) ating an elite stratum of workers with the uncomfortable question 1840s and the boom conditions of – labour aristocrats – to control of why the working class, hav- the 1850s, social tensions began to the rest of the workforce, and by ing come so close to achieving lessen as cyclical unemployment engaging in paternalistic practices

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 7 out of chartism, into liberalism? to keep the rest of the workforce Chartists turned away from poli- to the privations of the masses. So content) and in the community tics altogether, channelling their powerful was Chartism’s critique (by sponsoring rational recrea- efforts into cooperatives, friendly of the state as utterly partial and tion). Whatever the cause, the societies and trades unions.8 Now, negligent that it undoubtedly effect was the same: the dilution of the fact that many ex-Chartists played a significant part in mak- working-class radicalism.4 turned their backs on politics ing the state more responsive to In more recent times, histo- might account, to some extent, for popular grievances. True, the rians have become increasingly the political stability of these years state responded largely on its own sceptical of the explanatory value by virtue of their absence, but it terms, and in a way that did not of structural interpretations of cannot explain why many of those look like a direct concession to mid-century stability. To take one Radical activists who remained Chartism (which, for obvious rea- example, it is surely not possible to convinced of the efficacy of politi- sons, it could not be seen to do). explain the rejection by the work- cal solutions attempted to coop- Where the Chartists were proved ing class of the far-reaching goals erate, when possible, with the wrong was in their claim that the of Chartism by focusing on the Liberal Party. And neither can state was incapable of reforming privileges of a few labour aristo- employer paternalism explain itself without being democra- crats who may, or may not, have why members of the working tised, which has led some histo- exercised a moderating influence class seemingly moderated their rians to argue that Chartism had over the rest of the workforce. politics. As recent work has made been ideologically bankrupt all Even during its interpretative clear, even when employers did along.11 But, surely, it would have heyday, critics of the labour aris- practise paternalism towards their been naive of the Chartists to have tocracy thesis pointed out that the workforce (and it is worth point- presumed otherwise. Without the widespread existence of a skilled ing out that many employers sim- threat of democratisation at the labour force was hardly a novelty ply could not afford to do so, or, back of the minds of the political in the mid-Victorian decades, that at any rate, not on any significant elite, the state would never have it was difficult to pinpoint which scale), working-class employees reformed itself in the way that it workers were labour aristocrats did not necessarily vote at the did. Secondly, just as the state had as there was no sharp division behest of their lords and masters.9 been unnerved so too had the between them and the rest of the Consequently, these structural propertied classes. Chartism had working class, and that it was sim- explanations can only be made to jolted urban Liberals (and Tories) plistic and reductionist to try and explain so much. As a growing out of their complacency and con- map values like respectability on number of historians have come vinced many of their leaders that to particular sections of the work- to appreciate, a more satisfac- social conditions would have to be ing class. In addition, if labour tory explanation of mid-century improved if a return to unrest was aristocrats really were that privi- political stability and the rise of to be prevented. Thus, urban Lib- leged and went to such lengths to popular Liberalism is to be found It used to be erals became less dogmatic in their distinguish themselves from the by focusing on political change argued that commitment to the strictures wider working class, are we really itself. After all, the transition from of political economy.12 As Mark to believe that they exercised such Chartism to popular Liberalism the rise of Hovell observed many years ago, an influential position?5 Similar was a political development. We Chartism gave Liberalism ‘a wider arguments can also be levelled at cannot read off the trajectory of a more cau- and more popular outlook’.13 On middle-class ‘moral imperialism’. popular politics from the state of the other side, growing numbers Middle-class sponsored initiatives the economy. If such a correla- tious and of Radicals were also coming such as improvement societies tion existed between economic round to the idea of moderate, were often shunned, subverted or depression and the popularity moderate piecemeal reform and to the need hijacked by workers who, in any of Chartism then how can we to cooperate with Liberals (and to case, had their own versions of explain the collapse of Chartism organised a lesser extent Tories) to secure it, respectability and independence.6 in 1842 amidst continued poverty although it took some longer than Even where attempts to mould and unemployment, or Chartism’s labour move- others. As we have seen, Chartism workers in a middle-class image revival in 1848 against the back- as a particular strategy had failed seemingly triumphed it could ground of economic improve- ment was to bring about radical political just as likely be the result of what ment? Finally, acute poverty and change, and so it made sense for Peter Bailey has termed ‘role- unemployment, although not as one of the popular radicals to reassess their playing’ by the working class: pervasive, did not disappear in the strategy and tactics.14 feigning middle-class values, as it politically tranquil mid-Victorian key factors So the crucial difference, in the were, because it was expedient for decades.10 mid-Victorian decades, from the workers to do so.7 So what does a focus on politics in mid-Victo- Chartist era was that the ‘instal- Turning more directly to pop- tell us about why popular Radicals rian political ment men’, as Feargus O’Connor ular politics, it used to be argued and Liberals were able to cooper- had once derisively dubbed them, that the rise of a more cautious ate? Firstly, that Chartism had stability. But now held sway. This position and moderate organised labour been a victim of its own success. was illustrated by the atheist and movement was one of the key fac- Not only had the Chartists genu- this is not a republican Charles Bradlaugh, tors in mid-Victorian political sta- inely alarmed the political elite in who told one audience at the bility. But this is not a satisfactory 1848 (giving rise to a sort of ‘never satisfactory time of the Second Reform Bill explanation either. Many labour again’ mentality), they had also that, while he favoured univer- activists who had previously been drawn attention in a dramatic way explanation. sal suffrage as a natural right, ‘if

8 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 out of chartism, into liberalism? he could not get all that he asked What ena- Liberty, at its most abstract, meant any other movement, Liberalism for, rather than have nothing … support for ‘civil and religious lib- eschewed class politics and sought he would take what ameliora- bled some erty, for all men and for all coun- to unite, though not always suc- tions he could get without ceasing tries’.19 Civil liberty meant that all cessfully, the productive classes in to aim at ultimately winning the ex-Chartists people, regardless of their status or opposition to the idle and selfish whole’.15 The freethinking radi- beliefs, should be equal in the eyes classes. For Liberals and Radicals, cal Robert Cooper made a similar and Liber- of the law. This overlapped with retrenchment provided a power- point in a letter to the north-east religious liberty. As the Liberal ful weapon to combat privileges, Radical Joseph Cowen in which als to come Weekly Times put it in 1867, ‘where many of which were paid for by he advised the radical movement divers [sic] religions co-exist in the the state and, by extension, the to ‘work for an instalment, until together in same community, none should be overburdened taxpayer. To Rich- the whole is gained’. For Cooper the 1850s and petted and none coerced’.20 Thus, ard Cobden – echoing the Utili- and many ex-Chartists, experi- Radicals and many Liberals were tarian James Mill and the Radical ence had taught them that ‘every 1860s was opposed to an established church. Thomas Paine – expenditure on great measure, political or social, As is well known, middle-class the national debt, the army and has only been carried by the joint a shared, if Nonconformity spearheaded this navy, and the Civil List had ‘for action’ of the middle and work- campaign; but this was not just a the real object the granting of out- ing classes.16 What made instal- problematic, middle-class battle. Opposition door relief for … the aristocracy’.23 ment politics easier to accept for to the Established Church was The solution was a drastic reduc- popular Radicals was that they commitment also voiced by Radicals (many of tion in state expenditure. In turn, were now faced with a much more whom were also Nonconform- this would reduce taxes, stimulate responsive Liberal Party. to ‘liberty, ists and secularists; and a few were trade and increase wages. The The Liberal Party used to be even atheists), who viewed the popularity of Cobden in the 1840s seen by historians as an incoher- retrench- Church as one of the pillars of a and 1850s, and that of John Bright ent and contradictory group of corrupt, aristocratic and selfish and Gladstone in the 1860s, rested reformers, each preoccupied with ment and state. In Radical eyes, the Church in part on their commitment to their own particular ‘fad’. Pre- was tainted by its large interest in low and more equitable taxation, carious and transient unity was reform’. land and by its close association free trade and cheap food, and to achieved only when the party’s with landowners, a good many of the articulation of these demands leaders were able to rally the ad whom were Whigs.21 in the language of moral entitle- hoc group of reformers behind a Notions of liberty also ment.24 Liberals and Radicals transcending issue, such as Glad- informed Liberal and Radical had no objection to government stone’s support for the disestab- views on the role of government. intervention when it was used to lishment of the Irish Church in The purpose of government was combat privilege. But it was only 1868, or his indictment of Dis- to preside over a disinterested in this negative sense that they raeli’s foreign and imperial policy state that did not identify with accepted the need for state inter- in the late 1870s.17 Thanks to the or reward specific interests at the vention. This was linked to the work of Jonathan Parry, Eugenio expense of others. Former Char- belief amongst Liberals that it Biagini and others, it has become tists could take some comfort in was not the state’s responsibility clear that both parliamentary and the fact that the Whig-dominated to provide for the welfare of the popular Liberalism was, in fact, a Liberal governments of the mid- community. That was the job of far more coherent political move- Victorian decades sought to posi- voluntary self-governing organi- ment than was once thought.18 tion themselves as the impartial sations (such as cooperatives). Lib- What enabled some ex-Chartists custodians of the national inter- erty thus created the conditions and Liberals to come together in est (this was far more difficult for for a vibrant and inclusive civil the 1850s and 1860s was a shared, if the Conservative Party, as it was society: the voluntary organisa- problematic, commitment to ‘lib- still associated with the deeply tion of collective action in pursuit erty, retrenchment and reform’, to unpopular Corn Laws). This was of shared interests. It should be cite the title of Biagini’s impor- achieved by reducing or abolish- added, though, that Radicals were tant study. But what did these ing duties on articles of popular more willing than Liberals to con- ex-Chartists bring to popular Lib- consumption, by repealing the last ceive of a positive role for the state eralism? If the growth of popular remaining ‘taxes on knowledge’, and make more exceptions to the Liberalism was based, in part, on and by removing civil disabilities. laissez-faire rule in the areas of the willingness of former Char- That much of this was presided poor relief, public services, the tists to support the Gladstonian over by aristocratic Whigs went limitations on the hours of labour Liberal Party, how much conti- some way to rehabilitate their and the regulation of working nuity was there between Chart- reforming reputation in popu- conditions. ism and mid-Victorian popular lar Radical circles, who for the When government interven- Liberalism? Before we address this last two decades had castigated tion was necessary Liberals and question we need to ask: what the Whigs as the enemies of the Radicals were agreed that it was were Liberals and popular Radi- people.22 imperative that the people had a cals able to agree on? This commitment to liberty say in the affairs of government, In terms of ideology, liberty was the positive expression of a to ensure that the right kind of was, of course, central. This was a more fundamental underlying intervention took place. Par- rallying cry around which a broad Liberal and Radical principle: ticipation in the political process spectrum of reformers coalesced. opposition to privilege. More than also fostered active citizenship.

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 9 out of chartism, into liberalism?

For Liberals and Radicals, the Electoral universal manhood suffrage died To return to the issue of state alpha–omega of citizenship was hard amongst Radicals. intervention, although Radicals independence as it was believed entitlement As these divisions over the were often to the fore in demand- that only independent men had franchise imply, when it came to ing legislative protection for cer- the capacity for ‘enlightened dis- was bound translating Liberal ideology into tain vulnerable groups, such as interestedness’. Social responsibil- practice, differences and divisions factory workers and trades union- ity, moral seriousness and personal up with that emerged within the Liberal coali- ists, it would be wrong to presume accomplishment were the stock tion. Biagini highlights the ways that they were in favour of wide- ingredients of active citizenship.25 quintessen- in which the watchwords of ‘lib- spread state intervention. Indeed, The ideal society they envisaged erty, retrenchment and reform’ Radicals could be far more liber- was self-regulating and composed tial Victorian mobilised diverse constituencies tarian than mainstream Liberals, of independent small-scale pro- attribute, of electoral support for the Glad- especially over issues concerning ducers, in which citizens cooper- stonian Liberal Party. Indeed, personal freedom, as shown by ated with one another on equal namely the very elasticity and capacious- their hostility to the centrali- terms, hence the preoccupation ness of these cries, which assumed sation of state power, towards with facilitating wider ownership, ‘character’: a many different forms, is part of temperance legislation, and com- not just of homes though build- the reason why so many differ- pulsory vaccination. On these ing societies but also of land. It is wide-rang- ent individuals and interests sup- issues, Radicals were sometimes important to remember, though, ported the Liberal Party: from closer to Tories than they were that Liberals and most Radicals ing concept aristocratic Whigs all the way to Liberals. The latter, especially agreed that there was to be equal- down to artisans. But a note of the Nonconformist wing of the ity of opportunity, not social denoting caution is needed here. It was rela- party, were generally in favour of equality. tively easy to champion abstract legislative intervention in these Nowhere was this preoc- industrious- rights such as religious freedom, spheres on the grounds that wider cupation with independence individual liberty, equality before public interests and morals needed more evident than in relation ness, self- the law, the rights of oppressed protecting.29 to the franchise. The disinter- minorities on the continent, and As for the contentious issue ested maturity that Liberals help, thrift, to be in favour of ‘reform’ (what- of franchise extension, we have sought from the electorate, it ever that meant). On the other already seen that Liberals and was argued, would be guaran- duty, hon- hand, when it came to specifics, Radicals all too frequently found teed by limiting the franchise to these watchwords could just as themselves at loggerheads. For male householders, i.e. those men esty, self- easily divide as unite the dispa- Biagini, democratisation ‘was who had set up house and pref- restraint rate band of reformers in terms of the really all-embracing issue erably a family too. In the words how they were to be defined and for popular Liberals’ and popular of the Liberal MP J. A. Roebuck, and, of prioritised, let alone achieved.27 commitment to franchise exten- ‘if a man has a settled house, in To take one example, despite sion was the most conspicuous which he has lived with his fam- course, inde- the Liberal rhetoric on civil lib- issue that ‘illustrates the continu- ily for a number of years, you erty and equality before the law, ity between Chartism and work- have a man who has given hos- pendence. there was a widespread suspicion ing-class Liberalism’.30 While tages to the state, and you have in amongst Radicals that one law Radicals and advanced Liberals these circumstances a guarantee existed for the rich and another might have worked for democ- for that man’s virtue’.26 Electoral for the people, and that the Liberal ratisation, moderate Liberals and entitlement was bound up with Party was complicit in perpetuat- Whigs were deeply fearful of that quintessential Victorian ing these injustices. This sense of moves in this direction. For these attribute, namely ‘character’: a popular injustice was acutely felt Liberals, the all-embracing issue wide-ranging concept denoting in relation to trades unions, as it was how to restrain democratic industriousness, self-help, thrift, was widely believed that the law excess through safeguards such as duty, honesty, self-restraint was biased in favour of employers, education, the ballot, and voting and, of course, independence. many of whom just so happened systems that would ensure contin- Although ‘character’ was poten- to be Liberal manufacturers. ued representation for minority tially open to all, irrespective of While Gladstone’s first govern- interests. Thus, different attitudes birth or even wealth, in the eyes ment extended legal protection towards democracy strained the of Liberals these virtues were not to the unions through the Trades Liberal coalition, as was dramati- universal; they had to be learned Union Act of 1871, this was cally illustrated in 1866–7 when (hence the importance of educa- accompanied by another act that the right-wing Liberal Robert tion) and earned through hard effectively made picketing ille- Lowe spoke out against fran- work and self-sacrifice. Then – gal. The rapacious and tyrannical chise extension and in doing so and only then – would enfran- elites that Radicals were fighting incurred the wrath of popular chisement follow. Liberalism was against could, on those occasions radicalism. thus far from being democratic. when the ‘tyranny of capital’ was A growing body of recent work To many Radicals, these Liberal at issue, be extended to include on post-Chartist radicalism has criteria seemed elitist, and this the manufacturers and commer- demonstrated that the movement explains why they often disa- cial plutocrats who dominated of former Chartists into the Lib- greed over what constituted fit- urban Liberalism. Thus, class- eral Party between the 1850s and ness for the franchise. As we shall based tensions could destabilise 1870s was anything but smooth: see, the Chartist commitment to the Liberal coalition.28 the process was often painful,

10 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 out of chartism, into liberalism? occasionally violent, and liable to people of their rights and liberties, demonstrations against unem- break down. To present this tran- despite the heroic actions of pop- ployment in 1887 and the attempt sition as seamless, consensual and ular crusaders such as Wat Tyler, by the state to prevent public inevitable is to take Liberal and the leader of the Peasant’s Revolt meetings from being held there even some Radical rhetoric at face of 1341, and the Levellers of the along with a host of other cam- value. Indeed, there is something English Civil War. To the Radi- paigns around the issue of public almost ‘official’ about this vision cals of the nineteenth century, the access to open space.34 of popular Liberalism, a vision present-day aristocrats were noth- These campaigns were taken seen through the rose-tinted lens ing more than the descendents of to a wider constituency via the of John Bright and Gladstone who the illegitimate Normans.32 Liber- national radical press – nota- fell in love with a largely imag- als, on the other hand, rather than bly the widely circulating Rey- ined self-sacrificing artisan who look back to a vanquished golden nolds’s Newspaper and Bradlaugh’s had renounced his Chartist past age, viewed the past as the pro- National Reformer, both of which (at least this was the story that gressive unfolding of liberty in its continued to fulminate against Gladstone and Bright told them- triumph over arbitrary rule and the elitism and corruption of the selves and others to justify giving religious intolerance. While their political system much as the Char- the vote to urban working men Whig aristocratic allies focused tists had. Newspapers such as these in 1866–67). As Robert Hall has more on the ‘Glorious Revolu- played an important part in mobi- shown, this vision was also pro- tion’ of 1688, the Liberals looked lising a radicalism that was often jected by those former Chartists more to the preceding Civil War at odds with mainstream Liberal- who eventually threw in their period and, particularly, to the ism. The gothic idioms of roman- lot with the Gladstonian Liberal battles of Oliver Cromwell and ticism that had characterised early Party.31 These ex-Chartists delib- his supporters against political Victorian radicalism could still be erately played down their radical tyranny and religious intoler- found in mid-Victorian radical pasts so as to make themselves ance.33 These competing histories rhetoric, as the following attack acceptable to the Liberal Party. As thus reinforced the distinctiveness by Reynolds’s Newspaper in 1868 such, we need to be aware that it of Liberal and Radical identities, illustrates: ‘Royal, clerical and could be expedient for both Lib- especially in times of political aristocratic lechers are all at one- erals and Radicals to present the conflict when Radicals became time sucking at the veins of the Liberal coalition as consensual. frustrated with Liberalism. people and vampire-like, draw- The Liberal Party – inside, but Radical frustration within the ing their life-blood’.35 Even when especially outside of, parliament Liberal coalition had the periodic popular Gladstonianism was at its – was ultimately a coalition of effect of reinvigorating a radical zenith in the 1870s and 1880s, the reformers who maintained their politics that was independent and Liberal coalition could fracture own distinct identities. While the critical of the Liberal Party, which in the provinces, especially in the balance of forces might have been manifested itself in a variety of absence of a strong Tory opposi- in favour of cooperation between guises: latter-day Chartism (espe- tion (when internal differences reformers under the capacious cially in London where household between Whigs, moderate Liber- umbrella of Gladstonian Liber- suffrage was held to be of limited als, advanced Liberals and Radi- alism, it is important not to lose value); labour militancy, which cals could become much more sight of the fact that Liberals and spilled over into radical suffrage Radical pronounced), as was the case in popular Radicals continued to be politics as trades unions sought to some northern towns.36 This was divided by ideas, goals, priorities end the legal restrictions hamper- frustration revealed at the 1874 general elec- and strategies. It makes little sense ing them; republican and secu- tion when a number of Radicals to reduce these differences to larist radicalism as personified by within the contested seats against Liberals. underlying class conflict between Bradlaugh, who had, at best, an Loyalty to Gladstone, it seems, a middle-class Liberal Party and uneasy relationship with main- Liberal coa- did not preclude opposition to the a working-class radicalism. As in stream Liberalism; rival Liberal Liberal Party and, very occasion- the Chartist era, Liberal–Radical candidatures in the constituen- lition had ally, loyalty to the Liberal Party tensions were, first and foremost, cies; and, by the 1880s, socialism. did not preclude opposition to political not socio-economic and This independent radicalism also the periodic Gladstone. were concerned with real ideo- supplied the leadership and activ- The dynamics of electoral logical differences which do not ist core for a plethora of popular effect of rein- politics in Leeds provide a good map very easily on to different campaigns. These included the example of these Liberal–Radi- social classes. International Workingmen’s vigorating a cal tensions. At the 1874 general The differences between Lib- Association (1864), the Reform election, the sitting Liberal MPs – erals and Radicals were reinforced League (the organisation which radical poli- one of whom was the ex-Chartist by their readings of English his- spearheaded the popular radical tics that was Robert Carter, and the other was tory. For Radicals the leitmotif of campaign for franchise exten- the politically moderate journalist English history was the struggle of sion in the 1860s), the Land and independent Edward Baines Junior – were chal- a virtuous and dispossessed peo- Labour League (1869), the repub- lenged by the temperance lecturer ple doing battle against tyrannical lican movement of the early 1870s, and critical Dr Frederick Lees. The interven- and corrupt forces. In this reading Bradlaugh’s campaign in the 1880s tion of the latter has usually been of history, a succession of mon- to establish the right of voters of the Liberal interpreted as evidence of Non- archs and aristocrats after 1066 to elect representatives of their conformity’s dissatisfaction with had progressively stripped the choice, and the Trafalgar Square Party. the policies of Gladstone’s first

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 11 out of chartism, into liberalism? government.37 This was certainly Liberal Association. While Carter If outbreaks when many local Liberal Asso- a factor in Lees’ candidature, but was returned at the head of the ciations reconstituted themselves there was a lot more to it than this. poll the Tories captured the sec- of inde- broadly along the lines of the For one thing, Lees was actually ond and third seat, thus defeating Birmingham Liberal Associa- nominated by the Leeds Trades a humiliated Baines. pendent tion – the infamous ‘Caucus’. As Council and was well known to Six years later, at the 1880 critics noted at the time, despite the workingmen of the borough, general election, the Leeds Lib- radicalism its professed aim of democratis- as was Carter. Both Carter and eral Association was so divided ing party organisation by open- Lees had been elected to the Leeds and unable to agree on a can- represented ing up membership, power in the Town Council in 1850 as Char- didate that they nominated Mr Caucus was deeply hierarchical. tists. At that time, neither of them Gladstone – in absentia – as one the excep- As such it could be unpopular could see any difference between of their candidates. Despite play- tion rather amongst Radicals who resented Whigs and Tories. Twenty-four ing no part in his Leeds candi- the formalised chains of com- years later, Lees was telling his dature, which led the Tories to than the mand, hence the survival of working-class audiences much the dub him as the ‘phantom candi- independent Radical clubs and same, and claimed that his princi- date’, Gladstone topped the poll. norm after organisations. It was the dictato- ples had remained unchanged for A small group of ultra-Radicals rial actions of the Leeds Liberal forty years. Carter, on the other led by the well-known commons the fall of Association in bringing forward hand, believed emphatically that rights agitator, John De Morgan, candidates without consulting it was a distinction worth draw- objected to the dictatorial actions Chartism, the wider body of Liberal and ing. Similarly, while Lees looked of the association in nominating Radical popular opinion that so back on his Chartist past with Gladstone, whom they regarded this was outraged Lees, De Morgan and pride and used it to legitimise his as an unsuitable candidate on the their supporters. In bringing candidature with the working grounds that he would not be able because forward Lees, the Leeds Trades class, Carter made no mention of to devote much attention to the Council complained that the his political origins and had in fact interests of an important borough the Liberal ‘working men had been treated been playing down his radicalism like Leeds. De Morgan had been by the leaders of the Liberal Party since the late 1850s, culminating nominated by the Radicals as their Party was in Leeds as mere tools in their in his adoption as one of the offi- candidate in 1878 at a meeting hands’.42 It was with pride and cial Liberal candidates at the 1868 attended by some 8,000 people,40 finally taking a sense of conferred legitimacy general election.38 Although Lees’ but his republican sympathies and that Lees was able to withstand supporters urged the working clashes with the law over com- the Radical official Liberalism’s opposition class to cast their second vote for mons rights had not endeared him agenda more to him by pointing out that he Carter, there were marked differ- to the Leeds Liberal Association had been nominated at an open ences in their platform. Whereas and so he was passed over. Thus, seriously. meeting of some 6,000 men. Carter spoke of the need to equal- De Morgan took the decision to De Morgan’s supporters made a ise the county and borough fran- stand as an independent candi- last stand against the dictatorial chises (effectively extending the date. He was eventually forced actions of the Liberal Association provisions of the 1867 Reform to abandon his candidature due by opposing the decision of the Act to the countryside), Lees was to the smear campaign unleashed latter to nominate Herbert Glad- in favour of manhood (and even against him by the Liberal Asso- stone for the seat that his father female) suffrage. While Carter ciation, who accused him of being had declined. The following took the view that the advanced in the pay of the Tories, with some account of Herbert Gladstone’s section of the Liberal Party was of his key supporters defecting, nomination meeting is taken the Radical Party, and thus urged but not before he used the public from the diary of Katherine Con- Radicals to cooperate with, and platform to put forward a ‘definite der – daughter of E. R. Conder, work through the nominees of, programme of Radical principles’: a Congregational minister – an the Liberal Party, Lees told the reform of land and labour laws, example par excellence of late- Radicals that ‘they had for forty manhood suffrage, shorter parlia- Victorian Liberal Nonconform- years lost their way through fear ments, free education, abolition ity and its private view of popular of dividing the Liberal ranks’ and of capital punishment, and repeal Radicalism: that their ‘sacrifices for the Lib- of the Vaccination and Conta- eral cause … had met with no gious Diseases Acts. This was far Then Mr. Kitson asked reward’. Lees concluded by call- more advanced than the platform whether any one wished to ing for political independence: of the second official Liberal can- propose any other candidate, the ‘time had arrived when they didate John Barran (he had suc- whereupon, amidst tremen- (the Radicals) ought to be directly ceeded Carter after his retirement dous hooting and howling represented in Parliament, and in 1876), who devoted most of his and roars of laughter, a dirty, not indirectly represented as in speeches to attacking Disraeli’s toothless, disreputable-looking the past. (Cheers.)’39 The effect of profligate foreign and imperial workman mounted the plat- Lees’ candidature was to divide policies.41 form, and (after daring to drink the Liberal ranks, with many There remained a power- out of Herbert’s glass of water!) voting for Lees and Carter as ful radical current of suspicion, proposed John De Morgan! … instructed by the Leeds Trades and even outright opposition, to The man declared ‘he was a Council, and not for Baines and dictatorial Liberal elites, a situa- good Liberal and’ (waving his Carter as instructed by the Leeds tion made worse from the 1870s hand in Mr. Gladstone’s face)

12 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 out of chartism, into liberalism?

‘I’ve nothing to say against ‘After Chartism: Metropolitan Class History, 1832–1982 (Cam- Britain’, Journal of British Stud- this’ere yoong mon!’ … No Perspectives on the Chartist bridge University Press, 1983). ies, 31 (1992), pp. 163–86; R. one was forthcoming to Movement in Decline, 1848– 12 T. Koditschek, Class Forma- McWilliam, ‘Radicalism and second the amendment …43 1860’, in M. J. Turner (ed.), tion and Urban Industrial Society: Popular Culture: The Tich- Reform and Reformers in Nine- Bradford, 1750–1850 (Cambridge borne Case and the Politics If outbreaks of independ- teenth-Century Britain (Univer- University Press, 1990), p. 521. of “Fair Play”’, in Biagini and ent radicalism represented sity of Sunderland, 2004), p. 13 M. Hovell, The Chartist Move- Reid, Currents of Radicalism, the exception rather than the 117. ment (Manchester University pp. 44–64; N. Durbach, Bod- norm after the fall of Chart- 3 A. Briggs, The Age of Improve- Press, 1918), p. 311. ily Matters: The Anti-Vaccination ism, this was because the ment, 1783–1867 ( L ong - 14 Martin Hewitt, The Emergence Movement in England, 1853–1907 Liberal Party was finally tak- mans, 1959), pp. 402–12; E. J. of Stability in the Industrial City: (Durham, North Carolina: ing the Radical agenda more Hobsbawm, Industry and Manchester, 1832–67 (Aldershot: Duke University Press, 2005). seriously. Nonetheless, for Empire: From 1750 to the Present Scolar Press, 1996), p. 229. 30 Biagini, Liberty, p. 257. all that Liberals and Radicals Day (London: Weidenfeld & 15 H. Bradlaugh Bonner, Charles 31 R. G. Hall, ‘Chartism could cooperate and make Nicolson, 1968), Chapter 6. Bradlaugh: A Record of his Life Remembered: William Aitken, common cause in the mid- 4 E. J. Hobsbawm, ‘The Labour and Work (London: Fisher Liberalism, and the Politics of Victorian decades, when Aristocracy in Nineteenth- Unwin, 1908 [1894]), Vol. 1, p. Memory’, Journal of British Stud- one bears in mind the strate- Century Britain’, in his Labour- 222. ies, 38 (1999), pp. 445–70. gic reasons why Liberals and ing Men: Studies in the History of 16 Robert Cooper to Joseph 32 A. Taylor, ‘Down With the Radicals often emphasised Labour (London: Weidenfeld & Cowen, 28 July 1862, Cowen Crown’: British Anti-Monar- their affinity and the persist- Nicolson, 1964), pp. 272–315; Papers, Tyne and Wear chism and Debates about Royalty ence of a Chartist-style radi- J. Foster, Class Struggle and Archives, C1738. since 1790 (London: Reaktion calism into the 1870s (and not the Industrial Revolution: Early 17 J. Vincent, The Formation of Books, 1999), p. 58. just in London) this does seem Industrial Capitalism in Three the Liberal Party, 1857–68 (Har- 33 J. Vernon, Politics and the People: to call into question Biagini’s English Towns (London: Meth- mondsworth: Penguin Books, A Study in English Political Cul- argument that: ‘In the popu- uen, 1974); P. Joyce, Work, Soci- 1972); D. A. Hamer, Liberal Pol- ture, c. 1815–1867 (Cambridge, lar mind, Chartism, Liberal- ety and Politics: The Culture of the itics in the Age of Gladstone and 1993), pp. 303–7. ism and democracy seemed Factory in Later Victorian Eng- Rosebery (Oxford University 34 A. Taylor, ‘“Commons-Steal- to have become completely land (London: Harvester, 1980). Press, 1972). ers”, “Land-Grabbers” and identified.’44 This article has 5 For a summary of these critiques 18 J. Parry, The Rise and Fall of “Jerry-Builders”: Space, Popu- done little more than scratch see R. Gray, The Aristocracy of Liberal Government in Victo- lar Radicalism and the Politics at the surface to reveal the ten- Labour in Nineteenth-Century rian Britain (New Haven: Yale of Public Access in London, sions within the Liberal coali- Britain, c. 1850–1900 (Basing- University Press, 1993); E. F. 1848–1880’, International Review tion. As historians dig deeper stoke: Palgrave Macmillan, Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment of Social History, 40 (1995), pp. into Liberal–Radical relations 1981); E. F. Biagini and A. J. and Reform: Popular Liberalism in 383–407. in mid-Victorian Britain, we Reid (eds.), Currents of Radical- the Age of Gladstone, 1860–1880 35 Reynolds’s Newspaper, 13 Sep- will surely come to further ism: Popular Radicalism, Organ- (Cambridge University Press, tember 1868. appreciate that, although a ised Labour and Party Politics in 1992). 36 For one local case study of broad church, popular Lib- Britain, 1850–1914 (Cambridge 19 Bee-Hive, 5 September 1868. these tensions see M. Roberts, eralism was not immune to University Press, 1991), p. 4. 20 Weekly Times, 20 October 1867. ‘Currents of Electoral Inde- schisms even in the halcyon 6 A. August, ‘A Culture of Con- 21 See, for example, The Labourer’s pendence: James Lowther and days of Mr Gladstone. solation? Rethinking Politics Union Chronicle, 7 June 1873. Popular Politics in York, c. in Working-Class London, 22 T. A. Jenkins, The Liberal 1865–1880’, Yorkshire Archaeo- Matthew Roberts is Senior Lec- 1870–1914’, Historical Research, Ascendancy, 1830–1886 (Bas- logical Journal, 78 (2006), pp. turer in Modern British History at 74 (2001), pp. 193–219. ingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 217–40. Sheffield Hallam University. He 7 P. Bailey, ‘Will the Real Bill 1994), p. 62. 37 E. P. Hennock, Fit and Proper works on Victorian popular poli- Banks Stand Up? Towards a 23 Reynolds’s Newspaper, 4 March Persons: Ideal and Reality in tics and parliamentary reform. He Role Analysis of Mid-Victo- 1866. Nineteenth-Century Govern- is the author of Political Move- rian Working-Class Respect- 24 Biagini, Liberty, pp. 105–6. ment (London: Edward Arnold, ments in Urban England, ability’, Journal of Social History, 25 C. Hall, K. McClelland and J. 1973), p. 216. 1832–1914 (Palgrave, 2009). 12 (1979), pp. 336–53. Rendall, Defining the Victorian 38 Bee-Hive, 27 February 1875. 8 D. Thompson, The Chartists: Nation: Class, Race, Gender and 39 Yorkshire Post, 27 January 1874. 1 For an introduction to these Popular Politics in the Industrial the Reform Act of 1867 (Cam- 40 Reynolds’s Newspaper, 18 August historiographical shifts see M. Revolution (New York: Pan- bridge University Press, 2000), 1878; Newcastle Courant, 9 May Roberts, Political Movements in theon Books, 1984). chapter 2. 1879. Urban England, 1832–1914 (Bas- 9 V. C. Barbary, ‘Reinterpret- 26 Hansard, Vol. 186, 12 April 41 Yorkshire Post, 10 March 1880. ingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, ing “Factory Politics” in Bury, 1867, col. 1602. 42 Yorkshire Post, 30 January 1874. 2008), pp. 1–9. Lancashire, 1868–1880’, His- 27 J. P. Parry, ‘Liberalism and 43 Katherine Conder, Diary, 1 2 M. Finn, After Chartism: Class, torical Journal, 51 (2008), pp. Liberty’, in P. Mandler (ed.), May 1880, quoted in C. Bin- and Nation in English Radical 115–44. Liberty and Authority in Victo- field, ‘“I Suppose you are not a Politics, 1848–1874 (Cambridge 10 N. Kirk, Change, Continuity and rian Britain (Oxford University Baptist or a Roman Catholic?”: University Press, 1993); R. Class: Labour in British Society Press, 2006), p. 73. Nonconformity’s True Con- Price, ‘Historiography, Narra- (Manchester, 1998), pp. 24 and 28 Kirk, Change, Continuity and formity’, Proceedings of the Brit- tive and the Nineteenth Cen- 60–70. Class, p. 94. ish Academy, 78 (1992), p. 92. tury’, Journal of British Studies, 11 G. Stedman Jones, Languages of 29 J. Lawrence, ‘Popular Radical- 44 Biagini, Liberty, p. 297. 35 (1996), p. 231; A. Taylor, Class: Studies in English Working ism and the Socialist Revival in

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 13 The Liberal Party and the New Liberalism

One-to-one relationships between a political party’s programme and its broader ideology are extremely rare, and British liberalism at the turn of the nineteenth century was no exception. The cumbersome and frequently conflicted machinery of political parties does not often allow for the quick assimilation of the radical or innovative ideas that are normally initiated at its periphery.

Nevertheless, an Leaders of the t is intriguing to explore – as a preliminary to the political unusual amount of New Liberalism: what had happened to propel upheaval. In ideological terms – in David Lloyd liberal thinking and practice the public discourses that com- ideological change George and along a path that would take pete over the control of political Winston it from a focus on entrepre- language and action – a dramatic filtered through into Churchill neurship,I free trade and a gov- transformation was taking place, the Liberal Party, and ernment largely concerned with one that had begun in the 1880s. law, order and the legal protection That transformation was partly even onto the statute of private spaces, to construct- due to the extension of the fran- ing the rudiments of what was to chise and the gradual introduction books, following become the UK’s greatest domes- of new – and less privileged – sec- the famous Liberal tic achievement, the welfare state. tions of society into the political But one also needs to ask: did the arena, both through the vote and landslide electoral new liberalism fundamentally through unionisation; partly due change the Liberal Party? to the growing awareness among victory of 1906. conscientious intellectuals of the Michael Freeden unacceptable costs of the indus- Setting the scene trial revolution in terms of dis- examines the Before we begin to assess the ease, unemployment, squalor and changes that the Liberal Party the sheer exploitation of the poor relationship between actually underwent in that proc- by the rich; and in part due to the ess, we need to take on board percolation of innovative theo- the New Liberalism the ideational changes that took ries of social structure concern- and the Liberal Party. place – as is so often the case ing human interdependence and

14 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 The Liberal Party and the New Liberalism

vulnerability through academic sanctity of individual liberty and curious mixture of radical and channels into the public domain. private property over and above conservative imperialist) left The awareness that new social other liberal values such as the the Liberal Party en masse. The classes would now play a perma- development of individuality and remodelled Liberal Party lacked nent role – and a quasi-demo- decency towards others. Indeed, funds (although it still retained cratic one, within the franchise that was one of the central divides: the support of some rich indus- constraints of the period – made between those who had advocated, trialists) but not the potential for it obvious that competition over and were satisfied with, political a sweeping reinvention of itself, their support and consent would reforms such as a fairer and less which it proceeded to carry cause changes in public policies. corrupt electoral system, while through over twenty years. The During the 1880s, various ‘unau- fiercely guarding individual liber- party, unsurprisingly, chose to be thorised’ programmes emerged ties, and those who believed that far more reluctant to speed along from the pens of radicals, socialists social reform had to begin where the path demanded by its radical and liberals which – despite some political reform left off. While left- wing and many of its intellectu- crucial differences – displayed an leaning liberals still retained some als, because it was fearful of losing extraordinary amount of com- standard political reforms on their too much support among its tra- mon ground. From the 1890s, agenda – in particular, they had ditional middle-class base. As the the increasing number of reports, their eye on the unrepresentative Liberal politician and reformer surveys and newspaper articles on nature of the House of Lords – C. F. G. Masterman, expressed it, the abject suffering of the socially they were convinced that the polit- the Liberal dilemma was whether marginalised – in particular those ical authorities had now to address it would ‘retain, for example, its of Charles Booth on London and urgently questions of social justice few men of wealth, without los- Joseph Rowntree on York – had and human need.1 ing those adherents who demand started to make an impact on the In the 1880s, party-political direct taxation of that wealth in public mood. And theories of Liberalism was still display- the interests of social reform’.2 the organic interdependence of ing the features of an older era Of course, there were other society, with its imperatives of – the importance of Noncon- movements afoot towards fun- support for others being as impor- formity, temperance and finan- damental social reform among tant as the cultivation of personal cial retrenchment – and those budding socialist groups – not autonomy, began to replace the features did not go away; indeed, the least the Fabian Society who highly individualistic strictures they continued to have substan- The remod- had mastered the dissemination of English utilitarianism and the tial adherents alongside the radi- of propaganda pamphlets among self-help injunctions of Victorian cal elements of liberalism. But elled Liberal working-class sectors. But ini- moralists. they no longer characterised the tially only the Liberal Party had The debate took place, tellingly party as a whole and they exposed Party lacked the clout, range and organisation enough, in periodicals, newspapers serious problems relating to its that would enable such reform to and popular books long before it middle-class social base. Gener- funds, but reach national platforms. That infiltrated into parliament. The ally speaking, identifying the Lib- first became evident in the New- pages of august monthlies such as eral Party as middle class requires not the castle Programme of 1891, itself the Contemporary Review, the Fort- some caution. Then, as now, it is the successor both to Joseph nightly Review, and the Nineteenth too broad and undiscriminating a potential for Chamberlain’s ‘unauthorised pro- Century, as well as those of pro- term. The middle class included gramme’ of 1884–5 and to the Star gressive and radical weeklies and bankers, lawyers, administrators a sweeping newspaper’s programmes of 1888– monthlies, foremost among which and merchants as well as teachers, 9. That said, the Liberal Party was was the Speaker, later to become journalists and social reformers of reinvention initially very slow to react. Dur- the Nation (and later still to be many stripes, both religious and ing W. E. Gladstone’s final term amalgamated into the New States- secular. The financial, cultural of itself, as prime minister, in 1892–3, the man), became major forums in and ideological differences among which it Grand Old Man rejected the novel which proposals for a national pol- those categories were glaring. political idea of publishing a party icy were deliberated. The liberal The hairline splits in the Liberal proceeded programme, insisting that one daily press, in particular the Man- Party were already a generation issue at a time was the right way chester Guardian, also had a crucial old before they began to widen to carry to proceed, and immediately got role in forging new attitudes. But to create a potential schism, as bogged down in the Irish prob- their readership was limited to the Whigs among the Liberals through lem at the expense of other social small groups of the educated mid- drifted toward the conservative issues. Gladstone’s moral brand dle classes. No less importantly, ranks, a movement exacerbated over twenty of crusading liberalism was pro- they still had to contend with well- in 1886 when the Unionists under found but it was also beginning established liberal views on the Joseph Chamberlain (himself a years. to be stranded on the shores of a

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 15 the liberal party and the new liberalism creed that in later decades would that stretched way beyond the The Rainbow internal to liberalism itself. We typify enlightened conservatism, budding Labour Party – one has may also observe that some of free trade excepted. Thus, a year to appreciate that London in par- Circle is a the more radical social proposals before his death he praised one ticular was host to a lively scene of the Labour Party, such as the liberal essayist for ‘all the efforts of social reformers, journalists, marvellous right to work, were rejected out of you may make on behalf of indi- religious activists and others in hand by the Liberal Party, and that vidual freedom and independence patterns of discourse and inter- example of it was mostly resistant to plans to as opposed to what is termed Col- action that criss-crossed the city, nationalise industries. lectivism.’3 His successor, Lord with the result that plans and pro- what was The Rainbow Circle is a mar- Rosebery, was no closer to radi- grammes of political and social vellous example of what was hap- cal circles, and the Liberal Party transformation were common happening pening behind and across the seemed destined to widen its among a wide range of progres- behind and party scenes.5 It was a fascinating internal rift between the reform- sives. When Sir William Har- site of ideological formation: a ists and an increasingly ossified court, Liberal Chancellor of the across the discussion group founded in 1894 middle-class conventionalism. Exchequer in the early 1890s and that met monthly and included Ten years in the wilderness from hardly a radical himself, declared party scenes. notable thinkers and activists from 1895, however, did the trick as so in 1894 that ‘we are all socialists both liberal and moderate-Labour often is the case. Not that mid- now’, he intended to emphasise It was a fasci- circles. It attests to the formation dle-class conventionalism disap- the growing recognition that of a joint crucial mass of what we peared but it was mostly excluded responsibility towards the less nating site of could roughly term social demo- from the Liberal corridors of fortunate members of society and crats, whose dividing lines, for power until after the First World an ethos of mutual concern were ideological example on the scope of national- War, when it divided its loyalties part and parcel of contemporary isation, were outweighed by com- between a shrinking Liberal Party thinking, precisely the area from formation. monalities. Ramsay MacDonald and the Conservatives. which Gladstone dissociated him- was the first secretary – the min- self. The terms socialist and even utes being written out in his clear ‘liberal socialist’ were therefore and nicely rounded handwriting Liberalism and Labour: largely bereft of party associations – and he rubbed shoulders with intersections, overlap and until the Labour Party emerged J. A. Hobson (the liberal journal- difference on the scene from 1900 and col- ist, theorist and economist), Her- Many commentators and scholars onised ‘socialism’ as part of its bert Samuel (to become the leader believe that the rise of the Labour rhetoric. Liberal and Labour intel- of the Liberal Party in the inter- Party in 1900 was not only the lectuals and propagandists, quite war years), J. M. Robertson (the catalyst for a platform of energetic a few of whom would become liberal polymath, writer and poli- social reform in Britain, but that it future MPs in 1906, mixed freely tician), and a host of other nota- was also the architect of the Wel- in the various Ethical Societies, ble London professionals. Eight fare State. Both contentions have in humanist associations, in the of its members (out of around to be taken with quite a few grains editorial meetings of the Nation twenty-five) became radical MPs of salt, although that imagined (the most important weekly at in the 1906 parliament. Among narrative was sincerely believed the forefront of reformist liberal the many discussion topics of the by British socialists and their his- thought), at numerous public Rainbow Circle in its early years torians until well into the 1960s. lectures, and under the auspices were ‘The Old Manchesterism This was partly a measure of the of a small but highly influential and the New Radicalism’, ‘The success of the Labour Party story, debating society, the Rainbow Duty of the State to the Individual broadcast by Fabians from the Circle. Between them, a common in the Industrial Sphere’, and ‘A outset and cemented through the or at least overlapping political Practical Programme for a Pro- reverse historical perspective seen language was forged, in which a gressive Party’. This latter theme, from the vantage point of post- drive towards institutional change in 1898–1899, was debated against 1945 Labour social legislation. was combined with the need the backdrop of developing the But it also occurred through the for urgent measures regarding small London Progressive Party as later relative invisibility conferred old age pensions, the feeding of the powerhouse that would unite by association on liberal ideol- schoolchildren, living below the forward-looking supporters of ogy through the marginalisation breadline, and the cyclical bouts political and social reform of both of the Liberal Party. Indeed, at of heavy unemployment that left and centre-left. That experi- the time of the publication of the beset the economy. That is not to ment did not last, however, as any Beveridge Report in 1942, with argue that the separate consolida- suggestion of a durable arrange- its social vision of a resurgent tion of labourite, trade union and ment of that nature foundered on post-war Britain, the liberal press socialist groups under the aegis the rocks of the entrenched elec- astonishingly failed to recognise of the Labour Party did not act toral and organisational interests the report as a member of its own as a powerful incentive to speed- of the larger existing party spec- family of ideas, or to note that ing up some of the progressive trum. No wonder that twenty- William Beveridge was himself a metamorphoses that liberalism five years later the famous liberal prominent liberal.4 was undergoing. It is, however, theorist and social philosopher To address the first issue – the to argue that the rationale for L. T. Hobhouse was able to look presence of a wide spectrum of those changes could be extracted back and declare that the British reformist thinking and initiatives from within the values and beliefs party system did not match what

16 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the liberal party and the new liberalism we would now call the ideological considerably the central liberal society. Even what passed for divide across the country. There values of liberty, individual self- radicalism in the late 1880s and were four groupings of political expression and progress within a 1890s – progressive taxation, old opinion, not three, he argued: constitutional setting. All that dif- age pensions, housing, and land (a) communist and theoreti- fered substantially from the forms reform – was rapidly overtaken cal socialist; (b) ordinary Labour of socialist collectivism that laid (though not abandoned) by an and good Liberal; (c) bad Liberal greater stress on an undifferenti- unprecedented and dramatic and ordinary Tory; and (d) die- ated class emancipation in which surge in welfare legislation. hard.6 Certainly, at the turn of the individual development played The Liberal reforming zeal, nineteenth century, the creators a lesser role; and even more so combined with its actual imple- of arguments and programmes from conservative forms of com- mentation, has had only one rival among progressives were within munitarianism – rather than col- in the UK over the past century: the second camp, drawing broadly lectivism – in which national and the post World War II Labour from the same pool of ideas. local loyalties were the traditional welfare legislation (the other The culmination of that evo- adhesive that required protecting. twentieth-century instance of lutionary process was the emer- legislative activism, under Mar- gence of the new liberalism, a garet Thatcher, was mainly one of development of the liberal creed Radicalising the party reversing the social achievements that integrated some fundamental All these currents were swirling of her predecessors). It was Hob- value reorientations together with just beneath the surface of the son who later commented that some more subtle changes to that Liberal Party. In fact, the land- the vision of the Liberal Party had august tradition. The ideological slide victory of 1906 was achieved almost matched the rosiest expec- transformation built partly on the mainly on a rather conventional tations of the new liberal social ructions that the party had already platform of free trade (versus reformers.8 A Feeding of School- experienced, with Whigs and Conservative intentions to use children Act, aimed at addressing radicals existing uneasily under protectionism and tariff reform to the chronic undernourishment the one roof, each faction strug- tackle the ‘condition of England’ of children from poor families in gling against submitting, respec- question) and the physical malaise their schools, was passed in 1906. tively, to enticement from Tories of the nation was conveyed, An Old Age Pensions Act fol- on the one hand and variants of among others, through the shock lowed in 1908, with the break- social democracy on the other. of discovering how many poten- through provision that they were But the new liberalism succeeded tial recruits to the British army non-contributory. Typically, this beyond conceivable measure in fighting in the Boer War had to was both a move to reduce the sustaining its position at the core The new lib- be rejected due to rickets – liberal poverty of retired and elderly of the mutating party. It pre- eralism pre- imperialism was still a force to be people and an ideological state- served the party’s unity through reckoned with. All that gave lit- ment that those who had worked retaining a basic loyalty to the served the tle hint of the eruption of the new for society would not be forgot- most cherished liberal principles; liberalism into the party main- ten by the state. Then came the yet the changes it effected in the party’s unity stream a couple of years later. That heart of the innovations, the 1909 party’s ideology were nonetheless transformation was partly due to Budget and the National Insur- remarkable. In particular, the new through a change in leadership, once the ance Act of 1911. Not only the liberals expanded on the Oxford insipid Henry Campbell-Banner- conventions of the time, but also philosopher T. H. Green’s com- retaining a man had been replaced as prime consequent British historiogra- mitment to impeding hindrances minister. Tellingly, his successor phy, tend to differentiate between to human liberty and the promo- basic loyalty Herbert Asquith was no new lib- political reform and social reform, tion of a society’s common pur- eral either, but many in his team as if the latter were not political, poses. Specifically, they identified to the most were either consciously or inci- reflecting the common but mis- a far broader range of constraints dentally recruited to the ranks of leading distinction (in terms of its that had to be removed in order cherished the new liberalism, not least the political nature) between changes to realise John Stuart Mill’s classic dynamic and mercurial Chancel- to the machinery of government formulation concerning the ‘free liberal prin- lor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd – extending the franchise, fairer development of individuality’.7 George. Lloyd George’s political democratic representation, or Not only formal and legal barri- ciples; yet teeth had been cut in an atmos- local government reform – and ers but also economic, social and phere of Welsh radical Noncon- the redistribution of scarce essen- educational ones had to be lifted. the changes formity, honed on resistance to tial goods in order to improve the Here – as a liberal, not socialist, it effected in Britain’s imperial adventures in lot of the disadvantaged. That creation – can be found the seeds South Africa (little Englanders is patently not the case – politics of the welfare state: the determi- the party’s was the belittling name he and his always having been concerned nation that all members of soci- allies had earned as one century with managing the distribution of ety were entitled to the fullest ideology passed into the next), and further scarce resources among contend- development and well-being that whetted through the experiences ing claimants – and the struggle could be collectively provided; were none- of mass urban unemployment, over the 1909 Budget clearly illus- the confidence in the state as the increasing concern about the trates that social reform is a core beneficent enabler of human theless state of the physical health of the political activity. flourishing; and the faith that nation, and outrage about the Lloyd George knew what he such provision would enhance remarkable. maldistribution of wealth across was doing when he introduced

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 17 the liberal party and the new liberalism radical measures of progressive may term ‘welfarism’10 signalled a were reared on ‘bread and but- taxation into the Budget, as well move towards a society in which ter’ socialism and had become the as setting up a national develop- the central purpose of domestic target of more efficient agitation ment agency. He was concur- politics had become to protect the from groups such as the Fabians. rently offering long-needed citizenry at large from those vicis- It has always been something of measures of social justice and tak- situdes and fragilities of human a problem for liberalism to trans- ing on the Lords who, with their life that were both unavoidable late its relatively complex ideas built-in conservative majority and and remediable. It was also one in and arguments into the kind of their power of veto over a stun- which the state put at the disposal populist mode that both con- ning liberal majority in the House of its members the wherewithal to servatives and socialists – in very of Commons, were beginning to develop individual capacities in different ways – have success- frustrate the Liberal administra- the best sense of liberal progress. fully exploited. Unpopular lead- tion by throwing out or delaying ership decisions about the rights vital policies. ‘Mr. Balfour’s poo- of workers, including their right dle’, as the House of Lords had Curbing liberal enthusiasms to strike, caused further aliena- become, had to be put on a leash. Both contemporary and future tion and also distanced the Liberal At a stroke, Lloyd George man- problems for the Liberal Party, Party from its own progressives. aged to goad the Lords, through however, rendered its transforma- But the problem ran deeper than their predictable rejection of the tive path far from smooth. To that. Ideologically speaking, the Budget, into painting themselves begin with, the relatively heavy Liberal Party now had the addi- into a corner. The Lords argued tax obligations incurred by the tional complication of differen- that the Budget was unconsti- proposed reforms upon the less tiating itself in the public mind tutional in offering a free ride to altruistic members of the middle from Labour while maintaining measures that had never been a class did not go down well. The a dynamism that would still put it part of British budgets, incorpo- party was confronted with fre- at the forefront of British radical- rating the centralised and long- The extraor- quent rearguard protests in the ism. That proved impossible, and term planning of social policy, name of the middle classes – once the consequence was not so much while Liberals retorted that the dinary spate themselves the radical engine of that the party abandoned its jour- Lords were neither constitution- political reform, but now batten- ney to the left as that many of its ally nor historically authorised to of legisla- ing down their hatches against key reformers eventually left the throw out a financial bill. Behind redistributive radicalism intended Liberal Party after the First World all that, one of the major impacts tion in 1911 to assist the worst off. Already in War and joined Labour – not of the penetration of the new lib- 1906, a strikingly titled pre-emp- because Labour policy was nota- eralism into the central corridors suggests a tive pamphlet, ‘The Bitter Cry of bly different from that of the new of political power was visible. The vibrant and the Middle Classes’, reflected the liberals, but because Labour was state was now entrusted with ena- particular fear of those who had slowly becoming in their view a bling and often directly promot- fundamental recently found financial stability more efficient fighting machine. ing the well-being of its citizens but were now facing the pros- As a consequence, one wing of and not simply with ensuring statement pect of groaning under the tax the Labour Party in effect hosted the maximisation of individual yoke for the sake of what many the new liberalism in a fresh guise, liberty and free enterprise, with about a Lib- still regarded as the less deserving. and the party lost many of its radi- preserving order in the face of Those particularly affected were cal campaigners. criminality, or with patrolling eral Party from the lower middle classes, Third, the leadership problems the boundaries between external who still harboured traditional of the Liberal Party were con- vulnerability and defence. That well to the liberal ideas of the primacy of siderable. The rivalry between a was famously put by Hobhouse contractual relationships and per- modernising Lloyd George and when he wrote: ‘mutual aid is left of the sonal merit. Consequently, many a far more sedate Asquith even- no less important than mutual Liberal Party reforms, especially tually came to undermine the forbearance.’9 political in the sphere of taxation, had to be party’s stability and attractive- The extraordinary spate of designed to help them, more than ness. Failure to act quickly on the legislation in 1911, encompassing spectrum the working class.11 enfranchisement of women did limited health and unemployment Second, the establishment of not strengthen the party’s reputa- insurance as well as the removal and among the Labour Party created a new tion as being in the vanguard of of the veto power from the House set of difficulties for the Lib- progress. And the party seemed to of Lords, suggests a vibrant and the most eral Party. Some of those had, of peter out of ideas after 1911 over fundamental statement about a reform- course, to do with competition problems with Ireland and with Liberal Party well to the left of over the anti-Tory vote. Elec- the miners – the latter reflect- the political spectrum and among minded toral pacts between the two par- ing the increasing combative- the most reform-minded demo- ties did no favours to the Liberals ness of some of the trade unions, cratic parties throughout Europe. democratic by enabling the victory of Labour resulting, among other things, in Unfortunately for the Liberal candidates. The rarefied politi- Lloyd George’s Land Campaign, Party, that transformation was parties cal language spoken by liberals, a programme that seemed remote not a completely durable one, even those seeking social justice from the interests of the prepon- and its role as the major bearer throughout for the dispossessed, was for- derantly urban working class. No of a welfarist ideology failed to eign to the ears of many mem- less seriously, the central London become consolidated. What we Europe. bers of the working class, who organisation of the party – the

18 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the liberal party and the new liberalism

National Liberal Federation – of its biases. Authoritarianism, The tensions as a means to enable a particular was frequently out of touch with illiberalism and paternalism had race to achieve social domina- feelings in the constituencies and to be navigated constantly even in between tion, as was the case in many with local desire to have Liberal the most liberal and generous ver- other right-wing instances, but as representatives that were closer sions of welfarism. Evidently, new reformers a technique to include the physi- to working-class concerns. As a liberal ideas on welfare were pro- cal improvement of the body as result, the Liberal Party’s poten- duced by intellectual elites who of the Right, part of the wider conception of tial to resist the rise of the Labour still believed in nineteenth-cen- social reform. Another, more at Party was impeded. tury fashion that they had a duty who wished the centre of Liberal Party policy, Fourth, there were some seri- to civilise the nation and that their was the continuous resistance ous flaws in the ideology of the ethical conceptions of a good soci- to improve to women’s suffrage. In part that new liberals themselves. One of ety were impeccable. Given the the moral reflected a deep cultural conserva- the most significant underpin- still-limited range of the franchise tism at the heart of the party, not nings of their arguments was the and the relative paucity of state character of always shared by its more radi- organic nature of their approach education, extensive democratic cal members; but there was also to society as an interconnected approval and an informed elec- individuals, a calculated electoral fear – pain- body that possessed its own vital torate were not yet available. The fully realised in the early years of social interests running alongside noted voluntary tradition of either socialists women obtaining the vote – that the requirement for individual self-help or of mutual assistance the Liberal Party might not attract well-being, but whose flourish- outside the sphere of the state still who wished a sufficient number of votes from ing depended on the health of the had high visibility and determined those newly emancipated citizens. individual parts. Yet society, too, support. But the role of the expert to identify Unlike the previous reliance for was seen to have the right to claim – so much at the centre of Fabian charitable activities on the vol- the goods it required to discharge activism – was not dismissed and cater untary sector, the Liberal gov- its functions, including its own by liberals either. The tensions ernment centralised its welfare well-being and future develop- between reformers of the Right, to known legislation heavily and introduced ment. The main welfare meas- who wished to improve the moral a uniform system – for example ures advocated at the time by the character of individuals, socialists categories of in relation to Labour exchanges. new liberals were anchored in who wished to identify and cater Its insistence on compulsion the imagery that such an organic to known categories of need while need while with regard to national insur- approach provided. Although the ignoring the individual as the unit ance was anathema to the British organic view of society was much of attention, and the new liberals ignoring the social reform tradition and not a in vogue among theorists and who wished to employ the state individual as few liberals bemoaned ‘the newer commentators at the time, it was in the service of the individual, Liberalism of Social Responsi- less amenable to inspiring an elec- were evident in the policies of, and the unit of bility and … Paternal Govern- torate whose social mythology debates within and around, the ment’.13 It required a considerable still rested on strong individual- Liberal Party. A form of soft pater- attention, degree of ideological repackag- istic conceptions of separateness nalism emerged, in which the view ing to present compulsory health and independence. The party elite prevailed that enlightened liber- and the new and unemployment insurance as a rarely adopted that terminology als needed to work on behalf of measure designed to counter the and it was far from universally the workers, whose social visions liberals who compulsion embedded in the eco- appreciated among liberals. Nor were either distorted by socialist nomic circumstances from which did its effective notion of wel- propagandists, or undeveloped as wished to so many people suffered and thus fare dovetail with the new liberal a result of the heavy toll that eco- increase their liberty. one. For various reasons – many nomic hardships imposed on them. employ the of them financial but some also But there was also a fundamental principled – the actual welfare faith in the homogeneity of a social state in the Conclusion measures, while perceived to be vision in which one size would So did the Liberal Party become a in the right direction, fell far short fit all. Finally, there was a consid- service of the new liberal one? One can answer of new liberal intentions. In very erable amount of condescension this on three levels – its practices broad terms, the prevailing under- towards the working classes. The individual, while the new liberalism was at standings of welfare policy were noted historian G. M. Trevelyan, its zenith, its support groups, and (and still are) split between help- close to liberal circles, wrote at the were evi- its longer-term development. In ing the weak and marginalised on beginning of the twentieth cen- dent in the terms of its top leadership before the one hand, and envisaging a tury: ‘Whenever a good thing is 1914, new liberals were hardly society where central assistance is accomplished it is not in the first policies of, prominent. Lloyd George was a available to all and in which flour- instance because the people wish radical but not necessarily an org- ishing means not inching over a it to be done, but because a few and debates anicist new liberal with a general minimum but assuredly obtaining men will do it … The success of a vision of a good society or a sense of an optimum. That latter project nation, the greatness of an age, the within and how to change the complex nexus was not at the heart of effective work done by a body or group of of relationships between indi- Liberal Party policy, although it persons, is always in ratio to the around, the vidual and state. He was a political might have been faintly visible in percentage of men of this quality.’12 strategist equipped with a fight- its Elysian fields. One such form of paternalism Liberal Party. ing spirit and a populist eloquence No less indicative of the limits appeared in the interest progres- that served him well. Winston of the new liberalism were some sive liberals had in eugenics, not Churchill, the only other leading

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 19 the liberal party and the new liberalism cabinet minister to adopt the new One of the and the disappearance of most of the director of its Centre for Political liberalism, published a series of his the social reform wing into the Ideologies, and a Fellow of Mansfield speeches in 1909 called Liberalism main dif- ranks of Labour. The weakness of College Oxford. Among his books and the Social Problem, that con- the party as a coalition of internal are The New Liberalism (Oxford, tained some of the new liberal (and ficulties ideological positions, which had 1978), Ideologies and Political Fabian) ideas about a national min- been mitigated by its enormous Theory (Oxford, 1996) and Liberal imum; and he was instrumental in facing the pre-war electoral success, could Languages (Princeton, 2005). He establishing the labour exchanges. no longer be disguised. is editor of the Journal of Political But he was a politician on the Liberal Party In 1926, Keynes wryly Ideologies. make, restless, ideologically fickle, was that it remarked: ‘Possibly the Liberal and easily bored, and incapable of Party cannot serve the State in 1 For a more detailed discussion see deep and sustained social thinking. was caught any better way than by supply- M. Freeden, The New Liberalism: Being Home Secretary before the ing Conservative Governments An Ideology of Social Reform (Oxford: First World War appealed far more between with Cabinets, and Labour Gov- Clarendon Press, 1978). to his sense of adventure when he ernments with ideas’.14 There is 2 C. F. G. Masterman, ‘Politics in delighted in personally leading being seen to more than a grain of truth in that. Transition’, Nineteenth Century, 63 a siege of a group of anarchists in Perhaps the ultimate mission of (1908), p. 12. London. Asquith was parodied by act against liberalism was an unintention- 3 Quoted in J. S. Phillimore and his remark ‘wait and see’, hardly a ally altruistic one: that of infus- F. W. Hirst (eds.), Essays in Liberal- clarion call of advanced liberalism. the inter- ing British political culture with ism by Six Oxford Men (London: This leaves some of the second- liberal principles that became Cassell & Co., 1897), p. x. ranking politicians, but they were ests of its integrated into a far broader 4 See M. Freeden, Liberalism Divided: unable to sustain the extraordinary political spectrum. As a political A Study in British Political Thought momentum the new liberalism had individualist machine, and financed as it was 1914–1939 (Oxford: Clarendon accrued in the three years from by its more traditional backers, Press, 1986), pp. 366–371. 1908 (old age pensions) to 1911 supporters the Liberal Party could not move 5 M. Freeden (ed.), Minutes of the (national insurance). quickly enough towards funda- Rainbow Circle, 1894–1924 (London: One of the main difficulties on the one mental social reform after the Royal Historical Society, Camden facing the Liberal Party was that brief – though highly significant 4th Series, 1989). it was caught between being seen hand and and influential – pre-war spurt. 6 J. A. Hobson and M. Ginsberg, to act against the interests of its being seen to Its leadership became embroiled L. T. Hobhouse: His Life and Work individualist supporters on the in petty squabbles that occa- (London: George Allen & Unwin, one hand and being seen to be too be too slow sioned a split between Asquithian 1931), p. 66. slow to convert to a social liberal- and Lloyd George Liberals, and 7 J. S. Mill, On Liberty (London: ism on the other. Free trade was to convert to was not capable of sustaining a Longmans, Green, Reader, and the only ‘older’ platform on which social vision. After the war, its Dyer, 1870), p. 33. all liberals could unite. That ideo- a social liber- creativity was retained only at 8 J. A. Hobson, ‘The Significance logical split unfortunately caused its margins – in the annual Lib- of the Budget’, English Review, 2 a double haemorrhage that left the alism on the eral Summer Schools, for exam- (1909), p. 795. Liberal Party after the First World ple – and it could no longer make 9 L. T. Hobhouse, Liberalism (London; War a far more centrist party than other. the running. True, Keynes con- Williams and Norgate, 1911), p. 124. it had seemed to be in the pre-war tributed to the party’s unem- 10 M. Freeden, ‘The Coming of the decade. The new liberal infatua- ployment policies and its more Welfare State’, in T. Ball and R. tion with the state as the beneficial technical economic thinking, Bellamy (eds.), The Cambridge His- agent of a fair society was eroded but those were insufficient to cre- tory of Twentieth-Century Political by the conduct of the government ate a popular stir, and the party Thought (Cambridge; Cambridge during the war, when emergency began to suffer from outdated University Press, 2003), pp. 7–44. measures, and even conscription and adverse descriptions by its 11 G. R. Sims, ‘The Bitter Cry of the itself, were attacked for restrict- rivals – something that before the Middle Classes’, Tribune, July 1906. ing individual freedoms, and the war was impossible. Nonethe- See also P. Waller, ‘Altercation over Liberals rediscovered the impor- less, the combination of party, Civil Society: The Bitter Cry of the tance of liberty. Libertarian ideas, ideology, and opportunity at Edwardian Middle Classes’, in J. which had been rather quirky in the outset of the twentieth cen- Harris (ed.), Civil Society in British the aftermath of the Liberal land- tury created something special. History (Oxford: Oxford University slide, came out of the cold. State The emergence of an outspoken Press, 2003), p. 115–134. intervention was now accused social liberalism in the UK sin- 12 G. M. Trevelyan, ‘The Past and of being a form of ‘Prussian- gled out British liberalism from Future’, in C. F. G. Masterman (ed.), ism’ under German, specifically among its European counterparts The Heart of the Empire (London: T. Hegelian, influence. But entre- as a singularly rich and progres- Fisher Unwin, 1901), pp. 412–13. preneurship and business effi- sive creed. For a society once 13 J. Armsden, ‘First Principles of ciency also made a comeback in disparagingly called ‘a nation of Social Reform’, Westminster Review, the policies of the Liberal Party, shopkeepers’ that was an extraor- vol. 169 (1908), p. 639. against the backdrop of the post- dinary achievement. 14 J. M. Keynes, ‘Liberalism and war economic crisis from 1920 Labour (1926)’, in Keynes, Essays in onwards, the alliance of Lloyd Michael Freeden is a Professor of Poli- Persuasion (London: Macmillan and George with the Conservatives, tics at the University of Oxford and Co., 1931), p. 343.

20 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 Thomas Paine was a radical writer whose ideas grew out of the revolutionary times through which he lived and whose importance lay in his ability to move public opinion by reaching a readership beyond traditional elite politics.Edward Royle examines his impact on Liberalism and liberal thought. Thomas Paine aine was born into short period working as a teacher Thomas Paine so necessary to their livelihoods, an artisan family in in London, he was reappointed (1737–1809) and their resentment at the use Thetford, Norfolk, on in Lewes where he married his by the higher classes of paper bills 29 January 1737. His landlady’s daughter and helped and promissory notes. This fed father, a stay-maker run their tobacconist’s shop. into his anti-aristocratic politics Pand a Quaker, sent his son to the Bankruptcy, the breakdown of and his suspicion of paper money. local grammar school where he his marriage, and a second dis- Paine’s political ideal was always was well educated in English but missal from the Excise then led to be that of the small, independ- not in Latin, for his father did him to emigrate to Philadelphia ent producer, free from oppres- not approve of the pagan clas- in 1774. sion and exploitation from above sics. Thus spared learning the From this first stage in his and from poverty below. He had classical forms of rhetoric which life Paine took experiences that gained experience of the lat- were then conventional among shaped his subsequent politi- ter when he served on the vestry the educated, Paine’s later writ- cal thought. As an unenthusias- at Lewes where, among other ten style appeared to his con- tic member of the hated Excise things, he had to share in the temporaries as fresh, direct and Service, he knew at first hand administration of the poor law. open to the less well-educated the unfairness of the tax bur- Finally, he took from this first public. Its cadences and imagery den, and the oppressive power stage of his career experience of remain remarkably accessible to of the eighteenth-century state. organising and expressing pro- the modern reader. Following This may have predisposed him test, having taken up the cause the early death in 1760 of his first towards the Americans, whose of the excise officers, whose low wife, the daughter of an excise revolt against Britain was pro- pay contrasted unfavourably with officer, he applied to join the voked by the imposition of new that of the excise supervisors and Excise Service and in 1764 was excise duties. As an artisan and collectors. His first pamphlet was appointed to the Grantham dis- failed shopkeeper he also appreci- The Case of the Officers of the Excise trict. He was, however, soon dis- ated the economic insecurities of (1772) and it was while lobbying missed for allegedly neglecting small tradesmen, particularly the for this in London that he met his duties. Four years later, after a problem of the lack of coinage, Benjamin Franklin, the colonial

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 21 thomas paine agent for Pennsylvania, who gave in scientific experiments and importance, indeed, was written him an introduction to his friends in particular his plan for an iron up by the government for its own in Philadelphia. bridge. propagandist purposes. He was The new world that Paine Political events in France soon convicted of seditious libel in Sep- entered in 1774 would have created a new opportunity for his tember 1792, and, thereafter, sedi- seemed familiar to him, with literary talents. The revolution tious intent could be imputed to many of his English experiences of 1789 was widely welcomed any who sold his works or praised replicated in an enhanced form. in Britain, where friends of the his ideas. Philadelphia had a vibrant liter- American Revolution saw it as By September 1792, Paine had ary culture of newspapers and cof- another stage on the way to lib- moved on again and was in France fee houses in which the common erty and progress. But one such where, true to his principles, he issues of the day were discussed friend, Edmund Burke, took a supported the abolition of the much as they had been back in very different view. Sooner than monarchy but not the execution Lewes. Paine quickly grasped the most of his contemporaries, he of the king. As a member of the essence and tone of public affairs, saw that the French were tearing National Convention, he joined and was soon contributing to the up tradition and he feared for the the moderate Girondin fac- Pennsylvania Magazine. Then, in consequences of a rootless and tion and so fell foul of the more January 1776, he wrote the first of theory-based revolution founded extreme Jacobins, and for a time his three most significant works: on abstract rights. In November he was held in the Luxembourg a short pamphlet entitled Com- 1790 he published these doubts prison under sentence of death. It mon Sense, which denounced the as Reflections on the Revolution in was at this time that he composed oppressive government of George France. Paine was one of many his third great work, The Age of III and demanded an independ- to rush to refute this work, pub- Reason, written in two parts before ent America. This was more than lishing in February 1791 Part 1 and during his time in prison and all but a minority of Americans of Rights of Man, his second great published in 1794–95. In this work would have demanded at this time work of political propaganda. In he applied to Christianity and the but it caught the flow of opinion this work, and especially in Part 2, Bible the same remorseless logic and made Paine a key player in issued a year later, Paine employed and scathing prose with which events over the next few years. the same logic as he had earlier he had earlier attacked the Brit- Once the war had broken out applied to the American situa- ish monarchy and constitution. and was initially going badly for tion. The French were defended Ironically, Paine’s motivation the colonists, their spirit was ral- but, more importantly, the Brit- was conservative. He was writing lied by the encouraging rhetoric ish system was attacked. With a from within the British tradition of Paine’s Crisis papers, first pub- characteristically pithy aphorism of Natural Theology to support lished in the Pennsylvania Journal Paine pronounced that ‘An hered- belief in the God of Nature and in December 1776. The ringing itary governor is as inconsistent against the materialistic atheism tones with which the first Cri- as an hereditary author’ and he of philosophers like his friend sis paper opened – ‘These are dismissed Burke’s florid rhetoric Condorcet. But his popular lan- the times that try men’s souls’ – with the telling image: ‘He pit- guage proved a gift to his political ensured that Paine will always ies the plumage but forgets the opponents and an embarrassment have a place at the forefront of dying bird’. Rights of Man became Paine to many of his friends in Brit- modern English political propa- one of the most influential and ain and America, as his religious ganda. But he was not a diplomatic widely circulated political tracts essentially iconoclasm was branded atheism man and, whether from naivety or of the 1790s, with 200,000 cop- and used to discredit still further courageousness, he proved better ies said to have been sold in the belonged to his republican views. When Paine at making enemies than friends. first two years. Though this fig- was released in 1795 and returned He failed to appreciate that Amer- ure is probably an exaggeration, that growing to America, he found the country ica, like England, was an unequal it is certainly true that the work he had helped to shape cold and society and that the colonial lead- was widely distributed, reissued, number of unfriendly towards him. Only ers were neither so radical nor so and avidly read and discussed by a few loyal friends were there low born as the stay-maker from tradesmen and artisans in radi- radical free- to support him in his declining Norfolk. When he used state cal societies throughout urban years, which ended in New York papers to expose a corrupt arms Britain. Against the background market econ- in June 1809. deal with the French in 1778–79, of the war between Britain and Within Paine’s political writ- he was forced to resign as secre- France, and the threat of an Irish omists who ings, notably Rights of Man Part tary to the Committee on Foreign rising and a French invasion, derived their 2 and also the brief Agrarian Jus- Affairs, and when he defended the Paine’s advocacy proved to be tice (1796), there is a programme Bank of Pennsylvania’s refusal to both a blessing and a curse for ideas from for social and economic action. issue more paper money, he was British radicals: a blessing because Paine essentially belonged to that accused of forgetting the poor. it focused the argument against the Scottish growing number of radical free- Perhaps a little weary and disil- Burke and the British constitution market economists who derived lusioned with the conservatism of and gave it popular expression; Enlighten- their ideas from the Scottish the infant United States now it no a curse because its extremism Enlightenment and Adam Smith. longer needed – nor, apparently, could be used to tar even moder- ment and His economics, like his politics, valued – his support, he returned ate reformers (the majority) with were about the liberty of the to Europe to forward his interest the republican brush. Paine’s Adam Smith. individual. Government was ‘a

22 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 thomas paine

and against monopolies, but an Further reading advocate of new taxes on the rich; The work of resurrecting Paine’s reputation owed much to the American rationalist preacher, Moncure a constitutional reformer, but one D. Conway, whose The Life of Thomas Paine with a history of his literary, political and religious career in who was not only a democrat but America, France, and England, 2 vols. (1892) and The Writings of Thomas Paine, 4 vols. (1894–96) were a republican. His extreme reputa- published by G. P. Putnam in New York. tion was exaggerated by his oppo- nents and the tradition of support The fullest modern collection of Paine’s writings is Philip S. Foner (ed.), The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, 2 vols. (New York: Citadel Press, 1945), to which should now be added Hazel Burgess (ed.), Thomas for Paine that was passed down to Paine: A collection of unknown writings (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), although the latter was the nineteenth century was sus- published too late to be consulted for this essay. tained – with the notable excep- tion of William Cobbett – only Two important studies, which differ in some respects from the interpretation offered here, are Gregory by men and women who were Claeys, Thomas Paine: Social and Political Thought (London: Unwin Hyman, 1995) and Mark Philp, Paine not ashamed to be called repub- (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989). Good recent surveys include John Keane, Tom Paine. A Political licans and atheists. So although Life (London: Bloomsbury, 1995) and a collection of articles by Bernard Vincent, published as The Paine’s ideas in the later nine- Transatlantic Republican: Thomas Paine and the Age of Revolutions (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2005). teenth century sat easily on the radical edge of mainstream Lib- necessary evil’. Monopolies were property to remain to underpin eralism, this was seldom acknowl- evil and against the public inter- democracy. Without property the edged because the name of Paine est, but there was one monopoly small man could expect neither continued to have the whiff of – the hereditary interest in land independence nor freedom. Paine’s brimstone about it. He remained – which pressed particularly hard ideal, as expressed in Rights of Man, marginalised until at least the end on the poor. His contribution to was that ‘Every man is a proprie- of the century, after which his the contemporary debate about tor in government, and considers it reputation was gradually rehabili- the poor laws was conventionally a necessary part of his business to tated until, at the bicentenary of radical in that he thought they understand. It concerns his inter- American Independence, his part should be abolished, but he was est, because it affects his prop- in that struggle could at last be unconventional in that he wanted erty. He examines the cost, and recognised, even by a conserva- them to be replaced by a progres- compares it with the advantages.’ tive like President Reagan. In sive tax on real estate to provide Here we have political equality Britain, with less justification, the work for the unemployed, educa- expressed in the language of the twentieth century witnessed an tion for children, pensions for the market and underpinned by utili- attempt to adopt Paine for social- aged, and gifts for all on the occa- tarian philosophy. This was the ism, a view which failed to take sions of their births, marriages and voice of the tax collector and the into account the essential radical- deaths as compensation for the loss Lewes vestry man, not the prophet liberalism of Paine’s writings. of their birth right in the land. of socialism. In Paine’s thought, Yet, in 1989, the true Paine-ite This was certainly provoca- politics were always primary, all moment of 1789 was recaptured tively radical and added to con- else flowing from that fact. This when, with the acknowledged servative prejudice against his remained the message of radicalism failure of socialist regimes, politi- views, but, as Thomas Spence for a hundred years and more. cal change was seized upon once pointed out in Rights of Infants The significance of Paine’s again by revolutionaries across (1797), Paine was prepared to sell views has been much debated. His Europe as the necessary precon- the birthright of the people for ideas were certainly radical when dition for restoring the welfare of ‘poor beggarly stipends’ of a few compared with the mainstream of the people. pounds. Unlike Spence, Paine did his times but to see him as a fore- not assert the inalienable right of runner of modern socialism and a Edward Royle is Emeritus Professor the people to common ownership founder of the welfare state is both of History at the University of York. of the land. Perhaps for this rea- fanciful and unhistorical. His He began his research in Cambridge son he left no band of disciples to ideas were the creation of the later in the 1960s, publishing studies of urge his views on the nineteenth- eighteenth century and can be popular radicalism and freethought century land reform movement, understood only in that context. between 1791 and 1915, and has since which looked instead to Spence Paine existed at the extreme edge researched and written about various for inspiration. Paine’s economics of contemporary opinion: belief aspects of radicalism, religion and the were rooted in his politics and he in God, but in deism not Chris- broader social history of Britain since was always an upholder of private tianity; belief in the free market the mid-eighteenth century. property in the liberal tradition of John Locke, whereby the right to private property resided in the Liberal Democrat History Group news added value created by improve- ment. He was perhaps naive in his Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and publications expectation that his progressive tax – the fastest and earliest way to find out what we’re doing. To join the list, send a on ground values would destroy blank email to [email protected]. the landed classes but he funda- Also see us on the web at: mentally thought that, because • www.liberalhistory.org.uk property underpinned political • www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup power, it was essential for private • act.libdems.org.uk/group/libdemhistory

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 23 THE FLIGHT FROM THE LIBERAL PARTY LIBERALS WHO JOINED LABOUR, 1914–1931

From 1914 to 1931, many of those previously active in Liberal politics defected to Labour. Why did so many Liberals switch their political allegiance (‘almost like changing one’s religion’, as one Liberal MP observed) and abandon their party, which had been in office, or coalition government, from 1906 to 1922, to enlist with the fledgling Labour Party? And how far, if at all, did their presence influence Labour’s development during a key period of political realignment in British politics? Professor John Shepherd examines the history.

24 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 THE FLIGHT FROM THE LIBERAL PARTY LIBERALS WHO JOINED LABOUR, 1914–1931

n 13 December 1923 advice of the Fabian Sidney Webb, for Glasgow Bridgeton (1910– the former Liberal who had inundated MacDonald 22), who joined Labour in 1924, imperialist, Secre- with written guidance about tak- ‘changing one’s political party tary of State for War ing office.4 is almost like changing one’s and Lord Chan- The announcement of the new religion’. As he also shrewdly cellor,O Lord Haldane, wrote his administration, which included observed, the process of conver- daily letter as usual from Lon- ex-Liberals and Conservatives sion en masse was a rare event.8 don to his ninety-nine-year-old alongside figures from the trade Nonetheless, he was now witness- mother, Mary, in Scotland about union and labour movement, ing a mass movement of this kind his negotiations with Ramsay attracted considerable attention in the world of twentieth-century MacDonald. The Labour leader abroad as well as in domestic poli- politics. Why did so many Lib- was about to form Britain’s first tics. 5 However, it was MacDonald erals switch political allegiance Labour government. ‘In the who was primarily responsible for and abandon their party, which evening he offered me anything bringing in ‘specialised outsiders’ had been in office, or coalition I chose if I would help him; the to appeal to the middle-class as government, from 1906 to 1922, leadership of the House of Lords, well as traditional working-class to enlist with the new fledgling the Chancellorship, Defence, voters of Britain.6 As well as Hal- Labour Party? And how far, if at Education and the carrying out dane, among those now rewarded all, did their presence influence of my plans … the press is in full with Cabinet office were former Labour’s development during an cry and Williams [Haldane’s but- Liberals Charles Trevelyan (Edu- important period of political rea- ler] is keeping them off’.1 In Janu- cation), Josiah Wedgwood (Chan- lignment in British politics? ary 1924, Haldane became Lord cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster), Probably around three hun- Chancellor rather than the former Noel Buxton (Agriculture and dred MPs of all parties changed Conservative and King’s Bench Fisheries), and also ex-Conserv- their political affiliation during judge John Sankey, MacDonald’s ative recruits, Lord Parmoor the last century.9 Individual poli- original choice. Haldane told his (Lord President), Lord Thomson ticians switching political con- mother and sister that MacDon- (Air) and, most surprisingly, the nections between the Liberal and ald ‘has consulted me about every former Viceroy of India, Lord Labour parties have been part of appointment’.2 Chelmsford (Admiralty). Other the warp and weft of twentieth- Haldane’s triumphant tone non-Cabinet posts were also filled century British politics. In early revealed he firmly believed that by ex-Liberals, such as Sir Patrick twentieth-century Britain, the meetings he had held with Mac- Hastings (Attorney General), and years between 1914 and 1931 were Donald in London and Scot- Arthur Ponsonby (who returned ‘Into the arguably the most significant in land had greatly influenced the to the Foreign Office as MacDon- Limelight’, Punch, terms of movements between par- Labour leader. From India a ald’s deputy). 29 November ties.10 Over forty years ago, before reassured Viceroy, Lord Lyt- From 1914 to 1931, many 1922: in the 1922 many collections of politicians’ ton, wrote to Haldane: ‘I think previously active in Liberal election, Labour private papers became open, Pro- I can trace your hand in most of politics (or with strong Liberal under Ramsay fessor Catherine Cline published the appointments’.3 MacDonald associations) defected to Labour Macdonald a pioneering study based on sev- had seemingly not sought advice in broadly three clusters: the first beat the Liberal enty prominent recruits who had from senior Labour figures such as during 1914–1918, followed by factions led by joined Labour in the early twen- Arthur Henderson, J. R. Clynes another contingent from 1919 to Asquith and tieth century, the vast majority (both – unlike MacDonald – with 1925, and then the last who joined Lloyd George of whom were former Liberals, ministerial experience in the from the mid-1920s to the early to become the mainly from the progressive wing wartime government) or Philip 1930s.7 According to Andrew leading party of of the party. Included were poli- Snowden. Nor did he heed the MacCullum Scott, Liberal MP the left. ticians such as Lord Haldane,

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 25 the flight from the liberal party

Charles Trevelyan, Arthur Pon- deciphering politicians’ manoeu- 1910–18 and later Labour Presi- sonby, Christopher Addison, Noel vrings between different coalition dent of the Board of Education in Buxton and Charles Roden Bux- and non-coalition factions.17 1931, returned to parliament from ton, as well as the financier Sir Leo Since the 1960s, a considerable serving as a private on the West- Chiozza Money and John A. Hob- amount of ink has been expended ern Front to oppose the measure.20 son, the influential economist.11 by historians debating the ‘decline Even more crucial to declin- Only three women featured of Liberalism and the rise of ing Liberal fortunes were the among her recruits to Labour: Labour’.18 The impact of the First deep divisions created by Lloyd Mary (Molly) Hamilton, Dorothy World War on British politics George’s ousting of Asquith to Buxton and Helena Swanwick.12 and society was crucially signifi- take over the wartime premier- More recently, two historians cant in the growth of the Labour ship in 1916, which brought about have thrown valuable light on this Party and the decline and even a fatal rupture in British Liberal- intriguing subject. Martin Pugh’s eventual destruction of the Liberal ism and demoralised Liberals in account of recruits from upper- Party. Over forty years on, Trevor the constituencies. As the party class Conservative backgrounds, Wilson’s powerful and endur- haemorrhaged parliamentary and such as Sir Oswald Mosley, Oliver ing metaphor about the Liberal municipal membership to Labour Baldwin (son of Stanley Bald- Party, which likened its down- or the Conservatives, for many win), Lady Warwick and Muriel, fall to the fate of a healthy pedes- disaffected Liberals Lloyd George Countess De Warr, reveals the trian mowed down by a runaway bore the overwhelming respon- extent of their influence within omnibus, still seems apposite.19 sibility for the permanent split in Labour politics. 13 David Howell’s The Liberal government’s par- their party.21 It was a charge that study of the development of the ticipation in the First World War, stuck to him, as many Liberals British Labour Party during Mac- its lack of clear war aims and, remained increasingly distrustful Donald’s leadership demonstrates in particular, the failure of Sir of the ‘Welsh Wizard’, even dur- how progressive politicians from Edward Grey as Foreign Secretary ing his long exclusion from power other parties formed a significant to declare the nature and extent after 1922. In 1918 the parlia- part of Labour’s multi-identities in of the British military undertak- mentary confrontation between the interwar years.14 According to ings with France were certainly Asquith and Lloyd George dur- Robert Dowse, in all probability decisive factors in the growing ing the Maurice Debate about more than two thousand Liber- disenchantment among radical Why politi- British troop levels on the West- als active in national and munici- Liberals. At the outbreak of hos- ern Front had demonstrated clear pal politics shifted to Labour at tilities, not just Charles Trevelyan, cians change Liberal divisions at Westminster. this time, although he gives no parliamentary under-secretary at The ‘Coupon Election’, in which evidence as to how this figure the Board of Education, but also parties can 130 coalition Liberals supporting was arrived at.15 Interestingly, Cabinet ministers John Burns and Lloyd George were returned to undertaken some fifty years ago, John Morley all resigned from be a fascinat- Westminster compared to only Dowse’s research into the paths Asquith’s government. Unprec- ing and intri- twenty-eight independent Liber- former Liberals followed into the edented total war compelled the als under Asquith, emphasised this Labour Party between 1910 and Asquith and Lloyd George war- cate question critical rupture within the party, 1920 had a secondary purpose of time premierships to implement now divided into two bellicose shedding light on the possibility illiberal policies undreamt of by involving factions. of a major Liberal–Labour rea- British Liberals. The Defence of Despite brief periods of Liberal lignment during the first main the Realm Act (DORA) hast- political unity in 1923 and 1929, Liberalism post-war Liberal revival under Jo ily enacted in August 1914 and remained fatally wounded dur- Grimond’s leadership in the late later renewed, was followed by convictions, ing the post-war years in contrast 1950s and early 1960s.16 restrictions on personal liber- to the remarkable growth of the Why politicians change parties ties including press censorship, motivation Labour Party at parliamentary can be a fascinating and intricate identity cards, food rationing and and municipal levels. During the question involving political con- other state controls. In particular, and ideol- early post-war years, the Liberal victions, motivation and ideology the principles and values of Brit- leadership’s post-war foreign and – not without their difficulties in ish Liberalism were challenged ogy – not imperial policy and its attitude to analysis for historians, political fundamentally by the heated the punitive Treaty of Versailles scientists and psephologists. Forty debates in 1915 and 1916 over the without their was instrumental in driving Lib- years ago, in plotting changes of introduction of conscription for erals into the Labour ranks.22 The allegiance by MPs, David But- males aged 18–41. In particular, difficulties in reputation of the Lloyd George ler and Jennie Freeman noted conscription created a crisis in analysis for coalition government suffered the labyrinthine complexities of wartime coalition government irreparable damage as a result of ‘compiling an exact and compre- that divided the Asquith Cabinet historians, the intervention in Bolshevik hensive list of all floor-crossings, and brought continued acrimony Russia, the Chanak Crisis that whip withdrawals, whip resig- and deep rifts within the Liberal political sci- almost brought war with Turkey nations and whip restorations’. ranks. In the end, John Simon, and, particularly, the 1919 Amrit- For example, the parliaments of the Home Secretary, resigned and entists and sar Massacre in India and the 1919–1922 and 1924–1929, during around fifty Liberal MPs voted ruthless policy of using the ‘Black which there were some significant against the Military Service Act. psepholo- and Tans’ in Ireland.23 In contrast, Liberal defections, presented them Remarkably, H. B. Lees-Smith, Labour increasingly took over with a near-impossible task in Liberal MP for Northampton gists. the Liberal mantle of radicalism

26 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the flight from the liberal party in domestic, foreign and imperial Despite another critic of Britain’s partici- conscription and was President affairs. By 1922, as Labour out- pation in a European conflict.26 of the Peace Society from 1924 stripped the Liberals to become brief periods The UDC was not another ‘stop to 1928. However, a number of the official parliamentary oppo- the war’ group, but a highly sig- those soon to abandon their party sition with 142 members in the of Liberal nificant pressure group for peace. – including Ernest N. Bennett, Commons, the Liberals totalled There was no unique UDC stance Albert Dunn, James Chuter Ede, only 116 MPs divided between unity in 1923 on the war, but the organisation John Hay and H. B. Lees Smith fifty-four Asquithian ‘Wee Frees’ became a significant sounding – fought with distinction in the and the sixty-two Liberals led by and 1929, board for different viewpoints First World War. Ede was from Lloyd George.24 among dissenting radicals, Liber- a staunch Liberal nonconformist During the First World War, Liberalism als and Labourites. It campaigned background and a career in teach- various networks in the British remained for a just and peaceful post-war ing and Edwardian municipal ‘peace movement’ provided the settlement under which no terri- politics. While on army service he bridges, usually via the pacifist fatally tory should be transferred with- switched to Labour as the party to Independent Labour Party, for out a plebiscite, and for foreign secure social reform for working disenchanted Liberals to join, or wounded policy to be under parliamentary people. move closer to, the Labour Party. control. However, members of A stalwart of the UDC, Rich- Among the different anti-war during the the UDC experienced a hostile ard Denman, Liberal MP 1910-18 groups which sprang up during public reception during wartime, for Carlisle, opposed British inter- these years, the Union of Demo- post-war which brought Liberal members vention in 1914, which cost him cratic Control (UDC) was the closer to the ILP and the Labour the support of his local Liberal most prominent, alongside the years in con- Party. The Labour Memorandum on party. Yet, he served as a second No-Conscription Fellowship War Aims, published in December lieutenant on the Western Front (NCF), the Bryce Group and the trast to the 1917, demonstrated how close the and sent home graphic accounts League of Nations Society. Each Labour Party’s proposals were to of wartime gas attacks. 30 In 1918 had their specific orientation in remarkable the work of the different groups Denman supported the Lloyd opposing the war, but shared in the British peace movement.27 George coalition, but denounced overlapping memberships and growth of In addition, in the post-war years, the Versailles Treaty in 1919 and sympathisers among dissident as Labour’s pro-war and anti-war eventually joined Labour in Liberals, pacifist ILP members the Labour factions reconciled, UDC con- 1924.31Three well-known Liberal and anti-war radicals. The NCF, demnation of the punitive Ver- recruits to Labour from differ- founded in November 1914 by Party at par- sailles peace treaty and of the ent political backgrounds – Josiah Fenner Brockway, opposed the liamentary French occupation to enforce Wedgwood, Cecil L’Estrange introduction of compulsory mili- reparations occupied common Malone and J. K. Kenworthy – tary service in 1916 (the occasion and munici- ground with Labour’s foreign became famous for their com- of Sir John Simon’s resignation as policy. In 1924 the UDC could bined parliamentary opposition Liberal Home Secretary) and was pal levels. claim that fifteen of its members – to British military intervention in the main organisation to aid con- including former Liberals – were Russia. What they shared in com- scientious objectors and their fam- in Ramsay MacDonald’s first mon was notable war service.32 ilies. The influential Cambridge Labour government.28 Charles Roden Buxton’s activi- don, Goldsworthy Lowes Dickin- However, the cause of this sig- ties in the UDC and his advocacy son, was prominent in the Bryce nificant political realignment, as of a negotiated peace settlement Group and was highly active in mainly middle-class and upper- and a future League of Nations the Society for the League of class politicians broke away from led to a breach with the Liberals Nations in planning schemes for their party to join Labour, with its in his new constituency of Cen- a post-war international peace strong trade union sectional inter- tral Hackney. In 1917 he joined organisation. Many of the Liber- est, remains a complex question. the ILP and built up strong friend- als from these peace groups met An examination of the individual ships with socialists such Clifford socially with members of the ILP biographies of a number of the Allen and Fenner Brockway.33 and others Labourites (including former Liberals who held office However, both the well-travelled those who had previously sup- in Ramsay MacDonald’s minor- Charles Buxton and his brother, ported the war) at the 1917 Club. ity governments in the inter-war Noel, were experts on the Bal- Founded by J. A. Hobson, and years shows differing and some- kans. Remarkably, as unofficial taking its name from the date of times convoluted reasons for envoys they had attempted to the Russian Revolution, the club switching to Labour. Whether enlist Bulgaria on the side of the provided an important forum for they were Asquith or Lloyd Allies in 1914.34 those opposed to the war.25 George supporters – or neither – Another leading pacifist mem- The day after the outbreak of their motivations were wide rang- ber of the UDC, Arthur Pon- war, the Union of Democratic ing and not always simply due to sonby, former principal private Control was founded by Nor- distaste for the Liberal leadership’s secretary to the Liberal prime man Angell, E. D. Morel, Ramsay conduct of the war or to ‘pacifist minister, Campbell Bannerman, MacDonald and Charles Trev- principles’.29 Percy Alden, Ber- and his successor as the Liberal MP elyan, with its London headquar- trand Russell and Sydney Arnold for Stirling Burghs from 1908, was ters in Trevelyan’s house at 14 were undoubtedly prominent a prominent critic of Sir Edward Great College Street. They were pacifists. The Welsh national- Grey’s foreign policy. In the par- soon joined by Arthur Ponsonby, ist, E. T. John, voted against liamentary debate of 3 August

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 27 the flight from the liberal party

1914, he was among the five mem- Occupying a wealth tax, and the free provi- various extra-parliamentary agi- bers who spoke out against the sion of secondary and university tations, such as the Free Speech war. However, early signs of his the centre of education in which he believed. Defence Committee with the move away from Liberalism and He concluded: ‘the only hope for socialist MP, George Lansbury, towards socialism were apparent the British our generation lies in a power- brought him into contact with the in his critical writings on the eth- ful and intelligently led Labour organised trade union and labour ics of wealth and social class, such politics, a Party’.38 In 1919, similar senti- movements. The Asquith govern- as The Camel and the Needle’s Eye ments that the days of the Liber- ment’s controversial infringement (1910) and The Decline of the Aris- Liberal Party als were over as a political force of civil liberties, witnessed in the tocracy (1912). A former royal page in Britain were uttered by H. B. use of troops in industrial disputes, to Queen Victoria, he was soon in difficulties Lees-Smith when publicly reject- the ‘Don’t Shoot’ prosecutions dropped from King George V’s was vulner- ing Asquith’s call for radicals to and the horrific forcible feeding of guest list for the monarch’s garden remain in the Liberal fold. In suffragette prisoners, helped push party. However, Ponsonby did able to losing near-visionary terms the Liberal Wedgwood firmly in the direc- not join the ILP, the main route MP for Northampton from 1910 tion of the Labour Party.41 In 1918, into the Labour Party, until after members to 1918, who joined Labour in he was returned unopposed as an the 1918 election. His constitu- 1919, proclaimed ‘we are standing independent Radical. By 1919, the ency association had disowned to the other on the threshold of a new world maverick Wedgwood was a mem- him on account of his opposition order’ and envisaged the ‘estab- ber of the ILP and had taken the to the war. In the ‘Coupon Elec- parties on lishment of a co-operative com- Labour whip. tion’ he was heavily defeated at monwealth’ to eradicate ‘gross Among the Labour Party Dunfermline as an Independent the left and inequalities of wealth’. Moreover, recruits, the land values tax, free Democrat.35 in his view, the harsh Versailles trade and the capital levy were A career politician, Charles the right. Treaty inflicted upon Germany also significant causes of friction Trevelyan was Liberal MP for threatened another cataclysmic with the Liberal leadership and the Elland Division of Yorkshire international conflict that only contributory factors in inducing from 1899 to 1918. In 1914, he had the election of labour and socialist dissatisfied Liberals to consider resigned as Parliamentary Sec- governments throughout Europe joining Labour. Wedgwood was a retary in the Board of Education could prevent. ‘All the men who life-long ‘single taxer’ and disciple from Asquith’s Liberal govern- share these views’, he declared, of the American reformer, Henry ment at the same time as Cabinet ‘are in the ranks of Labour’.39 George. With other Liberal MPs, colleagues, John Morley and John Occupying the centre of the including Edward Hemmerde, Burns in protest against British British politics, a Liberal Party Robert Outhwaite and J. Dun- participation in the war. However in difficulties was vulnerable to das White, he was prominent in Trevelyan, who loathed war, was losing members to the other par- crusading for a far stronger land no pacifist and had voted for the ties on the left and the right. An tax to rejuvenate society than the Liberal government’s naval pro- instructive example of Liber- tame measure in Lloyd George’s gramme of dreadnought battle- als jumping ship to both Labour 1909 budget. However, with ships. He was one of a small group and the Conservatives was the the Liberal leadership’s failure to of Liberals who distrusted Grey’s arrival of three prominent Liber- act by 1918, the land taxers took reasons for British intervention in als – Josiah Wedgwood, Alex- their campaign into the Labour the war.36 In parliament he became ander MacCallum Scott and Party. Similarly, protectionist the UDC’s leading figure. His Winston Churchill – in the same measures, such as the McKenna carefully considered resignation, taxi for their party’s meeting at duties in 1915 and the adoption of as war was declared, caused a deep the Reform Club in 1916, three the report of the Paris Economic rift with most of his family and days after Asquith’s resignation Conference in 1916, provoked brought down the wrath of a jin- as prime minister. Of the three, fury among Liberal free traders. goist press on his head. Disowned Churchill gradually found his Hobson recalled this violation of by his Elland constituency, in the home in 1924 in the Conservative the sacrosanct article of faith at 1918 election as an Independent Party. In the same year, MacCa- the heart of British Liberalism as he suffered a devastating defeat to llum Scott – the Radical Liberal the reason he left the Liberal Party finish bottom of the poll.37 MP for Glasgow until 1922, and and eventually joined Labour in In 1921 Trevelyan pub- Churchill’s biographer and some- 1916. In the early post-war years, lished From Liberalism to Labour time private secretary – joined Labour’s sole advocacy of the to explain to a wider public the Wedgwood in the Labour Party. 40 capital levy also probably helped daunting changes in British poli- A scion of the famous Staf- attract Frederick Pethick Law- tics that underpinned his decision fordshire pottery firm, Josiah rence, J. A. Hobson and Sydney to sever links with the Liberals Wedgwood was a staunch ally of Arnold, all Liberal authorities and throw in his lot with Labour. pacifists and conscientious objec- who championed this tax.42 As he put it, ‘the wholesale trans- tors. Yet, as already noted, he Christopher Addison, former ference of the working-class vote was among those Liberal MPs medical doctor and eminent pro- from Liberalism to Labour’ spelt with a distinguished military fessor of anatomy, who enlisted the end of his Liberal Party. Only career. Wedgwood had fought in with Labour in 1923, was the only Labour offered the real possibility the South Africa War and won former Lloyd George supporter of social reform, the nationalisa- the DSO at Gallipoli in the First to switch parties and probably the tion of land, railways and mines, World War. In the pre-war years, most significant of the ex-Liberal

28 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the flight from the liberal party recruits. His longevity in Brit- as a Liberal candidate in 1918. In In 1961, Cline concluded that, ish Liberal and Labour politics the 1920s his radical credentials during 1914–1931, at a time of was remarkable. Addison was included support for the Soviet major realignment of the Brit- at the heart of most of the land- Union, Zionism and Indian home ish party system, the presence mark events of twentieth-century rule. In 1924, Kenworthy consist- of former Liberal newcomers party politics. He was involved in ently backed the minority Labour had helped change Labour radi- Lloyd George’s premiership bid in administration. He was one of cally from a parliamentary splin- December 1916 and the political twelve Liberals to vote against ter group into a major political crisis that brought the downfall his own party’s amendment to force.46 However, this was an eval- of Ramsay MacDonald’s second the no-confidence motion (over uation made after a long period in Labour government in 1931. In the prosecution of the commu- which the Liberal Party had been 1945 Clement Attlee appointed nist J. R. Campbell) that brought in decline or even heading for dis- him Leader of the House of Lords down Ramsay MacDonald’s gov- integration. So, to what extent in Labour’s first majority govern- ernment. He later claimed he had was this a realistic assessment of ment.43 Although critical of Grey’s ‘an unofficial bargain made with the impact of those ex-Liberals foreign policy, Addison had given [Arthur Henderson] which could who joined Labour on the party’s full support to British participa- have led to a Liberal–Labour alli- development as a major political tion in the First World War. As ance in the constituencies as well force in British politics? Lloyd George’s important ally for as at Westminster’.44 The movement of former Lib- eleven years, Addison held impor- William Wedgwood Benn erals, as well as Conservatives, tant wartime posts, including the was a member of the famous into Labour’s ranks during 1914– Ministry of Munitions and the Benn dynasty of several gen- 1931 undoubtedly changed the new Ministry of Reconstruction erations. In1906, he succeeded make-up of their new party and tasked with post-war social and to his father’s East End seat of St contributed to its development as economic planning. In 1919, as George’s Tower Hamlets and a major party in the interwar years the first Minister of Health in the then held a succession of Lib- The move- and even beyond. Characteris- newly created ministry, he over- eral government posts, includ- tically, these new recruits were saw the first substantial housing ing serving as a Liberal whip ment of largely from a social milieu poles programme. However, the con- from 1910 to 1915. During the apart from the world of industrial struction of 200,000 ‘homes for First World War he had a distin- former labour, trade unionism and work- heroes’ had proved sluggish and guished military service record, ing-class politics. In 1906, the increasingly costly and led to his acknowledged by many honours Liberals, as first Parliamentary Labour Party humiliating demotion to minister bestowed in Britain and abroad. (PLP) consisted mainly of former without portfolio. His resignation A staunch Asquithian, Benn – like well as Con- trade unionists and workmen: followed an acrimonious rift with Kenworthy – became increas- coalminers, engineers, mechan- Lloyd George over broken pledges ingly opposed to Lloyd George’s servatives, ics, steel smelters and labourers on social reform. In 1923, negotia- politics and moved towards the into Labour’s with direct practical experience of tions with Arthur Henderson led Labour Party until he eventu- manual labour. Only a few – such to his change of political affilia- ally applied for membership in ranks during as MacDonald and Snowden, both tion to Labour. With the break-up 1927. He recalled, in 1929, that he former pupil-teachers – had expe- of the coalition, other coalition had left a party deeply divided at 1914–1931 rienced social mobility to a differ- Liberals, such as the Liberal chief Westminster and losing member- ent class.47 whip, Freddie Guest, gradually ship in the constituencies. ‘Every- undoubtedly In contrast, those such as defected to the Conservatives. one knows that thousands of those the Trevelyans, Ponsonbys and However, Addison, who had who were in the past prominent changed the Buxtons were, by and large, been conspicuously on the left on Radicals are now stalwarts in the representatives of the wealthy domestic, foreign and imperial Socialist Party’, he declared. After make-up of upper and upper-middle classes policy, was the only one to join over twenty years in the Liberal – the products of public schools Labour. Party, he had switched to Labour their new (mainly Eton) and of Oxford or By the late 1920s the small owing to total disenchantment Cambridge – who had tradition- radical group of seven MPs within with Lloyd George. ‘Deep down party and ally governed Britain and the the Liberal Party provided two in the hearts of all there is a feel- British Empire. And in terms further recruits for Labour. Joseph ing of distrust of his character contributed of wealth and property, there Kenworthy and William Wedg- and repugnance to his methods were marked differences from wood Benn resigned as Liberal which far outweighs the power to its devel- their Labour counterparts from MPs in 1926 and 1927 after Lloyd of his energy, imagination, and opment as a working-class backgrounds. George had taken on the leader- money.’45 Benn was an important While at Westminster, Labour ship of a reunited Liberal Party recruit for the Labour Party, rec- major party MPs normally resided in cheap in 1926. In the post-war years, ognised by his appointment as hotels or lodgings, whereas both had been members of the the Secretary of State for India in the inter- Labour’s new recruits from other Asquithian opposition to Lloyd in MacDonald’s second Labour parties owned London homes George’s coalition government. Cabinet, with responsibilities for war years in socially exclusive areas of A former naval officer, Kenwor- negotiations with Mahatma Gan- the capital, such as Westminster thy had won a spectacular by- dhi and the Congress Party dur- and even (Trevelyan), Belgravia (Chelms- election at Central Hull in March ing difficult years in Anglo-Indian ford), St James’s (Haldane), 1919 after being roundly defeated relations. beyond. Chelsea (Benn, Ponsonby),

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 29 the flight from the liberal party

Knightsbridge (Buxton, Par- he should risk forming a minor- developments in the well-estab- moor) and Mayfair (Jowitt).48 ity government. He was deter- lished central party organisation. As a party new to government mined to demonstrate Labour’s They were not a distinct group in the 1920s, Labour also benefited respectability and competency. in the PLP, or on the National from having a number of lawyers At a dinner at the Webb’s house, Executive Committee. The two among the Liberal recruits – such MacDonald went through his minority Labour governments as Lord Haldane and Sir Patrick memorandum for government were dominated by ‘the big five’ Hastings – in filling legal posts. – on foreign policy, unemploy- of MacDonald, Snowden, Hend- In 1929 MacDonald appointed ment and the budget- with future erson, Thomas and Clynes. the former Conservative, Lord ministers. ‘Unanimous that mod- After the First World War, Sankey as Lord Chancellor. The eration & honesty were our safety. the establishment of the Co- successful barrister and Liberal Agreed to stand together,’ he operative Party by the Co-oper- MP for Preston, William Jowitt, noted.52 ative movement was a significant became Attorney General, and The new recruits to Mac- development in Labour’s social was then unusually re-elected Donald’s party brought exper- and cultural evolution as a politi- for the same constituency, but as tise, particularly in areas such as cal party. In 1922 A.V Alexander a Labour MP. After the contro- foreign affairs, finance and agri- was one of four MPs returned to versial downfall of the Labour culture, where Labour notably Westminster for the Co-operative administration in 1931, Jowitt was lacked experience. With their Party which allied to Labour in among those who accompanied backgrounds in politics, adminis- 1927. A former Liberal, Alexan- MacDonald into the National tration and, in some cases, minis- der, who had served in the First government, but quietly returned terial office, they provided an aura World War, became the Co- to Labour in 1936. In July 1945 he of respectability and competence operative Party’s most impor- became Lord Chancellor, one of that MacDonald eagerly sought as tant figure and an adept junior eight former recruits to Labour leader of a national party. At the Labour minister in MacDonald’s in Clement Attlee’s Labour same time, the newcomers who 1924 administration. He brought Cabinet.49 joined Labour were largely at ease Labour special expertise with Establishing a Labour presence in their new political home with his views on defence and foreign in the House of Lords was another little need to abandon their Lib- affairs as First Lord of the Admi- difficulty, but was resolved by eral principles, or change their ralty in MacDonald’s Second creating new peers without heirs individual life styles. On policy, Cabinet in 1929-31 and at the to succeed – including the Con- there was much common ground wartime Admiralty from 1940- servative recruit Brigadier-Gen- between Labour and Liberals on 1946.56 From 1945 Alexander was eral Thomson and the ex Liberal free trade and economic policy, one of a number of former distin- MP, Sydney Arnold. In 1925 the social reform, and personal lib- guished Liberals in Attlee’s gov- crossbencher and former Under erty.53 This did not go unno- ernment - Addison, Benn, Ede, Secretary of State for Air, Lord ticed elsewhere. ‘A socialist govt. The new Jowitt and Pethick Lawrence- Gorell, became a useful addition actually in power. But don’t get who reached the higher ranks of to depleted ranks of Labour in the uneasy about your investments recruits to the Labour Party to be rewarded upper house. A writer of fiction and your antiques. Nothing will with peerages. and poetry, he apparently declined be removed or abstracted … MacDon- After the First World War, the opportunity to enter a future They are all engaged in looking which radically altered Labour’s MacDonald Cabinet. ‘Poetry not as respectable as lather and blather ald’s party attitudes towards the wider world, politics is my real life’, he noted.50 will make them,’ David Lloyd foreign affairs took on greater In 1920 MacDonald declared George reassured his daugh- brought significance as the Labour Party that the rich vein of Labour’s ter, Megan.54 Probably Hobson gradually evolved an interna- expertise in local government and was an exception in admitting expertise, tionalist policy in the 1920s. By trade union work could be mined he ‘never felt quite at home in a withdrawing from the Lloyd when forming a national gov- body governed by trade union particularly George coalition government, ernment.51 However, Churchill’s members and their finance, and Labour was not directly associ- famous charge, in the same year, intellectually led by full-blooded in areas such ated with the punitive Versailles that Labour identified with class Socialists’.55 peace settlement. Ramsay Mac- rather national interests and was In 1918, Arthur Henderson’s as foreign Donald’s resignation in 1914 as ‘quite unfitted for the responsi- important reconstruction of the chairman of the PLP brought him bility of government’, unlike its post-war Labour Party included affairs, public odium for his seemingly Liberal and Conservative pred- a new constitution and party pacifist and unpatriotic stand, but ecessors, echoed with Labour programme, Labour and the New finance and enhanced his moral reputation politicians throughout the early Social Order, that would appeal to agriculture, and standing among radicals in post-war years. disenchanted Liberals. Particular the UDC and encouraged many From the outset, MacDon- attention was given to establishing where to move over to Labour.57 ald put his imprint, impossible constituency parties and recruit- In 1917, the party conference to remove, on his administra- ing a wider party membership. In Labour nota- called for the establishment of an tion. Interestingly, after the 1923 the 1920s, the new converts pro- advisory committee on foreign election, he had consulted three vided a ready source of candidates bly lacked policy. Ultimately, as part of the former Liberals, Arnold, Lees- and money for local Labour asso- modernisation of Labour orches- Smith and Hobson, as to whether ciations, rather than influencing experience. trated by Arthur Henderson and

30 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the flight from the liberal party

Sidney Webb, nine advisory com- Trevelyan’s actively responding to mount- However, Trevelyan’s per- mittees of policy experts were ing pressure by the labour move- formance in two periods of Cabi- established to advise on different two periods ment and women’s groups, such net office also reveals the limits to areas of policy. As new recruits as the campaign led by Florence his influence on domestic policy joined from other parties, they of office as Keynes, mother of the econo- in government, particularly with provided much needed exper- mist John Maynard Keynes.61 In the cost-conscious Philip Snow- tise on international questions. President of 1920, Wedgwood’s predecessor, den at the Treasury. In a typical Moreover, the Advisory Com- Lord Crawford, had complained tussle over educational expendi- mittee on International Ques- the Board privately: ‘I confess I do not at all ture, Snowden admonished Trev- tions (ACIQ) was more than just a like of having to appoint women elyan: ‘… all of your proposals but committee of experts advising the of Educa- to the [JP] Advisory committees one admit of great expansion. In Labour Party Executive by com- tion in 1924 … it is difficult enough to get a such circumstances I rely on the piling memoranda and publishing woman competent to serve as a watchfulness of my Department pamphlets. During its thirteen- and 1929–31 magistrate, and … to find some- to safeguard me and my succes- year lifespan, the ACIQ proved one … to give opinions on the sors from future difficulties’.65 a vital forum comprising a wide illustrate appointment of men’.62 Tradition- Beatrice Webb considered that range of academics, intellectuals ally, JPs had been overwhelm- Trevelyan was ‘wonderfully well and politicians with diverse out- how switch- ingly recruited from among the self-advertised’. ‘He is quite fond looks on international relations. landed gentry and middle-class of his job – far more determined At its hub were new recruits such ing parties professionals, such as industri- and industrious than any of his as Norman Angell, Philip Noel alists and businessmen. Among predecessors’, she added.66 He was Baker, Charles Roden Buxton, from the Wedgwood’s successful appoint- not in fear of his civil servants and Noel Buxton, Hugh Dalton and ments was Selina Cooper, radical realised he had to steer between G. Lowes Dickinson.58 In par- Liberals to feminist, trade unionist and ILP the Scylla of the local authorities ticular, during the 1920s, Arthur member.63 As former Liberals, who ran the state schools and the Henderson, Labour’s Foreign Labour usu- Haldane and Wedgwood followed Charybdis of the Treasury deter- Secretary in 1929, increasingly in the footsteps of predecessors in mined to reduce government drew on the ACIQ’s expertise in ally meant earlier Liberal governments who expenditure. shifting Labour’s foreign policy first responded to calls for greater With a list of practical policies, towards a firm belief in the role of little change labour representation in the late- his record in 1924 was not unim- the League of Nations as a world nineteenth century and early- pressive: the reduction of elemen- peace-keeping body backed by an in political twentieth century.64 Lay justices tary school class sizes; improving effective and enforceable system outlook or of the peace – voluntary unpaid run-down school buildings; rais- of collective security. However, Crown appointments drawn from ing the percentage of free school the ACIQ had more influence on beliefs. their local communities – remain places from 25 per cent to 40 Labour policy in opposition than to this day responsible for dealing per cent; and the restoration of in government. In 1924 MacDon- with over 90 per cent of criminal state scholarships from state-aide ald was both premier and very justice in England and Wales. schools to universities. ‘The col- much his own Foreign Secretary.59 Trevelyan’s two periods of lective effect gave an impres- There were other examples, office as President of the Board sion of immense expenditure’, he too, of ex-Liberals in Ram- of Education in 1924 and 1929–31 confided to his wife, Molly.67 He say MacDonald’s two inter-war illustrate how switching parties was the first minister to address Labour administrations who from the Liberals to Labour usu- the National Union of Teachers’ brought valuable expertise in ally meant little change in politi- conference, attended by 2,000 shaping and administering Labour cal outlook or beliefs. Trevelyan, delegates, in 1924.68 Trevelyan policy. As Lord Chancellor, Hal- Labour’s spokesman on educa- was also responsible for estab- dane, whose sister, Elisabeth, was tion in the 1922–1923 parliament, lishing the Hadow Commit- a member of the Lord Chancel- brought to Cabinet office in 1924 tee, although its landmark report lor’s Advisory Committee, made previous experience as parlia- on secondary education did not significant changes to the crimi- mentary under-secretary at the appear until 1926, after Labour nal justice system in England and Board of Education from 1908 to had left office. Overall, in 1924 Wales, revitalising the antiquated 1914. However, there had been Trevelyan undoubtedly proved system of local advisory commit- little difference in policy between an adept minister with a sound tees that nominated lay justices his former and new parties since grasp of administrative detail, of the peace (JPs) and appointing the 1918 Fisher Act raised the though the extent of his influence more working men and women school leaving age to fourteen and over Labour policy must take into to the magistrate’s bench in dif- required local authorities to draw account the presence of R. H. ferent areas. And Wedgwood, in up educational plans. Labour’s Tawney and Labour’s advisory particular, as Chancellor of the Secondary Education for All (1922), committee on education.69 Duchy of Lancaster, was uncom- written by Richard Tawney, the However, Trevelyan’s second promising in appointing women influential Christian socialist on spell at the Board of Education as JPs, following the Sex Disquali- Labour’s advisory committee on from 1929 was less successful, fication Removal Act (1919).60 education, set the pattern of edu- Trevelyan ran into grave difficul- In broadening the magistracy’s cation in the inter-war years on ties over his main policy to raise social and political composition, which progressive Liberal and the statutory school leaving age Haldane and Wedgwood were Labour politicians could agree. to fifteen. His third Education

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 31 the flight from the liberal party

Bill (the first two were lost for switched parties in 1918, Noel Scott wanted of the Tory-dominated House lack of parliamentary time) ran Buxton retained his North Nor- of Lords. As Kenneth Morgan into Roman Catholic opposition folk seat until 1930 (when he Liberal– has adeptly shown, Addison was in parliament and was eventually entered the Lords) and virtually one of the most important of the defeated in the Lords in Febru- wiped out the local Liberals.72 Labour coop- Liberal converts to Labour in the ary 1931. In March, frustrated by In the second Labour govern- 1920s and the only minister to the general direction of Labour ment, Buxton returned as a cau- eration to serve in both post-war govern- policy, Trevelyan resigned. He tious Minister of Agriculture. ‘… ments. In particular, his remark- publicly mentioned the lack of there is a great deal to do without continue and able and far-reaching career constructive socialist plans, such legislation in drainage, market- demonstrated ‘the continuities of as the ILP’s ‘Socialism in Our ing, education, research & other regretted the progressive tradition in British Time’ which was based on J. A. things’, he advised his enthusiastic that ‘while politics’.74 Hobson’s theory of undercon- deputy, Addison.73 In 1923, the Manchester Guard- sumption.70 Addressing the Par- In June 1930, Buxton was suc- Liberalism ian editor, C. P. Scott, declared liamentary Labour Party, his ceeded by Addison. It was the lat- that ‘Between Liberalism and resignation speech, with a biting ter’s second political career after and Labour Labour there are deep natural personal attack on Ramsay Mac- his earlier commitment to social affinities, but for many a long Donald, was heard in silence. reform as an Edwardian ‘New are snapping day each is likely to pursue its However, a swift riposte, from the Liberal’ and the state collectiv- separate path’.75 In 1903, Ramsay prime minister of an ailing gov- ism of wartime government. As and snarl- MacDonald’s secret pact with the ernment, revealed MacDonald’s the 1929–31 Labour government Liberal chief whip, Herbert Glad- view in 1931 of the ex-Liberal struggled in a world economic ing at each stone, gave a clear run to nearly recruits: downturn following the Wall thirty Labour candidates in the Street Crash, the development of other, the 1906 election – including Mac- Some of us gave you and oth- agriculture became a crucial area Donald himself and Philip Snow- ers who were not acceptable to of policy which could improve Conservative den – and formed the basis of the our friends at the time a very Britain’s balance of payments by Edwardian ‘Progressive Alliance’ generous welcome, and we reducing agricultural imports. dog may run between Liberals and Labour. expected greater assistance … Addison’s policies to combat the However, the impact of the First At the moment when every- long rural depression and support away with World War, which triggered the one who cares for the future of home agriculture with quotas exodus of so many Liberals from Socialist political ideas should for production had been worked the bone’, their party into the Labour ranks, be striving by a united front to out as a junior minister. His most but Mac- transformed the relationship overcome immediate difficul- successful proposal, for which he between the two parties on the ties created by individualistic won all-party support, produced Donald had progressive left. divisions … it is very curious the Agricultural Marketing Board As he considered possible that the greatest troubles are in 1931, which radically improved a different former Liberals to fill posts in his coming from those who are various sectors of agriculture. It new administration, MacDonald our latest recruits.71 led to a revolution in policy that project in rejected Harold Spender’s sugges- was extended by the National tion for ‘a broader Liberal–Labour Outside of international affairs, government and the wartime coa- mind – the concordat to reap a possible har- the development of agriculture lition to cover a range of other vest of fruitful legislation’.76 Scott was the area where the influx of agricultural foodstuffs. destruction wanted Liberal–Labour coop- the new recruits had the greatest Addison was also a significant eration to continue and regretted impact on the policy. Former Lib- intermediary between his old of the Liberal that ‘while Liberalism and Labour erals such as Addison, the Bux- Liberal ally, Lloyd George, and are snapping and snarling at each tons, Wedgwood and the National the minority MacDonald admin- Party and other, the Conservative dog may Union of Agricultural Workers istration in cross-party discus- run away with the bone’, but Mac- leader, George Edwards, Labour sions on agriculture reform and the inde- Donald had a different project in MP for South Norfolk in 1920–22 unemployment. In 1931, he was mind – the destruction of the Lib- and 1923–24, brought expertise a leading member of the minor- pendence of eral Party and the independence where Labour lacked personnel ity in the Cabinet who opposed of Labour. For MacDonald and with appropriate knowledge and the 10 per cent cut in unemploy- Labour. Baldwin, the 1egacy of the 1923 experience of rural affairs. As a ment benefits which ended Mac- election was that within a Brit- political party with its origins Donald’s government. Addison ish system there was only room in industry and the urban envi- continued to make a consider- for two parties – moderate Labour ronment, Labour in the 1920s able and influential contribution and respectable Conservatism.77 needed to develop agricultural to Labour politics in the 1930s, However, forty years ago, the programmes as a national party. with the publication of A Policy for Liberal leader, Jeremy Thorpe, Moreover, there was a persist- British Agriculture in 1939. As Lord contended that the arrival of the ent belief that the failure to win Addison, at the age of seventy- Labour Party in the inter-war rural seats would prevent Labour six, he became an important and years to replace the Liberals was from becoming a party of govern- respected member of the Attlee more than simply a disaster in ment, as in many rural constituen- Cabinet, and his membership of electoral terms in the history of cies there was still a strong Liberal the Cabinet from 1945 to 1951 was British radicalism. He observed presence. However, although he notable for his skilful leadership that, while the Liberals remained

32 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the flight from the liberal party out of power, it was key Liberal figures, such as John Maynard Principal Liberals who joined the Labour Party between Keynes and William Beveridge, 1914 and 1930 who provided the influential blueprints for major social and Between 1914–1918: Ernest Nathaniel Bennett, Charles Roden Buxton, J. Chuter Ede, Mary Agnes economic reorganisation in the Hamilton, Albert Edward Dunn, E. T. John, B. N. Langdon-Davies, Richard Lambert, Joseph Martin, twentieth-century.78 While the Edward Rosslyn Mitchell, Leo Chiozza Money, E. D. Morel, Helena Swanwick, Alfred Trestrail, Cecil Liberal Party was certainly in Wilson. decline, Liberalism remained Between 1918 and 1919: Noel Buxton, J. A. Hobson, Joseph King, H. B. Lees-Smith, R. L. Outhwaite, alive and well, both inside and Arthur Ponsonby, Charles Trevelyan, James White. outside the British Labour Party.79 Between 1919–1925: Morgan Phillips Price, James Dundas White (both in 1919), Goldsworthy Lowes In today’s unpredictable political Dickinson, E. G. Hemmerde (1920), Sydney Arnold, Richard Haldane, Patrick Hastings, Frederick Pethick and electoral climate, with the Lawrence, Edwardian Rosslyn Mitchell, Bertrand Russell (1922), Christopher Addison, Percy Alden, advent of a Conservative-Liberal Frederick Seymour Cocks, William Massingham (1923), Richard Denman (1924),Alexander MacCullam Democrat coalition government, Scott (1924) Ronald Gorell Barnes (1925), Athelstan Rendall (1925), calls for a revival of progressive politics, including Labour and Between 1925-1930: Cecil L’Estrange Malone (c. 1928), Reginald Fletcher (1929), William Jowitt (1929), Liberalism that dominated the William H. Dickinson (1930). early twentieth-century, may well be heard again. party allegiance by British politicians on this major debate. For two use- Professor John Shepherd is Co-Direc- (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1995). ful surveys of the historiography, tor, Labour History Research Unit 10 This history of this period has also see: Michael Bentley, ‘The Liberal at Anglia Ruskin University, Cam- been usefully examined in Roy Party, 1900–1939: Summit and bridge. He is author of George Lans- Douglas, ‘A failure of leadership: Descent’ in Chris Wrigley (ed.), bury: At the Heart of Old Labour an explanation of Liberal defections A Companion to Twentieth Century (Oxford University Press, 2004) and 1918–1929’, Journal of Liberal History, Britain (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, is completing a book on James Calla- 25, Winter 1999–2000, pp. 18–23 2009), pp. 22–37; Keith Laybourn, ghan’s government and the ‘Winter of and 51. ‘The Rise of Labour and the Discontent’ 1978–79 for Manchester 11 Catherine Ann Cline, Recruits to Decline of Liberalism: The State of University Press. Labour: The British Labour Party the Debate’, History, 80 (June 1995), 1914–1931 (New York: Syracuse pp. 207–26. 1 Haldane to Mary Haldane, 13 University Press, 1963) 19 Trevor Wilson, The Downfall of the December 1923, Haldane Papers 12 Mary Hamilton was a stalwart of Liberal Party 1914–1935 (Fontana, MS 6006. the Union of Democratic Control, 1968), pp. 20–21. 2 Haldane to Mary Haldane, 12 Janu- Labour MP and Ramsay MacDon- 20 Cline, op cit., pp. 164–65. ary 1924, Haldane Papers MS 6006. ald’s biographer. Dorothy Buxton 21 Kenneth O. Morgan, The Age of 3 Lytton to Haldane, 6 February (née Jebb), humanitarian and co- Lloyd George (London: George 1924, Haldane Papers, MS 5916. founder of the Save The Children Allen and Unwin, 1971), p. 68. 4 Beatrice Webb, Diary, Vol. 3, 15 Fund, was a member of Labour’s 22 David Blaazer, The Popular Front January 1924. Advisory Committee on Interna- and the Progressive Tradition: Social- 5 For MacDonald’s appointments, see tional Questions (ACIQ). Helena ists, Liberals and the Quest for Unity, John Shepherd and Keith Laybourn, Swanwick, a founder of the 1917 1884–1939 (Cambridge University Britain’s First Labour Government Club, joined Labour in 1918 and Press, 1992), pp. 99–144. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), Chap- also served on the ACIQ. 23 Kenneth O. Morgan, Consensus and ter 3. 13 ‘“Class Traitors”: Conservative Disunity: The Lloyd George Coali- 6 Ramsay MacDonald, Diary, 9 Recruits to Labour, 1900–30’, Eng- tion Government 1918–1922 (Oxford: December 1923, Ramsay MacDon- lish Historical Review, 113, 1 (Febru- Clarendon Press, 1986 edition); ald Papers, TNA/PRO 30/6/1753. ary 1998), pp. 38–64. Andrew Thorpe, A History of the 7 See the appendix of former Liber- 14 David Howell, MacDonald’s Party: British Labour Party (Macmillan, als, who joined Labour, broadly Labour Identities and Crisis 1922–1931 1997), pp. 52–53. based on the (mainly) parliamen- (Oxford University Press, 2002), 24 David Dutton, A History of the Lib- tary group in C. A. Cline’s sam- pp. 309-331. eral Party in the Twentieth Century ple: Catherine Ann Cline, Recruits 15 Robert Dowse, ‘The Entry of the (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), pp. to Labour: The British Labour Party Liberals into the Labour Party 86–90. 1914–1931 (New York: Syracuse 1910–1920’, Yorkshire Bulletin of Eco- 25 Cline, op. cit., p. 13–17. University Press, 1963), p. 134 n. 26 nomic and Social Research, Vol. 13, 26 For The Union of Democratic and appendix, pp. 149–78). Other No. 2, November 1961, pp. 78–87. Control, see Sally Harris, Out of recruits to Labour not mentioned in 16 Unfortunately, Dowse added Control: British Foreign Policy and her study have been added. Not all ‘However, it is not my intention the Union of Control 1914–1918 (The those listed became Labour MPs or to examine the current situation’. University of Hull Press, 1996); Peers. Ibid, p. 78. Marvin Swartz, The Union of Demo- 8 A. MacCullum Scott, ‘The Flight 17 David Butler and Jennie Free- cratic Control in British Politics during from the Liberal Party’, The Labour man, British Political Facts 1900–1967 the First World War (Oxford Univer- Magazine, III, No. II, March 1925. (Macmillan, 1963, 1968), p. 147. sity Press, 1971). 9 Robert Leach, Turncoats: changing 18 There is a considerable literature 27 Keith Robbins, The Abolition of

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 33 the flight from the liberal party

War: ‘The Peace Movement’ in 43 Kenneth and Jane Morgan, Por- from Fred Perry to Gordon Brown, 68 Charles Trevelyan to Molly Britain 1914–1919 (Cardiff: The trait of A Progressive: The Political (The Co-operative Party, Trevelyan, 21 April 1924, Ibid, University of Wales Press, Career of Christopher, Viscount 2009), pp. 1-16. f. 15. 1976). Addison (Oxford: Clarendon 57 A. J. P. Taylor, The Troublemak- 69 Rodney Barker, Education and 28 F. W. Pethick Lawrence, ‘The Press, 1980), p. 276 . ers: Dissent over Foreign Policy Politics 1900–1951: A Study of the True Significance of the Elec- 44 J. M. Kenworthy, Sailors, 1792–1939 (London: Panther , Labour Party (Oxford: Claren- tion’, Foreign Affairs, January Statesmen and Others (Rich & 1969 edition), pp. 120–52. don Press, 1972), pp. 29–64. 1924, pp. 134–35. Daily Mail, 1 Cowan, 1933), pp. 213–15. 58 Casper Sylvest, ‘“A Command- 70 The New Leader, 6 March 1931, December 1915; Carlisle Journal, 45 William Wedgwood Benn, ing Group”? Labour’s Advisory 24 April 1931. 6 June ‘What Should a Radical Do?’, Committee on International 71 MacDonald to Trevelyan, 2 29 David Howell, MacDonald’s The Labour Magazine, Vol. VIII, Questions 1918–1931’ in Paul March 1931, Ramsay MacDon- Party: Labour Identities and Crisis No. 1, May 1929, p. 9. Corthorn and Jonathan Davis ald Papers (John Rylands col- 1922–1931 (Oxford University 46 Cline, op. cit. This is drawn (eds.), The British Labour Party lection) RMD/1/14/83 quoted Press, 2002), pp. 315. from the assessment on the and The Wider World: Domestic in Duncan Tanner, ‘Political 30 Daily Mail, 1 December 1915; book’s dust jacket; see also pp. Politics, Internationalism and For- leadership, intellectual debate Carlisle Journal 6 June 1916, 130–31. eign Policy (Tauris, 2008), pp. and economic policy during Denman Papers, Box 1. 47 David E. Martin, ‘“The Instru- 52–63. the second Labour govern- 31 R. Denman to F. Guest, 7 ments of the People”? The 59 John Shepherd, ‘“A gentleman ment, 1929–1931’, in E. H. H. August1919; F. Guest to R. Parliamentary Labour Party at the Foreign Office”: influ- Green and Duncan Tanner Denman, 9 August 1919; Surrey in 1906’, in David E. Martin ences shaping Ramsay Mac- (eds.), The Strange Survival of Times, 22 May 1920; Manchester and David Rubinstein, Ideology Donald’s internationalism in Liberal England: Political Leaders, Guardian, 12 November 1924; and the Labour Movement: Essay 1924’, in Paul Corthorn and Moral Values and the Reception H. Atkinson to R. Denman, 8 Presented to John Saville (Lon- Jonathan Davis (eds.), op. cit., of Economic Debate (Cambridge December 1914, Ibid, Box 5. don: Croom Helm, 1979 ), pp. pp. 25–47. University Press, 2007), p. 142. 32 Clifford Kinvig, Churchill’s 126–30. 60 This act also removed the bar 72 Clare V. Griffiths, Labour and Crusade: The British Invasion of 48 Nicholas Owen, ‘MacDonald’s to women jurors and women the Countryside: The Politics of Russia 1918–20 (London: Ham- Parties: The Labour Party and lawyers. Anne Logan, Feminism Rural Britain 1918–1939 (Oxford bledon Continuum, 2006), p. the “Aristocratic Embrace”, and Criminal Justice: A Historical University Press, 2007), pp. 82. 1922–31’, Twentieth Century Perspective (Basingstoke: Pal- 218–57. 33 Victorian De Bunsen, Charles British History, 18, 1 (2007), p. grave Macmillan, 2007), p. 80. 73 Buxton to Addison, 21 June Roden Buxton (London: George 34. 61 P. Strachey (London Soci- 1929, MS Addison dep. c. 163, Allen and Unwin, 1948), pp. 49 Kenneth O. Morgan, Labour ety for Women’s Suffrage and f. 2. 76–79. in Power 1945–1951 (Oxford eleven other women’s organi- 74 Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘Addi- 34 Cline, op. cit., pp. 153–55. University Press, 1985), 79–80. sations) to Andrew Bonar son, Christopher, First Vis- 35 Raymond A. Jones, Arthur Pon- The eight were Attlee himself, Law, 29 July 1922, Bonar Law count Addison (1869–1951)’ sonby: The Politics of Life (Lon- Dalton, Cripps, Ede, Jowitt, Papers, 97/5/26; Anne Logan, in H. C. G. Matthew and don: Christopher Helm, 1989) Addison, Stansgate (Benn) and ‘Ninety Years On’, The Magis- Brian Harrison (eds.), Oxford 36 Duncan Brack, ‘Biography: Pethick Lawrence. trate, February 2010, 66, 1, p. 2. Dictionary of National Biogra- C. P. Trevelyan, Man of Prin- 50 Lord Gorell, Diary, 21 January, 62 Lord Crawford to Lord Shut- phy (Oxford University Press, ciple’ Journal of Liberal Democrat 24 February, 9 November 1925; tleworth, 19 July 1920, Duchy 2004); Kenneth Morgan and History, 31, Summer 2001, p. 5. Labour Magazine, III, 10, Febru- of Lancaster Papers (DLP). Jane Morgan, op. cit.; Kenneth 37 A. J. Morris, C. P. Trevelyan: ary 1925, pp. 452–53. 63 ‘… and therefore that women Morgan, Labour People: Leaders Portrait of a Radical 1870–1958 51 Ramsay MacDonald, A Policy and the representatives of and Lieutenants – Hardie to Kin- (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1977), for the Labour Party (1920), pp. Labour should receive prior- nock (Oxford University Press, pp. 112–20; 138–43. 109, 123, 137, 145. ity up to two-thirds of the 1987), pp. 189–96. 38 Charles Trevelyan, From Lib- 52 Ramsay MacDonald, Diary, appointments’. W. R. Warwick 75 Quoted in the Manchester eralism to Labour (London: 10 December 1923, Mac- (Duchy of Lancaster Office) to Guardian, 10 April 2010, p. 38. George Allen & Unwin, 1921), Donald Papers , TNA/PRO Arthur Bennett (Warrington 76 Harold Spender to Ramsay pp. 22–23; Duncan Brack, op. 30/69/1753 Advisory Committee), 15 Sep- MacDonald, n.d. (December cit., p. 6. 53 Eugenio Biagini, ‘Prophet For tember 1924, DLP. 1923), cited in Harold Spender, 39 H. B. Lees-Smith to the press The Left? Gladstone’s Legacy 64 John Shepherd, ‘James Bryce The Fire of Life (Hodder & (?), June 1919, Hastings Ber- 1809–2009’, Journal of Liberal and the Recruitment and Stoughton, 1926), p. 277. trand Lees-Smith Papers History, 64, Autumn 2009, p. Appointment of Working- 77 Kenneth O. Morgan, Lloyd DSL/1. 26. class Magistrates in Lancashire, George (Weidenfeld & Nicol- 40 Trevor Wilson, op. cit., pp. 54 David Lloyd George to Megan 1892–1894’, Bulletin of The son, 1974), pp. 170–78. 108–9 George, 4 February 1924, in Institute of Historical Research, 78 Roy Douglas, The History of the 41 Hansard, 25 March 1912, cols. Kenneth O. Morgan (ed.), LII, 126, November 1979, pp. Liberal Party 1895–1970 (with a 84–85; J. C. Wedgwood, Mem- Lloyd George Family Letters, 155–169. foreword by the Rt Hon. Jer- oirs of a Fighting Life (Hutch- 1885–1936 (Cardiff: University 65 Snowden to Trevelyan, 22 emy Thorpe MP) (London: inson, 1941), pp. 66–7, 78–9, of Wales Press, 1973), p. 202. August 1924, Trevelyan Papers Sidgwick & Jackson, 1971), pp. 82–3; M. Shefftz, ‘The Impact 55 J. A. Hobson, Confessions of an (CPT) 108, f. 72. xi–xvii. of the Ulster Crisis (1912– Economic Heritage (London: 66 Beatrice Webb, Diary, 2 May 79 Richard S. Grayson, Liber- 1914)’, Albion, 5 (1973), pp. George Allen and Unwin, 1924. als, International Relations and 169–83; John Shepherd, George 1938), p. 126. 67 Charles Trevelyan to Molly Appeasement: The Liberal Party, Lansbury, pp. 106–9. 56 Greg Rosen, Serving the Peo- Trevelyan, 4 March 1924, CPT 1919–1939 (London: Frank 42 Cline, op. cit., pp. 43–64. ple. Co-operative Party History Ex 118, ff. 3–4. Cass, 2001), pp. 29–57.

34 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 The life of George Jacob Holyoake exemplifies the development of popular Liberalism. Edward Royle analyses his biography and impact.

George Jacob Holyoake s a young artisan at the Eagle Foundry where he George Jacob following May he was promoted eager for education was subsequently apprenticed as Holyoake to social missionary in Sheffield. and self-improve- a whitesmith. Through the influ- (1817–1906) At this stage Holyoake’s opin- ment, Holyoake’s ence of fellow apprentices he was ions were still being formed. His personal journey took drawn into Birmingham politics association with the Birmingham himA through the radical protest in the early 1830s when Thomas Political Union, revived in 1837 as movements of the 1830s and 1840s Atwood organised the agitation part of the early Chartist move- to a career in journalism and for parliamentary reform through ment, marked him out as a radi- political agitation and a position of the Birmingham Political Union. cal and democrat. As a follower some importance on the fringes of Even more important was his of Owen, he looked to the trans- the Gladstonian Liberal Party. He association with the followers of formation of society by peaceful is significant today as a pioneering the socialist, Robert Owen, led means into a cooperative com- agitator for those individual civil locally by William Pare. In 1836 monwealth. In religious matters, rights and liberal values which Holyoake began attending classes early Unitarian influences at the J. S. Mill championed in his essay at the mechanics’ institute where mechanic’s institute gave way to On Liberty and which remain he soon demonstrated his apti- the deism of Robert Owen and part of the liberal programme in tude for mathematics and gained this was probably Holyoake’s our modern multi-cultural and ambitions to become a teacher, position until an incident in 1842 multi-faith society; and he is best but his association with the pushed the young lecturer into remembered as an advocate of Owenites counted against fur- declaring himself an atheist when cooperation and co-partnership as ther progress at the institute. In he was imprisoned for six months the middle way between capital- March 1839 he married Eleanor in Gloucester gaol for blasphemy ism and state socialism. Williams (1819–1884), daughter following a flippant comment Born on 13 April 1817 in of a small farmer, and in May about God at an Owenite lecture Birmingham where his father, 1840 his first child, Madeline, in Cheltenham. This punishment, George, was a whitesmith and was born. These changed fam- coming in the midst of simi- his mother, Catherine, a horn- ily circumstances and his grow- lar sentences for other Owenites button maker, Holyoake was ing aspiration to teach led him and leading Chartists in 1842–43, educated only at dame and Sun- in October 1840 to apply to the brought Holyoake’s name to the day schools. At the age of nine Owenites to become their sta- fore and gave him status as a mar- he began work with his father tioned lecturer in Worcester. The tyr to free thought, making him a

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 35 george jacob holyoake national figure in popular radical the South Place Chapel grouping active in the campaign against circles. He now became what he around W. J. Fox and those who the so-called Taxes on Knowl- was to be for the rest of his long gravitated to the Muswell Hill edge which imposed financial life – a prolific writer, a percep- home of W. H. Ashurst, Robert constraints on a free press. In 1849 tive journalist and a public lec- Owen’s solicitor and friend of he had, with his brother Austin, turer, though his thin voice and the Italian republican, Mazzini. commenced printing on his own slight stature scarcely fitted him In 1849 Holyoake’s rising status behalf and in 1853 he took over for the latter role. His first taste of among this radical intelligentsia James Watson’s stock and began journalism had come before his of the metropolis was marked by publishing in his own right. Glad- imprisonment when he edited a an invitation to become a mem- stone’s work as Chancellor of the short-lived weekly periodical, the ber of the Whittington Club, and Exchequer, accepting in 1853 a Oracle of Reason (1841–43), whose his correspondents from the later motion to reduce the newspaper first editor – fellow Owenite mis- 1840s include such leading liber- stamp to zero, and his challenge sionary, Charles Southwell – had als as George Dawson, George to the House of Lords over the been imprisoned for a year in 1841 Henry Lewes, Harriet Martineau, abolition of the paper duty in the for attacking the Bible. After his John Stuart Mill, Francis William 1861 budget were key moments in release from Gloucester gaol in Newman and Peter Alfred Taylor the transformation of the former 1843, Holyoake then edited the as well as Ashurst himself. Holy- Conservative and Peelite into ‘the Movement (1843–45) followed by oake was also, with some of these People’s William’. At the same the Reasoner, which he began at people, associated with the Leader time, the struggle for Italian lib- the behest of the publisher, James newspaper, edited by Thornton eration and unification provided Watson, in 1846 to sustain the Hunt, which advocated advanced another reason for radicals like causes of democracy, republican- liberal principles in political and Holyoake to see Gladstone as their ism, Owenite socialism and free- Holyoake is social affairs. parliamentary leader. Since 1848 thinking rationalism. The paper This association with the Holyoake had been increasingly was published weekly until 1861 significant liberal intelligentsia may have involved in the European repub- and its successors continued under gratified Holyoake but his grow- lican movement where moder- various names until 1872. With today as a ing moderation caused increas- ates in England could support the revival of Chartism in 1848, ing controversy with his former foreign extremists with a good Holyoake also co-edited, with pioneering friends and allies. Chartists criti- conscience. He collected money the republican poet and engraver, cised his expediency in settling for Mazzini, tested prototype William James Linton, a short- agitator too readily for a step-by-step bombs for Orsini, and was secre- lived weekly under the title, the approach to democracy, and his tary to the committee which sent Cause of the People. for those insistence that Secularism meant a legion out to Italy to fight with In the chaos of recrimination concentrating on driving out reli- Garibaldi in 1860. By the early which followed the failures of individual gious influences in this world, not 1860s Holyoake’s work for liberty Owenism in 1846 and of Chartism civil rights undermining belief in the exist- both at home and abroad reflected in 1848, Holyoake emerged as one ence of God, alienated those who those broader shifts in political of several national figures with a and liberal believed that the latter was a nec- structures which were leading to claim to lead these movements. essary precondition of the former. the formation of the Gladstonian Through his publishing activities values which Holyoake was not a charismatic Liberal Party. and lecture tours he bid to unite public speaker and, when such Secondly, Holyoake developed the scattered local remnants of J. S. Mill a person appeared in the form of through the Secularist movement latter-day Chartists and Owen- Charles Bradlaugh at the end of his connections with local groups ites in a new organisation which championed the 1850s, Holyoake found him- of former Chartists and Owen- he called Secularism. Though this self no longer recognised as the ites to form links with the infant embraced his support for democ- in his essay most important leader of what he cooperative movement. In 1858 he racy at home and republicanism always regarded as his own move- published a history of the Roch- abroad, its chief purpose was to On Liberty ment. His resentment at this never dale Pioneers Equitable Society, campaign against all religious faded, but the time had come to founded in 1844, and in so doing influences, in the law, politics and and which move on, and he did so in two fashioned their mythic role in the morality. Secularism was, above directions. post-Owenite cooperative move- all, to be a movement to secure remain part The first was in promoting ment and also made his own repu- the civil rights of all, irrespective specific agitations to secure what tation as a leading publicist for of theological persuasion. This of the liberal he regarded as the aims of true that movement. The book was to represented a shift away from the Secularism. Chief of these was go through ten English editions extremism of the earlier 1840s, to programme freedom of belief, expression and and also appeared in four differ- which he was always reluctant to in our mod- publication. Many of his aspira- ent French translations as well as admit, and grew out of his tem- tions were summed up in Mill’s ones in German, Italian and Hun- peramental discomfort with the ern multi- essay On Liberty (1859) which – garian. He also wrote histories position into which he had been notably in Chapter 2 – drew upon of cooperation in Halifax (1867) forced by circumstances in 1842. cultural and Holyoake’s own experiences of and Leeds (1897) as well as several The move was also encouraged the dead hand of prejudiced public general histories of cooperation by the links he was forging with multi-faith opinion in general and his cam- (1875–1906) and other propagan- middle-class liberal intellectu- paigns against the judicial oath dist works in the cause, including als in the later 1840s, particularly society. in particular. Holyoake was also one intended for the American

36 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 george jacob holyoake

Further reading proprietor of the Newcastle Chroni- cle and MP for Newcastle upon Holyoake’s correspondence of some four thousand letters is at the National Co-operative Archive, Tyne (1873–1886). In 1862 the two Holyoake House, Manchester, and an almost complete collection of his publications, diaries and other men orchestrated the publicity manuscripts are at the Bishopsgate Institute, London. surrounding Gladstone’s visit to His own readable but unreliable memoirs are contained in Sixty Years of an Agitator’s Life, 2 vols. Middlesbrough which is some- (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1892) and Bygones Worth Remembering, 2 vols. (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1905). times taken as the first occasion when Gladstone appreciated the The most comprehensive but uncritical biography is Joseph McCabe, Life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake, 2 vols. (London: Watts & Co., 1908). For a modern but briefer treatment, see Lee E. extent of the popular support he Grugel, George Jacob Holyoake: A Study in the Evolution of a Victorian Radical (Philadelphia: Porcupine enjoyed. Holyoake was London Press, 1976), and for aspects of his life see Barbara J. Blazsack, George Jacob Holyoake (1817–1906) correspondent for Cowen’s paper and the Development of the British Cooperative Movement (Lampeter: Edwin Mellan Press, 1988) and for many years and between 1874 Edward Royle, Victorian Infidels: The Origins of the British Secularist Movement, 1791–1866 (Manchester: and 1883 had lodgings in Newcas- Manchester University Press, 1974). tle Chambers off the Strand. Holyoake moved to Brighton The latter should be supplemented by two recent essays by the same author, ‘The Cause of the People, in 1885, the year following the the People’s Charter Union and “Moral Force” Chartism in 1848’ in J. Allen and O. R. Ashton (eds.), Papers death of his wife. The follow- for the People. A Study of the Chartist Press (London: Merlin Press, 2005); and ‘Leadership and strategy in ing year he married Jennie Pear- British radicalism after 1848’ in Joanne Paisana (ed.), Hélio Osvaldo Alves. O Guardador de Rios (Braga: University of Minho, 2005), pp. 283–98. son but his closest political aide remained his youngest daughter, Emilie, who became secretary of market. Though the Rochdale vote; and in 1893 he was made an the Women’s Trade Union and store is usually identified with honorary member of the National Provident League in 1889. He retail shopkeeping, it also had its Liberal Club. continued active to the end, pub- educational and productive sides, However, the true extent of his lishing his ideas, making occa- and Holyoake was always as con- involvement in the Liberal Party sional speeches and writing letters. cerned with producers’ coopera- is to be found in his voluminous Some of the causes he took up tion and profit-sharing schemes as correspondence and his journal- were trivial and give the impres- he was with grocery stores. Coop- ism: he can best be described as sion of an old man unable to break eration was still for him a grand a lobbying correspondent and an his lifetime’s habit of lobbying and scheme whereby the workers important channel of communi- agitating, but his stream of letters could achieve independence from cation between the party, indi- to leading figures was generally their employers by their own con- vidual MPs and the wider radical received at least with politeness certed efforts. In this advocacy he public. During 1861–63, for exam- and often with expressions of was both influenced by and influ- ple, he worked closely with J. S. gratitude and even enthusiasm. enced John Stuart Mill whose Trelawney over the latter’s unsuc- Across a wide range of issues Principles of Political Economy (1848) cessful Secular Affirmations Bills, he contributed to liberal public steered a similar path between feeding him material for use in opinion: matters such as secular capitalism and socialism. As state parliamentary debate. His tech- education, affirmations instead socialist ideas gained ground nique was to circulate his publica- of oaths, emigration, coopera- among radicals in the 1880s, Holy- tions widely in influential circles, tion and profit-sharing schemes, oake found an increasingly ready ensuring that MPs were well restrictions on Sunday leisure, the ear among Liberal politicians who briefed on controversial issues. tax on railway travel, Irish policy, saw him as a reassuring spokesman His campaign (for once against international peace, and the Boer for the liberal working classes. J. S. Mill) in support of the secret War. On 14 January 1906 his last Holyoake lived until 1906, by ballot made a substantial con- public act was to issue an appeal which time he had outlived most tribution to that debate. He was in Reynolds’s News, urging sup- of those who could challenge his always particularly active at the port for the Liberals in the coming uncertain memory of the events time of general elections, trying general election. He did not live to which he had devoted his long to suggest and persuade suitable to see that triumph, dying on 22 public life, and his status owed candidates to stand as Liberals and January. His ashes were buried in much to his age. The second half to influence their views. He cor- Highgate cemetery a week later of his life, from the 1860s to 1906, responded regularly not only with and the memorial raised over the coincides almost exactly with the expected radicals like John Stu- site was fittingly provided by the rise and fall of the Gladstonian art Mill, James Stansfeld, Charles cooperative movement. Liberal Party. Holyoake was never Dilke, Thomas Hughes, John central to this process, nor quite as Bright, Henry Fawcett and J. H. Edward Royle is Emeritus Professor important as he himself liked to Thorold Rogers, but also with the of History at the University of York. believe, but he was closely associ- moderate Whig, Lord Elcho, over He began his research in Cambridge ated with it and his experiences parliamentary reform in 1866, in the 1960s, publishing studies of can act as a commentary upon it. and Walter Morrison of Malham popular radicalism and freethought He offered himself at the polls as a Tarn, who was a supporter of between 1791 and 1915, and has since Liberal candidate in Tower Ham- cooperation but who joined the researched and written about various lets (1857), Birmingham (1868), Liberal Unionists over Ireland in aspects of radicalism, religion and the and Leicester (1884), but with- 1886. Holyoake worked particu- broader social history of Britain since drew on each occasion before the larly closely with Joseph Cowen, the mid-eighteenth century.

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 37 A RETREAT FROM THE LEFT? The Liberal Party and Labour 1945–55

The ‘realignment of the left’ in British politics was one of the defining features of Jo Grimond’s leadership of the Liberal Party and has been an important factor in Liberal politics ever since that time. The Liberal Party of the 1940s and 1950s, by contrast, is generally regarded as leaning towards the right, defined by its relationship with the Conservatives and the rump National Liberal he Liberal Party began Conservatives from returning to Party.1 Little attention the 1945 parliament power. These moves were unsuc- broadly supporting the cessful, which was probably just has been paid to Labour government but as well from the point of view of relations between the gradually became more preserving the independence of Tcritical, particularly after Frank the Liberal Party, but showed that Liberals and Labour Byers replaced Thomas Horabin there was considerable interest in as Chief Whip in 1946. A number re-establishing a progressive coa- during this period. of former Liberal MPs defected to lition in UK politics well before Labour during the late 1940s and Grimond reinvented the Liberal Robert Ingham early 1950s and high-level talks Party after 1956. The extent to exanines the record. took place between the parties which the Liberal Party was split in 1950 aimed at preventing the down the middle in its approach to

38 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 A RETREAT FROM THE LEFT? The Liberal Party and Labour 1945–55

its major rivals at this time is also The immediate problem for Liberals in parliament 1945–50 now starkly apparent. Some senior the Liberals after the election The first decision Davies and Liberals were talking to Labour was to select a new leader, as Horabin had to take concerned about keeping the Conservatives Sir Archibald Sinclair had been the Liberal attitude to the King’s out of power at the same time as defeated in Caithness and Suth- Speech, which outlined the leg- others were discussing the pos- erland. Sinclair’s National oppo- islative programme of the new sibility of electoral arrangements nent, Eric Gandar Dower, had government. Then, as now, the with the Conservatives aimed at rashly promised to resign his seat debate at the start of the par- defeating Labour: Clement Davies when Japan was defeated, and liamentary session lasted sev- may well have been party to both Liberals expected Sinclair to win eral days and there were usually sets of conservations. the ensuring by-election. In the votes on opposition amendments. The results of the 1945 gen- event, Gandar Dower changed Unusually, no amendments were eral election showed a marked his mind and served for the full moved in 1945. Clement Dav- shift to the left in British politics, Parliament. Faced with this situ- ies devoted much of his speech with the Labour Party sweeping ation, Liberal MPs selected Clem- to international affairs – war was to power. The number of Labour ent Davies as their chairman for still raging in the Far East – and MPs increased from 166 at disso- the parliamentary session after a his remarks about the new gov- lution to 393, with the Conserva- process in which all of the MPs ernment’s domestic agenda were tive total falling from 398 to 213, were asked in turn if they would positive: their lowest number since 1906. consider taking the job. Thomas The Liberals had hoped to benefit Horabin became Chief Whip. I am sure that we can all rejoice from this swing, not least because Davies was a controversial at the end of the Tory régime, their ranks included Sir William choice. Elected for Montgomery- at the end of reaction and Beveridge, author of the epony- shire in 1929 he followed Sir John chaos. We are looking forward mous report which was to become Simon into the Liberal Nationals, not only in this country but in the keystone of the welfare state before becoming an independent all countries of Europe, where and who had been elected Liberal in 1939. He rejoined the Liberals democracy is rising with new MP for Berwick in 1944. In fact, in 1942 and was associated with the hope, to this progressive Gov- the election marked a new low left-wing Radical Action group.2 ernment We wish this Gov- in the long-term decline of the Horabin was also associated with ernment well, but we want Liberal Party and a mere twelve Radical Action and the views them to take that road firmly. Liberals were returned to parlia- expressed in his 1944 monograph We want them to show plenty ment. Beveridge was one of the Politics Made Plain put him well to of backbone, determination casualties; and one of the Liber- the left of Sinclair and other Lib- and courage. [An Hon. Mem- als returned at the poll, Gwilym eral grandees. Only a year before ber: ‘Do not worry.’] I am not Lloyd George, was only a nomi- Davies and Horabin had emerged worrying; I am just express- nal supporter of the party and was as leaders of the Liberal MPs, ing the hope. Why should I later to side unambiguously with Lady Violet Bonham Carter had not give them this reminder? the Conservatives. The best that described them as examples of the Left: Clement If they fail, if there is a breach could be said about the election ‘lunatics and pathological cases’ Davies, Leader of of faith, they will not only do result was that the Liberals had not prominent in the party because of the Liberal Party permanent damage to their been wiped off the map. its weak position.3 1945–56 own party, but to the cause

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 39 a retreat from the left?

of democracy throughout the drift under Clement Davies’ lead- a former Liberal candidate and world. They may do more ership’.10 Evidence of a shift away chairman of Radical Action, pro- damage even than 20 dictators. from undiluted enthusiasm for duced a discussion paper for the I am perfectly sure that they Labour’s programme can be found remaining members of Radical will go on with this great pro- in the autumn and winter of 1945. Action in 1948 which described gramme; all I hope is that pros- Speaking on the second reading of Byers as ‘irritating’ and ‘inad- perity will follow upon their the Dock Workers (Regulation of equate’ and implied that he was work.4 Employment) Bill, Davies agreed responsible for the party’s ditching with Labour’s aim of putting an its radical stance.17 It seems clear, Liberal support for government end to the casual labour system however, that Byers was reinforc- measures was expressed on sev- for engaging dock workers but ing a trend which had begun ear- eral occasions during the 1945–46 expressed concern at the impact lier and which reflected Davies’s session, mostly by Davies himself on the liberties of individual own view that Labour had insuf- who seems to have received lit- workers.11 Three weeks later, and ficient regard for civil liberties. tle support from his colleagues in somewhat surprisingly given his The King opened the 1946– flying the party flag in the Com- remarks in August, Davies partici- 47 session of parliament on 12 mons. His support for the nation- pated in a Conservative motion November 1946 and Clem- alisation of the Bank of England of censure on government policy, ent Davies made his speech in was criticised by the Conserva- moving a Liberal amendment response the next day. General tives as a ‘blank sheet’ policy.5 which attacked Labour for sacri- support for Labour’s programme Later in 1945, Davies supported ficing civil liberties.12 It is notable was combined with a note of cau- the National Insurance (Indus- that Davies’s concerns were ‘right- tion, absent a year earlier: trial Injuries) Bill but admon- wing’ in terms of the language of ished the government for being the times but were entirely con- With regard to the legisla- insufficiently radical.6 Criticism sistent with the Liberal Party’s tive proposals, I repeat what of socialist timidity was also traditional approach to individual I said at the beginning of this expressed by Roderic Bowen in rights. Parliament … we as Liberals his maiden speech. Bowen, widely When Horabin resigned as will support every progressive regarded as a right-winger,7 began Liberal Chief Whip he claimed measure which is really for the his speech on the Trunk Roads that this was because he wanted benefit of the community as Bill with the words ‘I shall ven- to contribute more often to a whole … But that is on one ture to criticise a socialist Minis- debate in the House.13 He made Left-wing condition, that whereas we ter on the score that his scheme of only one speech – on foreign want these radical economic nationalisation is of far too limited affairs in June 1946 – before he Liberals were reforms as much as any hon. a character’.8 resigned the Liberal Whip in later in no Member sitting on that side of The approach taken by Dav- October 1946. On this occasion the House, we will not part ies and Horabin was based on the he was more candid about the doubt that with a single one of our spir- notion that the Labour and Liberal reasons for his departure, com- itual liberties, which are far and Parties were united by a common plaining that the Liberals had Byers had away more important than any purpose and differed only in terms moved to the right and that the economic reform.18 of zeal and commitment: this government deserved the support moved the view was reflected in a confer- of radicals.14 Davies appointed The Liberals also brought for- ence organised by Radical Action Frank Byers, the new MP for party to the ward an amendment for debate, at Brackley in April 1946, which Dorset North, to replace Horabin attacking the trade union closed Davies and Horabin attended. as Chief Whip. Described by right, well shop. This direct assault on the Could radical Liberals be critical Roy Douglas as ‘one of the small heart of the Labour movement of the fact that Labour was imple- group of visionary and indefati- away from was devised by Frank Byers, who menting what one participant, gable individuals determined to opened the debate. Everett Jones, considered to be a infuse vigour and determination the role set The Liberals’ opposition to largely Liberal programme? The as well as a sense of organisa- the 1946 Transport Bill, in which answer was an overwhelming tion into the party’,15 he quickly out by Dav- it was proposed to nationalise all no. Horabin, who had recently became one of the most domi- inland public transport save for resigned as Chief Whip, declared nant figures in the party. In ies in 1945 air travel, caused difficulties for that Labour were doing a first- October 1947 he was asking Lady the party. G. R. Strauss, the min- class job and it was the Liberals’ Violet Bonham Carter whether of providing ister in charge of the bill, quoted duty to back the government. Clement Davies should be con- a wartime Liberal Party pamphlet Davies said that all Labour lacked firmed as official leader of the backbone which advocated nationalisation was a progressive plan of action party, ‘on the ground that he to a Labour of the railways, long-distance and a ‘war cabinet’ style organisa- [Frank] cld control him better’.16 road haulage and the passenger tion which would improve their Left-wing Liberals were later government transport industry. ‘Well, our policy delivery.9 in no doubt that Byers had moved bill fully endorses those general Horabin’s biographers, Jaime the party to the right, well away which might principles,’ teased Strauss.19 Dav- Reynolds and Ian Hunter, have from the role set out by Davies in ies had already spoken to oppose attributed Horabin’s resignation 1945 of providing backbone to a prove too the creation of a ‘vast all-embrac- to disenchantment with ‘what he Labour government which might ing monopoly’ and to say that his perceived as the party’s rightward prove too timid. Lancelot Spicer, timid. party would go no further than

40 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 a retreat from the left? the nationalisation of the railways As Clem- One final example of the Liber- to become a Liberal MP, dined and the canal network.20 ‘Is this als’ swing to the right during this with the Home Secretary, Her- an indication of the retreat of the ent Davies period will suffice. G. R. Strauss bert Morrison, to discuss the Liberal Party from the policy on led for the government on the bill possibility of Labour and radical which it fought the last general moved to the to nationalise the steel industry in Liberals entering into a ‘contract’ election?’ thundered a Radical 1948 and again made hay with a or ‘bargain’.27 No clear statement Action letter to The Guardian.21 right, and statement of Liberal policy from was given of what that contract The party’s attitude to the before 1945. On this occasion he might involve, but it is reasonable government had hardened con- the influence cited a pamphlet entitled A Radi- to assume that Radical Action siderably by the time of the 1947 cal Economic Policy for Progressive hoped to secure a free run against King’s Speech. Davies said the of Thomas Liberalism which bore Davies’s the Tories for some of their candi- government had ‘done more than Horabin signature and which argued that dates. No agreement was reached, any other Government of this ‘steel, coal, transport and power with Morrison taking the ortho- country in time of peace to limit waned, are examples of industries which dox Labour line that all progres- the freedom of the individual’ it is vital should be owned by the sives ought to join the Labour and accused Labour of ‘threaten- some on the community’.24 Davies called for Party. He was assured that none ing’ the ‘spiritual liberty’ of the an inquiry, arguing that nation- of those present had any attention people.22 He went on to argue Liberal left alisation was not necessarily best of defecting as this would ‘not that: for the industry at that time and forwards the cause they were pro- again looked claiming that his stance was con- moting.’ This approach to Morri- No Government ever started sistent with his earlier views.25 He son was made behind the back of on their career with greater to reach an was undermined by his former the Liberal leadership; a suggested good will than His Majesty’s colleague Horabin, however, second meeting appears not to Government. They had the agreement making his first speech in parlia- have taken place. support of all the workers, and ment since he was injured in an At the same time, the Labour the full support of the trade with Labour. aeroplane crash in January 1947. ‘I Party chairman, Harold Laski, unions. They had the realisa- really cannot understand why my approached Honor Balfour, who tion among the people that the right hon. and learned Friend is was then intending to contest tasks confronting them were not supporting the Second Read- Darwen for the second time fol- enormous. I wished them well ing of this Bill’ began Horabin: lowing her near miss as an inde- on behalf of my colleagues pendent Liberal in the 1944 in my speech on the Address Throughout the war years we by-election. Balfour was offered a in reply to the first Gracious worked very closely together. choice of eight safe Labour seats if Speech from the Throne in He was my leader in those days she were to join the Labour Party. this Parliament. We wished even before he was Leader Balfour described the offer as them well, not so much for of the Liberal Party, and he ‘tempting’ but loyalty to her con- their success, but because we taught me quite a lot about stituency workers, and her rejec- realised that upon them would the economics we should need tion of Clause IV of the Labour depend the fate of the coun- to adopt when peace came. Party’s constitution, kept her in try, and the responsibility to It was he who, to a very large the Liberal fold.28 Immediately bring it through its difficul- extent, converted me to the after the election, Laski repeated ties back to normal. They had nationalisation of steel, to the his offer, ‘we want progressive greater powers over finance nationalisation of land and so Liberals in the Labour Party … and materials, together with on, but unfortunately I could anyone with your gifts would be controls of all kinds, than any not change my point of view. welcome.’29 Government has ever had; and I fought the General Election As Clement Davies moved to what has obviously happened, on this issue, and so did my the right, and the influence of from the words used this week right hon. and learned Friend Thomas Horabin waned, some by the Prime Minister, and I believe – perhaps not on the on the Liberal left again looked to emphasised by the Minister nationalisation of steel, but cer- reach an agreement with Labour. for Economic Affairs, is that tainly on the question of the Lancelot Spicer wrote to Richard there has been a lack of vision, nationalisation of the land.26 Crossman MP in November 1946 foresight and realisation of the on behalf of the remaining mem- effect of many of their actions Horabin’s peroration fell on deaf bers of Radical Action stating ‘as – a real lack of vision as to what ears and the Liberals united to a group trying to work out a posi- might happen as a result of the oppose the bill. tive set of aims, we are anxious failure to exercise the control to find out how far we can agree over finance which was in the with existing political groups.’30 hands of the Chancellor of the Talking to Labour The ‘dogmatic and doctrinaire’ Exchequer. Obviously, they There had been sporadic con- discipline of the Labour whips did not realise the immensity tacts between left-wing Liberals was given as one reason why Rad- of the problems, still less the and the Labour Party before the ical Action could not yet endorse danger. Still less did they give 1945 election, but these had come the Labour Party, but the initial that proper guidance which to nothing. In June 1944 vari- post-war contact had been made. the country was entitled to ous members of Radical Action, A serious approach to Labour expect.23 including Emrys Roberts, soon was delayed until 1948. Spicer

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 41 a retreat from the left? floated the idea of a radical/ constituency Labour parties; Megan Lloyd carry the parliamentary Labour Labour coalition operating in and Party with him.37 seats where the Liberal vote • did not accept Labour’s stance George, in In March 1951 a notice was remained strong.31 The election on private enterprise. circulated by ‘The Pilgrim’ of a strong radical group to the However, in the redrafted second alliance addressed to ‘all intelligent Labour House of Commons, to supple- memorandum, written in May MPs’.38 The Pilgrim argued that a ment Lady Megan Lloyd George 1948, the last reason was omit- with Emrys Lib–Lab deal, in which both par- and both Emrys and Wilfrid Rob- ted. Marshall wrote to Phillips to ties withdrew from certain seats, erts, would save Labour from the say that, ‘we found our talk with Roberts and would gain Labour seventy seats electoral defeat Spicer predicted at you extremely helpful in clarify- and the Liberals thirty. ‘Get down the forthcoming general election. ing certain points.’33 The second Edgar Gran- now to the job of working out In the same year, A. P. Mar- memorandum may have appealed ville, wrote an electoral arrangement with shall, a prominent member of to the right wing of the Labour the Liberals,’ the Pilgrim urged. Radical Action, sent two memo- Party, in that it called for ‘radical to The Times Whereas such a notice could nor- randa to Morgan Phillips, the reforms to achieve Social Democ- mally be dismissed as a historical Secretary of the Labour Party, racy.’ Marshall continued to offer to argue for curiosity, at the same time Tom written in the name of ‘a number an electoral deal to the Labour Reid, the Labour MP for Swin- of Liberals who have for some Party, claiming that a radical/ ‘cooperation don, wrote to Morgan Phillips to years been members of the Radi- Labour coalition would command reveal that Lib–Lab negotiations cal wing of the Liberal forces’ and the support of at least two-thirds with Labour had been ongoing during the who were struggling to adapt of the Liberal Party and would Parliament. Reid’s letter deserves to ‘a desperately difficult situa- drive away the Communist Party on honour- quoting in full: tion.’32 Marshall argued that the as well as ensure victory at the Liberal Party was suffering from next general election. The offer able terms For months here individual an ‘advanced state of political Par- was ignored. Phillips would settle MPs – Labour and Liberal – kinson’s disease’ and would need for nothing less than the defec- to make an have been talking of uniting to die in order for a vibrant radi- tion of Radical Action members ... A few weeks ago a Liberal cal party to be born. Marshall set into the Labour Party. This left effective MP approached me about it … out a number of conditions which Radical Action ‘standing very I then saw Herbert [Morrison] a government had to satisfy in much alone’ and Spicer suggested majority for and asked him if I should butt order to win the support of radi- that the group admit failure and in. He was dubious about the cals. The crucial condition was disband its political activities.34 reform’. feasibility of the plan; he had that the government had to enjoy This is what happened after the made approaches himself. But the overwhelming support of the 1948 memoranda. Spicer refused he told me to go ahead as an working class. Marshall argued to stand for the Liberal Party in individual representing myself that this ruled out radical sup- the 1950 general election, despite only. I did so and saw Megan port for a Conservative govern- being offered the candidacy in [Lloyd George]. We covered ment, as well as any cooperation Loughborough. the whole subject. I found with the Tories on the basis of the But that was by no means the that here had been all sorts of ‘Design for Freedom’ plan drawn end of contact between Labour suggestions but no compre- up by an unofficial group of Lib- and individual radical Liberals. hensive understanding cover- erals and Conservatives. That The results of the 1950 general ing all the big issues. Then I left the Labour Party as the only election left Labour in need of had several talks with 5 of the viable home for radicals. ‘All of allies, especially as it was widely Liberal MPs. My first object us in private conversations have anticipated that the swing to the was to prevent them bringing found a great measure of agree- right would continue at the next down the government. In this ment with many Labour men and election. Megan Lloyd George, they have been co-operative women on immediate and short- in alliance with Emrys Roberts … We hammered out a policy run problems. We often find them and Edgar Granville, wrote to for the period till the next elec- kindred spirits seeing similar ends The Times to argue for ‘coopera- tion, not one item, I think, in human life. We like their deep tion with Labour on honourable contrary to Labour policy. I and genuine human impulses.’ terms to make an effective major- handed it to Herbert suggest- The first memorandum, writ- ity for reform’.35 Lloyd George ing that he should sound the ten in February 1948, listed five engaged in a running battle with Executive. The difficulties of reasons why radical Liberals the right wing of the Liberal Party getting joint action at elections, would not join the Labour Party. during the 1950–52 period, accus- constituencies etc was fully These were that they: ing them of undertaking a ‘drift realised. Meantime, the Liber- • did not accept clause IV of the away from the old Radical tra- als sounded some of their lead- Labour Party constitution; dition’.36 In 1950 she, Spicer and ing people outside Parliament • did not accept Labour’s rigid Emrys Roberts met with Morri- and added a few things to their disciplinary system; son to discuss the possibility of an policy outlined. I showed the • did not like the close associa- arrangement which could prevent note to Herbert … I told him tion between Labour and the the Tories from winning the next I would give it to Chuter Ede trades unions; election. Morrison commented who, I knew, saw possibilities • were unimpressed with the that although he favoured such in the plan. That was last night. standard of officials in the a deal, he did not think he could I asked Chuter to show it to the

42 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 a retreat from the left?

Prime Minister, and then pass high-level discussion. However, to Labour. During the 1945–55 it on to some leading members his desk diaries from the period period a number of Liberal MPs of the Executive. Meantime I reveal nothing and he never men- and former MPs drifted into the had seen Alice Bacon and dis- tioned any such discussions in his Labour Party in an uncoordi- cussed the whole thing … If memoirs. Evidence of Davies’s nated fashion. Balfour felt that deemed promising the execu- involvement comes from Labour a well-organised, high-profile tives of the two parties must MP Philip Noel-Baker, who defection of several prominent discuss the policies suggested recorded Davies commenting in radicals might achieve the sort and if agreed, their implemen- March 1951 that ‘somehow the of realignment of British poli- tation if deemed feasible.39 two progressive parties must get tics which Jo Grimond was to It is com- together to save the world.’41 Was advocate several years later. Vital In 1951 more than half of the par- this a signal of practical political to this plan was Lloyd George, liamentary Liberal Party, and sev- monly stated intent, a pipedream, or a mistake who was the most prominent eral prominent Liberals outside by Noel-Baker? Whatever the member of this radical group. If of parliament, agreed to a policy that Clem- answer, it is clear that some of the she could lead a mass defection, statement which was designed to ent Davies Liberal Party’s most senior figures then the balance of power within ensure that the Labour govern- were involved in detailed nego- the Labour Party might tilt to ment stayed in power for as long as saved the tiations with a Labour MP, with a the right, and a radical social possible. Furthermore, the possi- view to establishing a far-reaching democratic Labour Party could bility of a more far-reaching deal, Liberal Party agreement with the Labour Party emerge, attracting widespread encapsulating electoral arrange- both in Parliament and in the support from across the political ments and future government by rejecting constituencies. spectrum. However, no coordi- policy was mooted. This agree- It is commonly stated that nated activity took place. Lloyd ment was known to Attlee and Churchill’s Clement Davies saved the Lib- George announced her defection to senior members of the Labour eral Party by rejecting Churchill’s in 1955 independently. Foot fol- administration as well as to many offer of the offer of the Ministry of Education. lowed her shortly afterwards. No senior Liberals. What happened It appears that another decision in mass defection took place. The to the agreement? It is likely that Ministry of 1951, of both the Labour and Lib- moment was lost.44 both party executives looked eral Party executives to dismiss unfavourably on the deal: the Lib- Education. It a negotiated parliamentary deal erals’ because of the number of between the parties, also helped Conclusion executive members who leaned appears that sustain the Liberal Party’s survival The Liberal Party’s relationship towards the Tories not Labour, as an independent organisation. with Labour after 1945 was more and Labour’s because the Liber- another deci- Again, this was not the end of complex than has previously been als were not trusted to stick to any the issue. Megan Lloyd George suggested. The unlikely leader- deal. Phillips regarded Clement sion in 1951, lost her seat, Anglesey, in 1951 ship pairing of Clement Davies Davies as ‘extremely ineffective’ of both the and there was widespread specu- and Thomas Horabin began the and it is likely that he felt that lation that she would defect to 1945 parliament as critical friends Davies had no power or ability Labour and the Labour Party. In February of the Labour government, wor- to carry his party, assuming he 1952, her lover, Philip Noel- rying not that it would prove backed the arrangement.40 Liberal Party Baker wrote, ‘Archie [Sinclair] too left-wing but that it would Who were the five Liberal has been seeing Hugh Gaitskell be too cautious. By the winter of MPs, with whom Reid discussed executives and is still asking for pacts; Her- 1945, however, Davies was begin- the deal? Megan Lloyd George, bert [Morrison] is still stalling ning to have his doubts about the Emrys Roberts and Edgar Gran- to dismiss a as hard as ever. I think they may impact of Labour’s economic pre- ville, all former Radical Action try to get you to take Anglesey scriptions on what would now be members, would certainly have negotiated for us [i.e. Labour] ... I think called human rights and the Lib- been approached. Archibald Mac- you ought to see Clem [Davies] erals’ drift to the right began. donald, later to help form the parliamen- at once and say so right away.’42 With hindsight, the Liberals’ Radical Reform Group, may also Noel-Baker is not the most reli- strategy was naïve and doomed to have been involved. The identity tary deal able source of information on this failure. Had the party continued of the fifth, assuming that Reid matter. Sinclair was by this time to argue that Labour needed to be is not mistaken, is something of between the ill and in the House of Lords. more radical it would have found a mystery. Rhys Hopkin Mor- Only the year before, Church- itself allied in the Commons to a ris and Roderic Bowen would, parties, also ill had offered him a place in the ragbag of Communists and inde- by inclination, have had noth- cabinet.43 However, the sugges- pendent left-wingers who openly ing to do with the Labour Party. helped sus- tion that Lloyd George should rejected liberalism. The initial Donald Wade was elected only as tain the Lib- return to parliament as a Welsh course set by Davies and Horabin a result of an arrangement with Labour MP had been made. Her would have left the mainstream his local Conservative association eral Party’s Liberal colleagues, who had sup- Liberal Party far behind. In drop- and would be unlikely to have ported her ‘radical group’ in Par- ping Horabin, Davies helped unite assented to a deal with Labour. survival as an liament, had other ideas. Honor the party – no easy task given that That leaves Clement Davies Balfour, Dingle Foot and, to a it contained such disparate ele- and Jo Grimond. Grimond, as independent lesser extent, Philip Fothergill ments as Megan Lloyd George and Chief Whip, would almost cer- were still excited by the possi- Rhys Hopkin Morris. It proved tainly have been involved in any organisation. bility of a mass radical defection impossible, however, for Davies

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 43 a retreat from the left? to argue convincingly that Lib- Labour’s frailties became evident 20 HC Deb, 16 December 1945, cc. eral policy on economic matters during the 1950s was it possible 1655–64. had been consistent throughout to develop a coherent narrative to 21 The Guardian, 3 December 1946. the decade and that his own views explain why the Liberal Party still 22 HC Deb, 24 October 1947, c. 385. were soundly based. As the 1940s mattered and to use this to cam- 23 HC Deb, 24 October 1947, cc. progressed, Labour was increas- paign for votes. 387–88. ingly able to portray Davies and 24 HC Deb, 15 November 1948, cc. his supporters as ideological right- Robert Ingham is Biographies Editor 55–56. wingers who had disowned the of the Journal of Liberal History 25 HC Deb, 16 November 1948, cc. radical liberalism of the past. and has written extensively on Liberal 251–62, The failure of a group of left- history in the Journal and elsewhere. 26 HC Deb, 16 November 1948, c. 263. wing Liberals to break from the 27 Balfour Papers, ‘Notes on dinner party en masse to join Labour 1 For example see R. Ingham, ‘Battle with Herbert Morrison’, 22 June was principally due to the Labour of Ideas of Absence of Leadership’, 1944. Party’s refusal to compromise on Journal of Liberal History, 47, Summer 28 Private interview. fundamental issues such as Clause 2005, pp. 36–44. 29 Balfour Papers, letter H. Laski to IV of its constitution. An organ- 2 See M. Egan, ‘Radical Action and Balfour, 4 August 1945. ised defection would undoubtedly the Liberal Party during the Second 30 Balfour Papers, letter L. Spicer to have weakened the Liberal Party World War’, Journal of Liberal His- R. Crossman, 21 November 1946. further but probably would not tory, 63, Summer 2009, pp. 4–17. 31 Balfour Papers, ‘A Radical–Labour have proved fatal. An electoral 3 M. Pottle (ed.), Champion Redoubt- Coalition?’, April 1948. arrangement with Labour was able: the diaries and letters of Violet 32 General Secretary’s Papers, Box 4, seriously considered after 1950 and Bonham Carter 1914–45 (Weidenfeld GS/Lib/4ii–v, Memorandum by again seems to have foundered & Nicolson, 1998), p. 294 (entry for Arthur Marshall, February 1948. because Labour had no wish to 15 February 1944). This was redrafted and can be found compromise. It is a striking meas- The party 4 HC Deb, 16 August 1945, cc. at GS/Lib/6 and also as part of Spic- ure of the Liberal Party’s weakness 117–18. er’s Papers, ‘Memorandum by A. P. at this time that it was in negotia- never 5 HC Deb, 29 October 1945, cc. Marshall’, May 1948. These papers tions with both major parties that 71–74 for Davies’ speech and c. 140 can be consulted at the National could have put an end to the par- wanted for for criticism from Oliver Stanley. Museum of Labour History. ty’s independence. The 1950–51 6 HC Deb, 10 October 1945, cc. 33 General Secretary’s Papers, Box 4, period was thus a crucial turning policies: 296–300. GS/Lib/5i–vi, letter A. P. Marshall point in the history of the party: 7 See J. G. Jones, ‘Grimond’s Rival’, to Morgan Phillips, 14 May 1948. despite the Liberals’ popular sup- what the Journal of Liberal History, 34/35, 34 Balfour Papers, memorandum July port reaching an all-time low, the electorate Spring/Summer 2002, pp. 26–34. 1948. This appears to be the last of party leadership turned its back on 8 HC Deb, 8 November 1945, cc. Spicer’s discussion papers. national electoral arrangements needed 1477–80. 35 M. Jones, A Radical Life: The Biogra- with the other parties and pledged 9 Balfour Papers, ‘Minutes, Radi- phy of Megan Lloyd George, 1902–66 to soldier on alone. was a clear cal Action weekend conference at (Hutchinson, 1991), p. 212. This period also showed how Brackley’, 7 April 1946. This col- 36 Ibid., p. 213. important it was for the Liberal explanation lection can be consulted at the Bod- 37 Ibid., p. 214. leadership to decide on the atti- leian Library, Oxford. 38 General Secretary’s Papers, Box 4, tude the party should take to of where 10 J. Reynolds and I. Hunter, ‘Liberal GS/Lib/18ii. both of its major rivals, each of Class Warrior’, Journal of Liberal His- 39 General Secretary’s Papers, Box 4, which had a strong incentive to the Liber- tory, 28, Autumn 2000, p. 20. GS/Lib/20i. James Chuter Ede was emphasise their liberal credentials 11 HC Deb, 12 November 1945, cc. Labour MP for South Shields and and attract Liberal voters. Lib- als stood on 1795–99. the Leader of the House of Com- eral grandees often argued that 12 HC Deb, 5 December 1945, cc. mons. Alice Bacon was Labour MP the party needed to make a clear the political 2352–60. for Leeds North East and Chairman statement of its policy in order to 13 Reynolds and Hunter, op. cit., p. of the Party. regain its strength. But the party spectrum 20. 40 General Secretary’s Papers, Box never wanted for policies: what 14 Ibid. 4, GS/Lib/20, correspondence the electorate needed was a clear (however 15 D. Brack et al. (eds.), Dictionary of between M. Phillips and M. Starr, explanation of where the Liber- Liberal Biography (Politicos, 1998), p. 11 June 1952 and 24 June 1952. als stood on the political spectrum much Liber- 64. 41 Jones, op. cit., p. 215. Philip Noel- (however much Liberals disliked als disliked 16 M. Pottle (ed.), Daring to Hope: Baker was Labour MP for Derby the concept) and why the party the diaries and letters of Violet Bon- South and was engaged in an remained relevant. This was to the concept) ham Carter 1946–69 (Weidenfeld & affair with Megan Lloyd George come later in the 1950s, when Jo Nicolson, 2000), p. 36 (entry for 13 throughout this period. Grimond positioned the Liberals and why October 1947). 42 Ibid., pp. 236–37. firmly on the left of British poli- 17 Balfour Papers, ‘A Radical-Labour 43 G. de Groot, Liberal Crusader: the tics and appealed for support from the party Coalition?’, April 1948. Life of Sir Archibald Sinclair (Hurst & progressives in all parties alienated 18 HC Deb, 13 November 1946, cc. Co., 1993), p. 235. by the extremists in both. This remained 214–15. 44 Private interview. was where most Liberals thought 19 HC Deb, 18 December 1945, c. they stood in 1945, but only after relevant. 1990.

44 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 RADICAL REFORM GROUP The Radical Reform Group has until recently been relatively neglected by historians of the Liberal Party. Graham Lippiatt gives an overview of the group’s formation and history, examines the material published by the group itself and reviews the published literature which covers it.

he Radical Reform its own, policies which will both the News Chronicle entitled ‘Left or Group (RRG) was a give effect to the principles [of Limbo?’. It called the earlier deci- social liberal pressure liberty and social justice] and gain sion to divorce from the party a group of the 1950s and wide acceptance from all shades mistake, criticising the RRG for 1960s. It was founded of political opinion.’10 The RRG’s having been dormant too long Tin 19521 by Desmond Banks2 and intention was to create an effective and looked forward to its renewed Peter Grafton.3 Concerned that, third force in British politics and activities on the left of centre, under the leadership of Clement looked for ways of forging links where it said ‘all good Liberals Davies, the Liberal Party was fall- with like-minded individuals in should be’.17 ing unduly under the sway of clas- other parties. Banks also gave as Thereafter the RRG contin- sical, free-market liberals and was a justification for the formation of ued its role as an internal social drifting to the right, they feared the RRG the need to strengthen liberal ginger group, supportive of the domination of the party by the Liberal Party as an alternative Jo Grimond’s electoral strategy of economic liberals such as Oliver for disillusioned electors against realignment. The marginalisation Smedley4 and Arthur Seldon,5 the growth of extremist groups. or defection of leading economic who both later helped establish ‘If there were no Liberal Party,’ he liberals and the return of the the Institute of Economic Affairs, declared in a speech in Cornwall RRG helped to set the progres- the think tank that was to become in March 1956, ‘we might well be The RRG saw sive tone of Liberal politics during an engine of Thatcherism. One witnessing today the growth of the years of Grimond’s leadership, prominent Radical Reformer some dangerous movement akin their task as when the party tended to choose recalled that he joined because of to that of Monsieur Poujade11 in the social liberal and Keynesian worries that the party was so small France.12 promoting economic approach. and weak in the early 1950s that it In the spring of 1954, the RRG was in danger of being taken over decided to disaffiliate from the ‘social reform by people like Smedley and S. W. Liberal Party in an effort to attract without Material published by the Alexander6 who would be seen as members from the social demo- Radical Reform Group cranks who wanted to turn the cratic wing of the Labour Party. It socialism’ In all, the RRG published three party into an economic sect.7 hoped to exploit divisions in the pamphlets setting out the pur- The RRG saw their task as Labour Party between the sup- and sought pose and strategy of the group and promoting ‘social reform with- porters of Aneurin Bevan13 and detailing the policies that the Lib- out socialism’ and sought ways those of Hugh Gaitskell.14 Most ways in eral Party and the country ought to in which the institutions and RRG members remained card- adopt.18 The group also published policies of the welfare state and carrying members of the Liberal which the a regular newsletter which con- the managed economy could Party but one former Chairman, tained commentary on the political be improved and strengthened.8 E. F. Allison, defected to Labour15 institutions developments of the day, Liberal Looking back, one reformer set and one of its vice-presidents, the election prospects, essays on policy out the task of the RRG as ‘… former MP for Dundee, Din- and policies questions, and internal announce- mov[ing] the party as a whole to gle Foot, (who also later joined ments and notices. This author has adopt a programme, especially in Labour, in 1956) openly sup- of the wel- not been able to establish exactly industrial and economic affairs, ported Labour candidates in seats when the first newsletter was pub- which could become the platform not contested by Liberals in the fare state lished but the last one appears to for a new, radical force in poli- 1955 general election. The Labour have been the issue of September tics.’9 This emphasis on creating splits did not prove permanent and the man- 1964.19 Between November 1956 something new in British politics however, and the RRG strategy and September 1964, twenty-three was because the RRG recognised was not a success. Membership aged econ- newsletters were circulated to that there was something wrong declined and the media were not omy could RRG members.20 with a political and electoral sys- interested. At the Annual Gen- The earliest of the RRG tem which produced great oppos- eral Meeting of the group in the be improved pamphlets was a three-page ing, disciplined party blocs. In National Liberal Club on 29 document, Radical Approach: A the preamble to its constitution, October 1955, members voted and Statement of Aims by the Radical the RRG stated that ‘no existing narrowly to revert to being an Reform Group, published in 1953. party, acting as such, is, in view of organisation wholly within the strength- In the introduction, the authors sectional background or histori- Liberal Party.16 This homecom- set out an essentially Liberal belief cal obsolescence, producing, on ing was welcomed by a leader in ened. in the supreme value of the human

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 45 the radical reform group personality and the need to create problems and again according In the after- support for the United Nations the conditions of liberty in which a central place to the concept and multilateral disarmament. each personality can develop to of liberty and the liberal tradi- math of the These were not issues which the the full. They observe, however, tion as a framework for thought RRG discounted. The constitu- that liberty is a changing concept and action. That framework, it 1959 general tional agenda underpinned much and declare that the task in the is asserted, must ‘ensure to all of the RRG critique of Brit- twentieth century is to win eco- men an economic status compa- election, ish politics set out in the group’s nomic liberty at the same time as rable to the status demanded by unpublished constitution and the preserving and extending politi- the plea for liberty. As of right, with a third need for a radical alternative. And cal liberty. What was wanted was wealth and income must be more foreign policy questions came to a ‘synthesis of freedom and social equally shared …’. The docu- successive feature more prominently in the justice’. To achieve these aims ment makes some advanced rec- Labour later publication, Radical Chal- the state has a clear role to play ommendations in relation to the lenge (1960). In the early days of in specific fields. The first is the Third World. Albeit in language defeat, there the RRG, however, the domestic welfare state, in which ‘no one which today would be unaccept- agenda was its primary focus. through unemployment, sick- able, the authors recognise the seemed a The final RRG publication, ness or old age shall be destitute; ‘appalling aspect of our present Radical Challenge was a longer in which people with families to economic system [in] our treat- real oppor- work, running to ten pages. care for shall be helped to provide ment of backward peoples’ (sic). Radical Challenge was a child of its for them by those whose bur- They acknowledge the damage tunity for political times. In 1956, Jo Gri- dens are lighter; and in which the to ‘native peoples and native ways mond had become leader of the opportunity of a good start in life of life’ (sic) and state that ‘our progressive Liberal Party. In 1958 the party shall be available to all.’ The pam- attitude to backward areas must won the Torrington by-election, phlet recommends the payment be consistent with our highest forces to rea- the first Liberal gain in a by-elec- of a family allowance for the first beliefs; if men need freedom and tion since 1929. The economic child, an increase in old age pen- the economic conditions to give it lign around and political landscape seemed to sions and the principle of a free life, the need of all men is equally be moving, with the slow decline health service. The next field for real’. Finally, in an early exam- the Liberal of heavy industry and with more government action is full employ- ple of environmental conscious- of Britain’s population becoming ment, which the pamphlet asserts ness, the pamphlet acknowledges Party and affluent and aspiring to middle- is to be maintained broadly ‘along that humanity needs to be more class lifestyles. Post-Suez a new, the lines of Lord Beveridge’s responsible with and demonstrate break from a less traditional, outlook on for- proposals for what he called the humility towards the world’s Labour Party eign and Commonwealth affairs socialisation of demand’. Next material resources. It deplores appeared to be developing, more the pamphlet sets out its authors’ the profligacy with which the hidebound in tune with liberal thought. In belief in free trade, although free economy has treated natural the aftermath of the 1959 general with Britain taking the lead in resources such as coal, oil, forests by its historic election, with a third successive the creation of an international and ores, tacitly recognising that Labour defeat, there seemed a real rather than a unilateralist system. these resources are finite and must connections opportunity for progressive forces In agriculture, the maintenance be developed with more than the to realign around the Liberal of planned production through a profit motive as the sole criterion. to the trade Party and break from a Labour continuance of the policy of guar- Many of these approaches and Party hidebound by its historic anteed prices and assured markets policies found their way into the unions and connections to the trade unions for farmers is advocated. In indus- Liberal Party general election and Clause IV socialism. This try, it recommends co-ownership, manifesto for 1955.22 Particular Clause IV thinking echoed the early aspira- profit-sharing and anti-monopoly convergence was found in the tions of the RRG to create a fresh as the watchwords. In summary, approaches to colonial develop- socialism. and radical, yet non-socialist, the authors argue that they seek ment, industrial democracy and force in British politics. wholesale social reform, but not anti-monopoly, support for the So the introduction to Radical socialism as understood in Britain, welfare society, and provision Challenge stressed the threatened through the policy of nationalisa- for the old and the vulnerable. eclipse of Labour and acknowl- tion of the means of production, However, there was one notable edged those in the Labour Party distribution and exchange. clash with the RRG programme. (specifically naming Tony Cros- Radical Aims: A statement of Whereas Radical Approach had land23 and Roy Jenkins) who rec- policy by the Radical Reform Group, urged the need for guaranteed ognised the need for an overhaul which was published in 1953 prices and assured markets for to abandon nationalisation and or 1954, recalls the reaction to British farmers, the manifesto class-consciousness. The purpose Labour’s post-war socialism and pointed out that Britain was of the pamphlet was ‘to give a how that led in the Liberal Party spending £300 million annually clear lead to progressive-minded to the ‘increasing influence of a subsiding agriculture, which it men and women’, to offer a pro- school of “laissez-faire” apostles described as a short-sighted pol- spectus of radical goals as a ral- who but a few years ago were icy. Additionally, the manifesto lying point around which such regarded as a lunatic fringe’ seek- was strong on traditional Liberal progressives could realign. ing to revert to the philosophy of approaches to devolution and The first section, ‘Beyond Herbert Spencer.21 There follows electoral reform as well as advo- Independence’, calls for con- an essay raising particular human cating European unity and robust tinuing self-determination and

46 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the radical reform group independence for colonial peo- bureaucratic and centralised. An people to the dangers and equip ples and an end to minority rule advance towards unions repre- them for distinguishing the excel- in places like Algeria and South senting all the workers in a given lent as opposed to the shoddy. It Africa. It proposed a more inter- industry, to avoid demarcation identifies adult education and the dependent approach, foresee- disputes, is proposed, as is local control of advertising as two pos- ing that colonial successor-states negotiation of wage rates to keep sible approaches. It calls for good would struggle to be economi- down inflation. Unrealistically, town and country planning to cally viable and dependent upon however, these reforms were sup- avoid creeping ‘subtopia’ and calls aid. It looked forward to inter- posed to spring spontaneously for less emphasis on road building national assistance for develop- from within the union move- and more to resuscitate the rail- ing nations on the model of the ment. This was because it was felt way network. There is a last plea Marshall Plan. The next section, that their value would be vitiated for the arts to flourish but to avoid entitled ‘Unarmed Combat’, deals were they to bear the hallmarks the over-concentration of facili- with the Cold War, calling for of vindictive or repressive legis- ties in London. detente and disarmament, par- lation. There was also a call for ticularly of nuclear weapons and the correction of abuses in union other weapons of mass destruc- finances and elections. The Radical Reform Group in tion. It calls for an independent, The next section, ‘The Wards published literature international authority to con- of Society’, calls for a strengthen- Until an upsurge of interest in trol and inspect national arsenals. ing of the welfare state in rela- Liberal Party politics brought on Once the arms race is over, the tion to the elderly and especially by the formation of the SDP and pamphlet looks forward to a world an increase in old age pensions. It possibility of Liberal influence on where the duel between the liberal attacks the arbitrary imposition government, the standard works democracies and the Communist of an age of retirement at sixty or covering the history of the Lib- bloc transfers from the military to sixty-five years. It identifies the eral Party in the 1950s and 1960s the socio-economic plane. unfairness of a system which dis- were those by Roy Douglas24 and In ‘A New Deal for Industry’, criminates against women who Chris Cook,25 neither of which the pamphlet reiterates the poli- wish to return to work after their mentions the RRG at all. It does cies of industrial democracy and children are grown up. It is partic- get a passing reference in David employee shareholding, praising ularly scathing about the state of Dutton’s survey of Liberal his- the German model of ‘co-deter- mental hospitals (sic), where essen- tory published in 2004.26 How- mination’ whereby large firms tially sane people have been incar- ever Dutton refers to the group operate joint employer–worker cerated for years without redress as a direct successor to Radical boards. In the section dealing and where patients are institution- Action; yet, while they may have with ‘The Role of Government’, The purpose alised. It questions whether the been some overlap in member- the state is urged to intervene in contributory principle should be ship, there is no evidence that the aspects of the economy which of the pam- retained in the financing of pen- RRG sprang from the ashes of have traditionally been regarded sions and unemployment benefit the earlier organisation.27 Jorgen as the sphere of private enterprise phlet was or whether a new and comprehen- Scott Rasmussen’s study of the but not to engage in nationalisa- sive tax should supersede all exist- Liberal Party, published in the tion or to prolong artificially the ‘to give a ing methods of paying for social UK in 1965, does not deal with death throes of a sinking indus- services. internal pressure groups.28 There try. Rather, it is the government’s clear lead to The section ‘Education: The is no mention of the RRG in the role to indentify and encourage Open Door’ attacks the eleven- memoirs of prominent Liberals new industries which create new progressive- plus examination as predestining of the time, although it was Jer- goods or services for which there every child to social superiority or emy Thorpe who was most closely is a market, to assist with retrain- minded men inferiority on the basis of a single associated with the group and we ing and to give the lead to private assessment at too early an age. It await the publication of papers industry by establishing publicly and women’, calls for comprehensive education dealing with Thorpe’s career. owned and financed concerns in but on a human scale and accepts There have been entries in two these areas and by providing basic to offer a the continuation of public schools History Group publications, Dic- facilities such as cheap commu- in a free society, while looking tionary of Liberal Biography and nications. This section goes on prospectus of forward to a day when they will Dictionary of Liberal Thought which to champion the breaking up of fade away. add to the literature, the first a existing monopolies, the preven- radical goals The final section is called ‘The biography of Desmond Banks29, tion of new ones and the encour- as a rallying Defence of Standards’ and antici- the second an analysis of the his- agement of small-scale enterprises pates more contemporary argu- tory and thought of the RRG.30 in industry and agriculture point around ments about the decline in the The earliest detailed reference through government-funded quality of life at the same time as to the RRG in published literature low-interest loans. which such the growth of affluence. It worries is to be found in Alan Watkins’ The section on ‘Trade Union about over-commercialisation and book, The Liberal Dilemma,31 pub- Reform’ criticised the failure of progres- the primacy of the ‘values of the lished in 1966. Set within the chap- the unions to adapt to changing box-office and the sales-graph’. ter entitled ‘The Darkest Days’, this industrial conditions, and their sives could The section welcomes greater cul- gives a good flavour of the times in clinging on to outdated prac- tural and aesthetic opportunities which the RRG was born and the tices and becoming increasingly realign. but it calls for measures to alert social liberal rationale behind its

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 47 the radical reform group formation. He sets the departure regional universities in Exeter One of the proposals at the 1960 from and reversion to the Liberal and Bristol.35 AGM was for there to be ‘one Party in a wider political context. The most recent contribution main effective party of the left’.39 Watkins queries the effectiveness to the literature on the RRG is Grimond seemed to think that of the group in providing a com- Mark Egan’s book, Coming into any work done on policy strands prehensive umbrella for all those in Focus,36 published in 2009 but that could lay the foundations of the party who broadly agreed with based on his Oxford doctoral the- the realignment of the left could its approach, citing one source sis awarded in 2000. The book be inhibited if he, as leader of the attacking the RRG as misunder- contains a section devoted the It remains party, carried on as chief officer of standing the traditional synthesis of RRG as part of the chapter about the RRG. political, social and economic lib- the Young Liberals (YL). It lists moot as It remains moot as to how far eralisms from which party policy the RRG as a YL ginger group, the RRG influenced Grimond or is derived. Watkins also questions along with Radical Action and to how far whether he simply shared com- whether the Radical Reformers New Orbits, although it con- mon views with the group, but were just opposed to the doctri- cedes that the RRG was not led the RRG his connection with the RRG naire free-traders or whether they by YLs, just that a number of influenced and its key personnel was close wanted to replace the old guard prominent young Liberals were from almost the start of his lead- with a new, young leadership active in the group. Egan’s main Grimond ership and continued through the drawn from their own ranks. Wat- contention is that the RRG was period when his association with kins does, however, conclude that not an engine of new thinking or whether the strategy of realignment of the it is possible to see the RRG as the but a ginger group for what was left was at its height. The RRG precursor to the revolution that Jo essentially already party policy he simply also had close ties with Grimond’s Grimond put into effect. in the face of the lacklustre lead- successor as party leader, Jeremy The next most detailed men- ership on policy development by shared com- Thorpe. In the exchange of let- tion comes in Vernon Bogdanor’s Clement Davies and the threat of ters in which Thorpe accepted the Liberal Party Politics, published in laissez-faire liberals like Oliver mon views invitation to continue as a vice- 1983, with references in chapters Smedley. Such was the ‘rudderless president of the RRG for the year by William Wallace on ‘Survival nature of the party’, writes Egan, with the 1965–66, his association with the and Revival’ and by Andrew ‘that a separate ginger group had group was described as so long as Gamble on ‘Liberals and the to be established in order for the group, but to be virtually historical.40 After Economy’. Wallace associates the mainstream Liberal view to be Thorpe had won the leadership return of the RRG to the Lib- presented to the [Liberal] Assem- his connec- contest in 1967, he wrote to Peter eral Party and the leadership of bly.37 Egan rightly points out that, Grafton saying that his victory Jo Grimond as related elements once Grimond became leader of tion with the was ‘an RRG victory’ and warned in the revival of Liberal electoral the party, the need for the RRG that he needed and expected the fortunes which he dates from the declined. Both in terms of strat- RRG and its group’s continued support.41 winter of 1955–56 and which are egy, i.e. realignment of the left, key person- How far do these published strongly boosted by anti-Con- and in robust policy development sources assist in coming to a con- servative feeling over Suez. These based on the social liberal tradi- nel was close clusion about the strength and factors, says Wallace, help the Lib- tion and economic intervention- membership of the RRG and eral Party begin ‘to rediscover a ism, the party revived and found from almost its influence on the strategy and sense of purpose and a place in the its political place under Grimond. policies of the Liberal Party in the political spectrum.’32 Gamble, in a As Egan notes, many of the Radi- the start of 1950s and 1960s? As early as 1954, single reference, concentrates on cal Reformers like Banks, Moore writing in the Liberal Party publi- the opposition of the RRG to the and, of course, Jeremy Thorpe his leader- cation Ahead, Timothy Joyce was economic liberals and concludes went on to hold important posi- referring to press speculation that by linking the RRG to Grimond’s tions in the party and to influence ship and the forthcoming Liberal Party views on the future of politics. policy formulation. However Assembly in Buxton would be a Some useful references to Egan states that Grimond was not continued battleground between the Radi- the RRG are also to be found connected with the RRG (albeit cal Reform Group and a free trade in Garry Tregidga’s regional he kept in touch with members through the group over the issues of agricul- study, The Liberal Party in South- of the group). In fact Grimond tural protection and industrial co- West Britain since 1918.33 Tregidga was President of the RRG in the period when ownership. Perhaps reflecting the charts a Liberal revival in the late 1950s. However, in a letter to fact that he was writing in an offi- south-west and places it within Peter Grafton dated 2 March 1960, his associa- cial organ, Joyce tried to down- a wider context, in which the he declined the invitation to con- play this conflict saying that the RRG played its part and with tinue in the role on the grounds tion with the average constituency association whom local figures, like Dingle that ‘it may give an odd impres- strategy of knew little about these ‘splits and Foot34 and Jeremy Thorpe, were sion if I am an Officer of a group splutterings’ and cared little for associated. Tregigda points out within the party’.38 He went on to realignment either group. He estimated both that the RRG, founded by young say that ‘much as I value the work factions had only a few dozen fol- parliamentary candidates, was being done by the group, I think of the left lowers each.42 This seems to be attracting support from the Lib- this may be all the more necessary borne out by the numbers attend- eral revival in the universities if you propose to have any really was at its ing the AGM of the RRG of 1955, and that Thorpe in particular was serious discussions about the sort at which it decided to come back spreading the RRG gospel at the of area of agreement of the Left’. height. into the Liberal Party, as the vote

48 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the radical reform group in favour of that resolution was The RRG was Clarendon Press, 1983), p.201. Macmillan, 1976). passed by sixteen votes to fifteen.43 9 Derick Mirfin, ‘The Liberal Party’s 26 David Dutton, A History of the Lib- However, the attendance sheet a key social Radical Reform Group’, Time and eral Party in the Twentieth Century for the AGM of 9 February 1957 Tide, 12 April 1962. (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, lists fifty-three members present liberal pres- 10 Constitution of the Radical 2004), pp. 180 and 189. and the membership list of the Reform Group, unpublished (prob- 27 Mark Egan, Coming Into Focus: The RRG for the year 1965 contains sure group ably 1952). Transformation of the Liberal Party, 184 names.44 It is uncertain how 11 Pierre Poujade (1920–2003) French 1945–64 (Saarbrucken: VDM Verlag many could be described as active, inside the populist politician, supporter of Dr Muller, 2009), p. 124. and the list includes honorary and Liberal Party Vichy France in 1940–42, who 28 Jorgen Scott Rasmussen, The Liberal former honorary members and articulated the grievances and Party: A Study of Retrenchment and officers, such as Jo Grimond and in the 1950s nationalism of shopkeepers and Revival (London: Constable, 1965). the radio personality and cricket other small business people. 29 Graham Lippiatt, ‘Desmond Banks’, commentator John Arlott.45 and 1960s, 12 Alan Watkins, The Liberal Dilemma in Duncan Brack et al. (eds.), Dic- Clearly, though, even at a time (London: MacGibbon & Kee, tionary of Liberal Biography (London: when the activities of the RRG influencing 1966), p. 80. Politico’s, 1998), pp. 26–27. were no longer expanding, there 13 Aneurin ‘Nye’ Bevan (1897–1960), 30 Graham Lippiatt, ‘The Radical was still a large pool of support- strategy Welsh Labour politician and gov- Reform Group’, in Duncan Brack ers of its aims and objectives. The ernment minister who introduced and Ed Randall (eds.), Dictionary of evidence of the publications of the and policy the National Health Service. The Liberal Thought (London: Politico’s, RRG, the references to it in the Labour Party withdrew the whip 2007), pp. 329–31. national and party media, its pro- and with from Bevan in 1955 over his leader- 31 Alan Watkins, op. cit., pp. 69ff and gramme of events, the publication ship of a revolt against party policy p. 80. of its newsletter over many years connections on the atom bomb. 32 Vernon Bogdanor (ed.), Liberal Party and the references to its influence 14 Hugh Gaitskell (1906–1963), leader Politics (Oxford University Press, in the party in some of the pub- to the very of the Labour Party, 1955–1963. 1983), p. 45. lished literature all point to the 15 The Times, 29 April 1955, p. 18. 33 Garry Tregidga, The Liberal Party in RRG as being a key social liberal top of the 16 Transcript report of the Annual South-West Britain since 1918: Political pressure group inside the Lib- General Meeting of the Radical Decline, Dormancy and Rebirth (Uni- eral Party in the 1950s and 1960s, organisation. Reform Group, held on 29 October versity of Exeter Press, 2000), pp. influencing strategy and policy 1955 at 3 p.m. in the Meston Room 146ff. and with connections to the very of the National Liberal Club – in 34 Dingle Foot (1905–1978), Liberal top of the organisation. possession of the author. MP for Dundee 1931–45. 17 News Chronicle, 23 February 1956, 35 Tregidga, op. cit., pp. 148 and Graham Lippiatt is a contributing leader. 154–55. editor of the Journal of Liberal His- 18 These are the only publications 36 Mark Egan, Coming Into Focus: The tory, Secretary of the Liberal Demo- credited to the RRG in the cata- Transformation of the Liberal Party, crat History Group and author of the logue of the British Library. 1945–64 (Saarbrucken; VDM Verlag entry on the Radical Reform Group 19 Interview of 5 June 2007 with Dr Muller, 2009). in Dictionary of Liberal Thought Professor Alan Deyermond (1932– 37 Egan, op. cit., p. 126. (Brack & Randall (eds.) , Politico’s 2009), sometime editor of the RRG 38 Copy of a letter from Jo Grimond Publishing, 2007). newsletter. to Peter Grafton of 2 March 1960, 20 Copies of newsletters in possession from papers left to the author by 1 Peter Grafton, ‘The Radical of author from the papers of the late Lord Banks. Reform Group’, Ahead, October Professor Alan Deyermond. 39 From letter from Peter Grafton to 1953; The Times, 24 June 1954, p. 3. 21 Herbert Spencer (1820–1903), clas- Jo Grimond of 23 February 1960. 2 Desmond Banks, Lord Banks of sical liberal political theorist who 40 Letters between Jeremy Thorpe and Kenton (1918–1997). challenged socialism, Fabianism Peter Grafton, 6 and 10 December 3 Peter Grafton (b. 1916), chartered and the New Liberalism. 1965, in possession of the author. quantity surveyor; Liberal candi- 22 British political party post-war 41 Letter from Jeremy Thorpe to Peter date for Bromley in 1950. manifestos can be accessed on the Grafton, 27 January 1967, in posses- 4 Oliver Smedley (1911–1989), char- internet pages of politics resources sion of the author. tered accountant; Liberal candidate at http://www.politicsresources. 42 Ahead magazine (Liberal Party, 58 at Saffron Walden in 1950 and 1951. net/area/uk/man.htm. Victoria Street, SW1), April 1954, 5 Arthur Seldon (1916–2005), econo- 23 Anthony Crosland (1918–1977), p. 4. mist; active Liberal at the LSE and Labour minister and leading social 43 Transcript report of the Annual in the Orpington party. democratic thinker who influenced General Meeting of the Radical 6 S. W. Alexander (1895–1980), jour- the generation that founded the SDP. Reform Group, held on 29 October nalist; Liberal candidate for Ilford 24 Roy Douglas, The History of the Lib- 1955 at 3pm in the Meston Room of North in 1950 and sometime Chair- eral Party 1895–1970 (London: Sidg- the National Liberal Club – in pos- man of the London Liberal Party. wick & Jackson, 1971); updated in session of the author. 7 Interview with Richard Moore, 14 Liberals: A History of the Liberal and 44 Both documents included in papers May 2006. Liberal Democrat Parties (London: left to the author by Lord Banks. 8 Andrew Gamble, ‘Liberals and the Hambledon Continuum, 2005). 45 Leslie Thomas John Arlott OBE Economy’, in Vernon Bogdanor, 25 Chris Cook, A Short History of the (1914–1991), Liberal candidate for Liberal Party Politics (Oxford: Liberal Party 1900–1976 (Basingstoke: Epping 1955 and 1959.

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 49 ‘An out-of-date word’ Grimond and the Left Jo Grimond is the Liberal leader most often associated with attempts to realign British politics on the left, to create what he foresaw as ‘a new progressive movement’ taking in ‘the Liberals and most of the Labour Party’.1 On three occasions during his leadership he stirred up controversy in the Liberal Party by predicting or suggesting such a hen he stepped Pact ten years later, Grimond was down as leader, amongst the more apprehensive development, and the party had not members of the parliamentary yet never achieved established any party. In his Memoirs Grimond closer relation- makes little mention of it. any change. Matt shipW with Labour, and, although Why did a leader of Grimond’s its image and recruitment had in dynamism repeatedly embark Cole examines the some ways moved leftwards, this on this strategy, and then each relationship between had not significantly altered its time abandon it? Alan Watkins electoral base or its parliamentary expressed the bemusement of the Liberals and those representation. Grimond him- many commentators looking back self fought shy of such links when on Grimond’s career and his failed of what Grimond opportunities to establish them bids for realignment: called ‘an out of date seemed to arise, and even when cooperation with Labour politi- At two recent periods – in word’2 – the left. cians came about in the Lib–Lab 1959–61 and in 1964–66 – there

50 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 ‘An out-of-date word’ Grimond and the Left

was a chance that, given reso- Before realignment politics. Figure 1 shows that in lute action by Mr. Grimond, There is a good deal of evidence the Commons, though he was a start might have been made that Grimond’s personal poli- slightly less reliable as a supporter on the radical alliance. Admit- tics were, as he claimed, strongly of Conservative measures than tedly the circumstances were progressive. In an unpublished his colleagues, Grimond joined not ideal; they never are; but passage of his Memoirs, he remem- in the Liberal MPs’ general pat- they were the best that Mr. bered that as a young man in the tern of voting predominantly Grimond could reasonably early 1930s ‘with my upbringing with the Conservatives. For at have expected. However, Mr. and temperament, it would have least one division he acted as a Grimond waited on events. been difficult not to be a Liberal. teller on the Conservative side of He gave reasons for not act- But I might I suppose have joined the lobby, and he was described ing. The Labour Party had the Labour Party.’4 In the euphoric in correspondence between Lib- made no approaches: the party atmosphere following the Sec- eral National and Conserva- was still committed to public ond World War and the arrival tive leaders as ‘very sensible and ownership: the time was not in office of a Labour government, well-balanced.’6 yet: there must be a real meet- he recalled later that ‘we were This apparent ‘drift to the ing of minds, and not a hastily all to some extent socialists’ and right’, as Megan Lloyd George concocted arrangement. But that ‘I had rosier visions of what called it, was a feature of the Lib- politicians cannot afford to might be achieved by govern- eral Party generally at the time, await the miraculous arrival of ments on behalf of communities.’5 reflected in the electoral pacts at a perfect world. They cannot He was, unlike any of his parlia- Bolton and Huddersfield, and in afford to wait until Parliament mentary colleagues in the 1950s, Churchill’s courtship of Clement is reformed and the machin- always opposed at the polls by Davies, and it was a trend from ery of government overhauled the Conservatives, and he voted the consequences of which Gri- and the Labour Party altered against the Conservative govern- mond could not isolate himself. in character. They must take ment in parliamentary divisions At a time of potentially fatal vul- things as they find them. And more often than any other Liberal nerability for Liberals, they could this Mr. Grimond, perhaps to MP between 1951 and becom- hardly decline to at least humour his credit, has always refused ing leader, and when he became Conservative approaches, and to do.3 leader the votes of Liberal MPs attempts by Basil Wigoder, A. P. were cast much more evenly Marshall and a group of MPs led Watkins points to a number fac- between government and opposi- by Megan Lloyd George to forge tors, but emphasises the judgment tion (see Figure 1). Grimond was a link with Labour had met with of Grimond himself in this mys- supportive of the Radical Reform contemptuous rejection before tery. An examination of opinion Group formed in 1954 to resist 1951.8 After that Lord Thurso and in the parties around him, how- the growing influence of libertar- Sir Andrew MacFadyean were ever, shows that realignment was ian free-market economists in the similarly rebuffed.9 Even upon inherently implausible, and that Liberal Party, becoming its Presi- taking up the leadership in 1956, – to the extent that it is significant dent in 1958. Left: ‘He needs Grimond did not change his tone – Grimond’s personality and per- However, this implied left- me’: Harold or that of the party substantially. sonal political philosophy account ward disposition does not seem Wilson and Jo Official policy had been set very for the attempt as much as for the to have affected Grimond’s over- Grimond (The clearly against any national pacts failure of realignment. all approach to parliamentary Guardian, 1965) in 1955, and an early series of

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 51 ‘an out-of-date word’

new Liberal–Labour relationship, ‘even up to a merger’, at a party on the same weekend that Gri- mond gave his interviews,16 and Bill Rodgers found in a discussion with Mark Bonham Carter set up by the Sunday Times to explore the idea of realignment that they ‘reached a surprising measure of agreement’.17 Such an unexpected and con- troversial departure requires expla- nation. Grimond had evidently been amongst those less keen on the role of the Liberals as a prop to Tory governments in the first articles setting out ‘New Liberal’ Figure 1: Conservative victory, he gave half of the decade, and Churchill’s strategy and policy under Gri- Percentage interviews to The Guardian and retirement and the Suez episode mond in Liberal News made no of votes cast The Observer calling for the for- had convinced even those who had mention of realignment.10 Two with the mation of a joint movement of been advocates of a deal with the years later Grimond published The Conservatives Labour and Liberal supporters: Tories that their liberal creden- Liberal Future, in which he gave by Liberal MPs tials had expired. The weakness no hint of any arrangement with in Commons I would like to see the radical of Labour now made an appeal to Labour, but rather asserted that divisions, side of politics – the Liberals the left apparently more promising, ‘Socialists … were prepared to use 1951–637 and most of the Labour Party – and the Labour leader since 1955, the State even if it meant over- make a new appeal to people to Hugh Gaitskell, was already seek- riding personal liberty’, a prin- take an active part in all sorts of ing to reform the party’s approach ciple which had led to the rise of real political issues. There must to trade unions and nationalisa- National Socialism, that national- be a bridge between Socialism tion. Lastly, Grimond now had isation had been ‘a fiasco’ and ‘the and the Liberal policy of co- alongside him in parliament an ally promise of endless welfare bene- ownership in industry through in the campaign for realignment in fits to be handed out by the grand- a type of syndicalism coupled the new MP for North Devon, Jer- mother state … is incompatible with a nonconformist out- emy Thorpe. It was Thorpe who with freedom’, and most wither- look such as was propounded made speeches and wrote a piece ingly that ‘a Liberal must submit on many issues by George in the Evening Standard at this time his beliefs in the private enterprise Orwell.13 reassuring Liberals that their inde- system to a more radical criti- pendence was not under threat, cism than is now provided by the ‘I have always thought there and that it was business as usual for Labour Party.’11 Roger Fulford’s should be a really strong pro- Liberal campaigning regardless of authoritative (though not author- gressive movement as an alterna- realignment. ised) book for the general election tive to Conservatism,’ Grimond Nonetheless, Grimond’s sug- of the same year, The Liberal Case, was reported saying on the front gestions met with anxiety and was studiously equidistant in its page of The People. ‘The elec- rejection in both Liberal and assessment of the relative appeals tion result might well create the Labour Parties and he was forced of the Labour and Conservative atmosphere for this to happen. into a quick rearguard action in Parties in a balanced parliament: At the moment I cannot say that further newspaper interviews and he set out three principles gov- I shall offer any kind of deal to a radio broadcast on Any Ques- erning Liberal cooperation which the Labour Party. But I shall be tions. Opinion at the top of the might affect either party in the meeting certain people next week Labour Party was already hostile same way, starting with a demand and it is likely that the possibility to any relationship with the Liber- for electoral reform to which the of a deal will at least come under als: in a speech the previous year, Labour Party showed no signs of discussion.’ The ‘certain people’, Party General Secretary Mor- responding.12 The priority of Gri- the paper assumed, were his col- gan Phillips had dismissed talk mond’s early period in the leader- leagues in the leadership of the of a deal with the Liberals say- ship, when he sought to ‘get on’, Liberal Party. It was also reported ing that a Labour victory short of was to distinguish the Liberals that private talks were being held overall majority would be ‘disas- from both of the main parties. between Labour MPs to persuade trous’, that the Liberals appealed Gaitskell that ‘the only future to ‘escapism’ and that aspects for Labour lies in sinking Social- of new Liberal campaigning 1959 ism without a trace and embrac- such as torchlight parades were It was only following the 1959 ing a policy of radical reform.’14 ‘unhealthy’.18 A Sunday Times col- general election, with a larger Paul Johnson wrote in the Evening umnist teased Labour support- share of the vote but still only Standard that such a deal was the ers on ‘The Liberal Menace’.19 six MPs, that Grimond openly talk of the Labour Party ‘all over Gaitskell immediately rejected the proposed realignment. Over London (but chiefly in Hamp- advice of Jay and others to con- the weekend following the stead).’15 Douglas Jay advocated a sider a deal.

52 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 ‘an out-of-date word’

In the Liberal Party there was coalition and I am merely speak- it should start by a combined also surprise and concern. Some ing for myself.’ A week later he appeal from Gaitskell and Gri- of Grimond’s small band of MPs had scaled down his ambitions to mond through all media of com- were already fearful of his strat- no more than a ‘growing together munication, including television.’ egy and critical of his manage- of radical opinion on some issues He identified ninety-seven seats ment style. Roderic Bowen, who that may come up in the next few where one party should stand had been a Liberal MP since 1945, years.’22 Douglas considers this down: in thirty-six the Labour recalled that he had taken a criti- attempt to distinguish entirely Party; in sixty-one the Liber- cal view of Grimond from the between perception of Liberal als.27 Other individual voices on outset: policy and his own statements the left were also urging coop- to be implausible, but acknowl- eration: Wyatt’s fellow Labour Grimond to my mind was edges that ‘for the time being, the MP Desmond Donnelly publicly really riding two horses. In matter blew over. Perhaps every- supported a deal, and Michael the country and in the Party, one who in other circumstances Shanks had just published his he was saying: ‘The Liberal might have made a fuss was too renowned study The Stagnant Soci- Party is a great party, it’s an exhausted after the general elec- ety, in which he argued that ‘it is independent party, it’s fight- tion. Perhaps they were satisfied not surprising that there has been ing Labour and it’s fighting that reciprocity from the Labour growing support for the idea of Tories tooth and nail, and it’s side was out of the question.’23 A some sort of alliance between the totally independent’. That was mixture of Labour obstruction, Right-wing of the Labour Party the image he was presenting to Liberal resistance and his own and the Liberals. Until this hap- the country. In private, within poor presentation had put paid pens the opposition vote in the the Liberal Party, he was really to Grimond’s first attempt at rea- country will remain divided and saying that the Liberal Party lignment within seven days. the Conservatives will enjoy a should be reduced to a sort of monopoly of power (unless they sphere of influence within the too split). Mr Gaitskell has more Labour Party. 1962 in common in policy and in out- Despite his disappointment, Gri- look with Mr Grimond than with Bowen reassured himself at the mond, according Barberis, ‘con- Mr Cousins.’28 time that ‘I don’t think the Labour tinued to hanker after some sort of Shanks’s reference to Trans- Party really had any use for Gri- alliance or realignment’ and ‘kept port and General Workers’ Union mond. They would have wel- the realignment pot simmering’.24 General Secretary Frank Cousins comed taking the Liberals, which His next opportunity to test reac- highlighted one of the issues – the had become much stronger by tion to Labour–Liberal coop- role of trade unions – which had then of course, under their wing, eration was initiated from the given rise to bitter dispute in the absorbing them; and of course, other side, as those on the Labour Labour Party under Gaitskell, the that involved ingratiating Gri- Right, such as Mark Abrams, others including public ownership mond, but personally I don’t think reflected upon their third elec- and nuclear defence. A reviewer they had any use for Grimond.’20 toral defeat.25 In November 1961, of The Stagnant Society in Liberal Former Young Liberal leader maverick Labour MP Woodrow News wrote reassuringly that ‘Mr and parliamentary candidate Roy Wyatt published a letter in The ‘I have Shanks sees one big difficulty. He Douglas noted that Grimond’s Guardian arguing for an electoral fears that the Liberals are even remarks caused ‘a considerable deal between the parties.26 He set always more anti-trade union than the degree of apprehension and con- out his proposal again in the New Tories. This may have been true cern among the rank and file Statesman the following January: thought 10 years ago, but it is certainly not of the Liberal Party’; and Gri- so now.’29 mond’s biographer agrees that There are many radical neces- there should Grimond’s response to this ‘many party members, after all sities on which Labour and renewed speculation was posi- the splits and secessions of the Liberal supporters are agreed be a really tive, but tempered by his aware- past fifty years, cherished above – the urgent need to raise hous- ness, from the bruising experience all else the party’s independ- ing and education standards, strong pro- of two-and-a-half years earlier, ence’ and that ‘Grimond may be to restore the social services of the dissent which any encour- faulted for giving such an ambigu- to first place in Europe, to gressive agement to Wyatt would pro- ous interview on such a sensitive increase the impetus towards voke within the Liberal Party. topic.’ Grimond told his staff that fair shares of wealth, to step up movement as He re-emphasised that ‘it would he expected the Party Council to help to the aged, to improve an alterna- be intolerable for the country and be critical of his actions.21 Imme- the health service, to stimulate suicide for the parties concerned diately he sought to downplay the British industry with the aid tive to Con- if Liberal and Labour cut each significance of his remarks and of more than the half-hearted other’s throats because of vested the changes he was proposing, planning proposed by the servatism,’ interests when they could work telling The Times on the day the Conservatives. out together a progressive policy Observer interview was published Grimond was broadly acceptable to both.’ At that ‘I was really saying nothing ‘If a Labour–Liberal electoral alli- the same time, however, he main- more than I have been saying on ance is to succeed’ urged Wyatt, reported tained a diplomatic distance by the subject for some time’ and that ‘the ground must be prepared for arguing that Wyatt’s preoccupa- ‘I am not talking about immediate it well in advance. I suggest that saying. tion with seats before policy ‘may

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 53 ‘an out-of-date word’ appear both naïve and cynical’.30 You say there is a gulf between policies.’36 As in 1959 and 1962, In some ways conditions were the Liberal and Labour Parties. there was some evidence for Gri- more promising for realignment Correct. You say there is a gulf mond to believe that such an offer than in 1959: Labour revisionists between the Labour Party and would be well received. Orping- had been frustrated by the fail- the new Radicals. Correct. You ton MP Eric Lubbock remem- ure of Gaitskell’s move against say the Labour Party is stuck in bers ‘a lot of Lib-Labbery’ in the Clause IV in 1959, and unnerved Grimond the mud. You want a new Party 1964 parliament, some support for by his need to go to the barricades with new sensible attitudes to which came from ‘the most sur- over defence at the 1960 Labour tried to politics. … You have got it all in prising’ quarters, such as Scottish conference. the Liberal Party.35 Liberal MP George Mackie. Lub- The Conservatives, on the capitalise bock found John Silkin a close and other hand, were now alien- It was the immeasurable strength- sympathetic contact in the Labour ated from Liberal politics: only on these cir- ening of such confidence that Party. The possibility of coop- Central Office intervention had came with the Orpington by- eration boosted morale amongst maintained the electoral pact in cumstances election victory which curtailed Liberal MPs and in some ways Bolton in 1959, and the Liberals saying that this second bout of realign- compensated for the frustrations had broken it at the East Bolton ment speculation. Although this of the election. The Wilson gov- by-election of 1960. The last sen- ‘the divisions brought, in Eric Lubbock, a sup- ernment was engaged in projects ior voice in the party to propose portive colleague into Grimond’s which had Liberal sympathies, not a national deal with the Liberals in politics parliamentary group, it also to say origins, such as the intro- had been Randolph Churchill in emboldened those who wanted duction of an Ombudsman, and 1958 and the Conservative Steer- fall in the to see the Liberals go it alone. ‘we were fully behind rent con- ing Committee had rejected such Two months later, they were fur- trols and race relations legisla- a proposal.31 Despite deteriorating wrong place. ther encouraged by the retention tion.’37 Wilson’s Chief Whip Ted economic conditions, a ragged of Clement Davies’s seat Mont- Short acknowledged ‘the small and remote Tory government was The natural gomeryshire by Emlyn Hooson, a but useful fund of goodwill I had holding its own in the polls and relative right-winger who would built up with the Liberals’ in the even making by-election gains.32 breakdown speak out against later attempts at early stages of the parliament, and In March, Grimond tried to working with Labour. took the view of Steel’s victory at capitalise on these circumstances should be Roxburghshire that ‘as the Liber- saying that ‘the divisions in poli- als voted with us occasionally, this tics fall in the wrong place. The into a Con- 1965 was something of a gain for us.’38 natural breakdown should be into Grimond’s last attempt at estab- As on the previous two occa- a Conservative Party – a small servative lishing a working relationship sions, Grimond almost imme- group of convinced Socialists in between the Liberals and Labour diately met a slammed door of the full sense – and a broadly based Party – a was not principally on policy as Labour indifference, and had the progressive Party. It is the founda- small group in 1959, or an electoral alliance rug pulled from under him by tions of the last named that the as in 1962, but at the parliamen- Liberal objectors, this time more Liberal Party seeks to provide.’33 of convinced tary level. The outcome of the vocal than ever. The National Much of the Liberal Party, 1964 general election had been a League of Young Liberals had however, remained reluctant to Socialists Labour government led by Harold pre-empted the debate by passing provide such a foundation, and Wilson with an overall Com- a resolution at their annual con- Grimond knew it. Even before in the full mons majority of only four seats. ference two months earlier reject- Wyatt’s New Statesman article Although this was tantalisingly ing any form of pact or alliance had hit the news stands, John sense – and close to the balance-of-power with either of the main parties.39 Buchanan, the Liberal candidate situation that Grimond had antici- When The Guardian interview at the Oswestry by-election, had a broadly pated might precipitate coopera- was published – with the sensa- attacked the idea of any Lib–Lab tion between their two parties, it tional headline ‘Coalition Offer deal as ‘wrong politically and based pro- was clear that Wilson would press to Labour from Mr Grimond’ – wrong morally’. He pointed on without seeking support from opinion in the Liberal Party was to the experience of the Liber- gressive outside Labour ranks. at best divided, and critics did not als supporting the 1929 Labour Less than a year into the 1964 keep their counsel. Only two MPs administration, and warned that Party. It is parliament, however, Grimond fully supported the statement, the Liberals ‘would be deluged – buoyed up by the victory of and some of Grimond’s closest by Labour pressure.’ The right the founda- David Steel, another advocate of allies were amongst the critics: approach, he stressed, was ‘to be tions of the inter-party cooperation, at the Arthur Holt, who had lost Bol- strong enough to push the Social- Roxburghshire by-election in ton to Labour in 1964 pleaded that ists into second place. We did it last named March 1965 – gave another press ‘it raises great local difficulties in at Oswestry; we can do it else- interview which raised the pros- some areas where Labour’s image where.’34 This self-confidence was that the pect of the Liberals working with is still moronic and prejudiced. restated by Bolton MP Arthur Labour. This time his sugges- Local Liberals find national level Holt a week after Grimond’s Liberal Party tion was that Liberal MPs might speeches an embarrassment and comments. Though writing to bolster the parliamentary sup- it is vital that the Parliamentary the Editor of the Daily Herald, he seeks to port for the Labour government’s Party keep in closest touch with might equally have been respond- programme in exchange for ‘a the PPCs in these areas.’ In neigh- ing to his party leader: provide.’ serious agreement on long-term bouring Colne Valley, another

54 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 ‘an out-of-date word’ keen admirer of Grimond, Rich- Committee offered no mecha- Grimond’s Assessment ard Wainwright, had come within nism for closer cooperation Three questions arise from this 200 votes of winning the seat between the parties;45 and though personal- series of episodes: why did Gri- from Labour in 1964, and warned Wilson had Transport House con- mond attempt realignment?; that he was ‘driven to be pessi- duct some initial research into the ity not only why did it fail?; and what was its mistic about the proposals.’40 A likely impact of using the Alter- long-term significance? All three Liberal Independence Commit- native Vote electoral system, he drove the questions can be answered by tee was established by four former discovered that it would have examining not only Grimond’s parliamentary candidates who weakened Labour in 1964, and process of personality, but also opinion wrote an open letter to Grimond dropped any possibility of nego- in the Liberal Party and in the warning that his approach risked tiations. The tone of Wilson’s realignment Labour and Conservative Parties. leaving the Liberals ‘submerged in boast afterwards that ‘I never con- but also Grimond’s personality not only Socialism.’41 Some leading figures sidered accepting his [Grimond’s] drove the process of realignment such as Lord Byers were especially proposal for one moment’46 may accounts for but also accounts for the abject suspicious of Wilson because of reflect partisan bravado, but its nature – though not the simple the prime minister’s abandon- substance is confirmed by Wil- the abject fact – of its failure. We have good ment of Liberalism after Oxford son’s refusal to work with the evidence that, although he par- University, where they had been Liberals in February 1974, when nature – ticipated in it because the survival contemporaries.42 he had no majority at all. In his of the party was at stake, Grimond Press coverage from across the speech to Labour’s 1965 confer- though not was unenthusiastic about the Lib- political spectrum was humiliat- ence, Wilson dismissed the record erals’ closeness to the Conserva- ing: The Sunday Mirror said that and significance of the Liberals the simple tives in the first half of the 1950s, Grimond’s gesture would be ‘pub- with characteristic brutal wit. and, once he became leader, Lib- licly scorned’, and its daily stable- Again Grimond had mishan- fact – of its eral MPs’ voting patterns turned mate that it was ‘a non-starter’; dled the press, his own MPs and against the government. The the Sunday Telegraph believed supporters, and his intended part- failure. shift of the Conservatives away ‘Ministers see no need for taking ners in the Labour Party, and it from the Liberals consolidated up Mr Grimond’s offer’ and The is difficult not to return to Wat- this change. However, it was Sun declared that ‘Mr Grimond kins’s harsh assessment of his role. Grimond’s unpredictable and hasn’t a cat in Hell’s chance of Douglas certainly took that view remote manner which made his dictating terms to the Govern- with six years’ hindsight and a bids for realignment particularly ment for Liberal support. Whose thorough inside knowledge of the ineffective: they came as a sur- side are they on? Even the ques- Party: prise even to his closest allies, and tion doesn’t matter. Neither side were expressed in such vague and at present cares much.’ Even the It is difficult to see what effect inconsistent terms as to provoke more restrained tone of The Econ- Grimond sought to produce, a mixture of bewilderment, fear omist dismissed the intervention as or how he imagined that this and anger rather than approval. ‘yet another buzz that is destined statement would assist. There Moreover, though Grimond was to die away.’43 Unsurprisingly, was much alarm amongst Lib- a leftist by instinct, his vision by the time the Liberal Assem- erals, and the sharpness of of the left – as he indicated at bly came around in September, their reaction seems both to length in the passage from which even though Grimond inter- have pained and surprised Gri- the title of this article is taken – vened unexpectedly early to make mond. If he sought to bring was inherently at odds with that a speech setting out his terms to Party advantage to the Liber- which formed the core beliefs of Labour again, incoming Party als by inclining to Labour in even the most receptive elements President Nancy Seear looked a balance-of-power situation, of the Labour Party in the 1960s: back on the episode to deliver a it is difficult to see why he Grimond was wholly opposed stinging rebuke to the idea of a thought he would succeed with to further nationalisation, and Lib–Lab arrangement: ten MPs when Lloyd George committed to co-ownership; as had failed with fifty-eight, a member of the Unservile State For forty years we have proph- and Asquith had failed with a Group in the 1950s, he had put his esied that the country would quarter of the House of Com- name to publications proposing come to recognise the need mons. If he sought some funda- the ending of housing subsidies for a non-socialist progressive mental realignment of British and tax relief for private school party. We have not spent these politics, then he palpably mis- fees;48 in the 1970s Grimond him- years isolated but undefiled in judged completely the temper self acknowledges that his views the wilderness to choose this of active workers in both the towards the left became more crit- moment of all moments to go, Liberal and Labour Parties. A ical after the realignment project, in the biblical phrase, ‘a whor- few brief conversations with and that ‘the Socialist movement ing after foreign women’.44 constituency officers of the in the 70s steered by no star.’49 Liberal Party, or others in fre- Even at the height of his own To make the humiliation more quent contact with ordinary leadership, Grimond gave spon- complete, the foreign women voters, would have sufficed to taneous signals of his distaste for were noticeably unbiddable. assure him that his plans, what- the most sacred of Labour icons. Silkin had warned Lubbock that ever they were, were simply Richard Wainwright, whose bat- Labour’s National Executive ‘not on’.47 tle against Labour in the Colne

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 55 ‘an out-of-date word’

Valley by-election of 1963 was The signifi- 1960s who had not been attracted History; B. Donoughue and G. W. fully supported by Grimond, by the party previously – though Jones, Herbert Morrison: Portrait of a made a personal note of one such cance of the many of these were keen oppo- Politician (London: Weidenfeld and instance. Grimond addressed a nents of cooperation with Labour, Nicolson, 1973), p. 509. large meeting at Holmfirth and realignment which they had also rejected.53 9 Thurso (formerly Sir Archibald Sin- the audience waited eagerly for The general idea of working with clair) was reported by Philip Noel- questions from the floor: idea may lie elements and former members of Baker to have approached Gaitskell the Labour Party might not have about a pact in February 1952: After a couple of friendly ques- in its longer- borne fruit in the 1970s and 1980s cited in M. Jones, A Radical Life: tions there came a rasping voice: term effects. had its seeds not been sown in the the Biography of Megan Lloyd George ‘What will Mr Grimond do for 1960s. This may, indeed, have (London: Hutchinson, 1991), p. the working class?’ Jo uncoiled It ensured a been Grimond’s hope: to lay the 237. MacFadyean’s appeal was made himself and summoned up his ground for a long-term healing of publicly at the Corn Exchange in matchless gift of command- public profile the progressive rift of the Edward- Plymouth on 21 February 1953 (The ing emphasis; and then just one ian era, on the right terms. Yet all Times, 23 February 1953). sentence: ‘The working class for the Liber- of this is speculative and highly 10 This series was called ‘Where Lib- – I would abolish the work- contentious. Whatever Grimond’s erals Stand’, and ran in various ing class’. Several seconds for als, and re- realignment strategy sought, its issues of Liberal News in the first half his nine-word answer to sink fate was not dictated by Grimond; of 1957. in, and then huge applause, established its achievements were largely acci- 11 J. Grimond, The Liberal Future not from Liberals only. And no dental and belated; and its imme- (London: Faber and Faber, 1959), comeback from the well known an impres- diate failure was inevitable. pp. 21–22, 55. Labour questioner.50 12 R. Fulford, The Liberal Case (Har- sion of the Matt Cole lectures for the Hansard mondsworth: Penguin, 1959), pp. It is perhaps unsurprising that Society at the London School of Eco- 39–50, esp. p. 49. Grimond was associated by the Liberals as nomics. Later this year he is to publish 13 The Observer, 11 October 1959. young Vince Cable in the middle Richard Wainwright, the Liberals 14 ‘Is it a Lib–Lab Deal?’, The People, 1960s principally with economic a party of and Liberal Democrats: Unfin- 11 October 1959. liberalism.51 And it is therefore no ished Business with Manchester 15 M. Foot, Aneurin Bevan: a Biography, surprise that his attempts to reach change, and University Press. Vol. 2 (London: Davis-Poytner, out to Labour sometimes lacked possibly 1973), p. 631. conviction. 1 The Guardian, 10 October 1959; The 16 McManus, op. cit., pp. 146–47. However, whatever Gri- a party of Observer, 11 October 1959. This idea 17 B. Rodgers, Fourth Amongst Equals mond had done the realignment was reiterated in the News Chronicle, (London: Politico’s, 2000 ), p. 40. project would have failed. Each government. 14 October 1959. 18 Sunday Times, 1 June 1958. time, Liberals who had fought 2 This is Grimond’s description of the 19 ‘A Student of Politics’, Sunday to protect the party’s exist- term ‘left’ in J. Grimond, The Lib- Times, 8 June 1958. ence expressed opposition with eral Challenge (London: Hollis and 20 R. Bowen, interview, 8 August increasing vehemence, and Gri- Carter, 1963), p. 315. 2000. mond himself came to recognise 3 A. Watkins, ‘The Tragedy of Jo 21 McManus, op. cit., p. 146. that ‘the idea that the Liberal Grimond’, The Spectator, 20 January 22 Daily Telegraph, 17 October 1959. Party should be the mainstream 1967, p. 60. 23 R. Douglas, A History of the Liberal of realignment was regarded as a 4 M. McManus, Jo Grimond: Towards Party 1895–1970 (Sidgwick & Jack- Grimond eccentricity.’52 The fact the Sound of Gunfire (Edinburgh: son, 1971), p. 272. that Liberal opposition was not Birlinn, 2001), p. 374. 24 P. Barberis, Liberal Lion: Jo Grimond even fiercer is accounted for partly 5 J. Grimond, Memoirs (London: – a political life (I.B.Tauris, 2005), pp. by Labour contempt for realign- Heinemann, 1979), pp. 132 and 260. 100–101. ment. The only Socialists who 6 Jack Maclay MP to Lord Woolton, 25 M. Abrams, Must Labour Lose? responded warmly to Grimond’s 10 December 1951, Woolton MS 25 (Penguin, 1960). overtures were mavericks like Folios 197–98. Maclay suggested 26 The Guardian, 23 November 1961. Wyatt and Donnelly who did not continuing negotiations about 27 W. Wyatt, ‘My Plan for a Lib–Lab remain in Labour themselves. The cooperation between the National Pact’, New Statesman, 26 January vast majority of the Labour move- and Independent Liberals (and 1962, pp. 110–12. ment was too tribal and often too thereby the Conservatives) after 28 M. Shanks, The Stagnant Society complacent even to acknowledge Grimond’s return from New Zea- (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1961), the Liberals. land in early 1952. pp. 175–76. The postscript is dated The significance of the rea- 7 These figures are calculated from June 1961. lignment idea may lie in its detailed tables in the Conservative 29 John Landell Mills, Liberal News, 5 longer-term effects. It ensured a Campaign Guides of 1955, 1959 and October 1961. public profile for the Liberals, and 1964. 30 ‘Radicals Must Unite’, Liberal News, re-established an impression of 8 See M. Egan, ‘Basil Wigoder’, Dic- 3 February 1962. the Liberals as a party of change, tionary of Liberal Biography (London: 31 R. Churchill, London Evening Stand- and possibly a party of govern- Politicos, 1998); Marshall’s pro- ard, 2 April 1958. The proceedings ment. Grimond’s assertion of a posals of February 1948 are in the of the Steering Committee are leftist stance recruited many new Labour General Secretary’s files activists in the late 1950s and early GS/LIB/4ii, Museum of People’s concluded on page 72

56 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 New Radicalism and the Liberal Democrat Whig Tendency The New Radicals were a group of Liberal Democrat activists operating within the party from 1998 to 2005. James Graham assesses how the group was founded, what it stood for, and how much it achieved.

hat was New Indonesia.3 In the autumn of 1996, the party throughout the eighties R a d i c a l i s m ? McCarthy stood on an explicitly and nineties and that it was time To call it a fac- anti-Holme ticket for election to for a revival. tion is probably the party’s Federal Executive, and Better historians than me will misleading: it won. Despite failing in his objec- have to assess the veracity of this Whad no organising committee tive to force Holme to choose thesis, but it served as an intoxi- and certainly no bank account; it between RTZ and his positions in cating narrative for many. The was defined more by what it was the party, he was re-elected to the Liberator Collective5 organised against than by what it was for; Federal Executive every year but a fringe meeting at the autumn and although it comprised a group one until 2004. conference held in Eastbourne of party activists, it was domi- The bad feeling surrounding that year, at which McCarthy nated by one activist in particular Lord Holme’s appointment con- and others fleshed out the basis – Donnachadh McCarthy. tinued to fester and McCarthy’s for what was to quickly become Born in County Tipperary, frustrations on the Federal Execu- known as New Radicalism. After- Donnachadh McCarthy stud- tive grew. These led him to write wards, away from the hotel bars ied medicine for four years at the what was to become a defin- of conference, discussion about National University of Ireland ing article in Liberator magazine the form that this New Radical- in Cork.1 He did not complete shortly after the 1997 general elec- ism should take continued on the his studies but instead joined the tion. In ‘Lib Dem Leaders – Out internet, using a CIX conference Cork Ballet School and became of Control’ he stated: ‘It is impor- set up for this purpose by Richard a professional classical dancer. Gadsden.6 This was to become the Moving to London in 1986, he One of the fascinating aspects tant that main forum for New Radicalism performed in the Royal Opera of the history of the old Lib- throughout its time as a meaning- Ballet. He asserts that it was a eral Party was the conflict both strands ful force within the party. unique opportunity to go to between the Liberal [sic] and For those who do not know Venezuela to visit the indigenous Whig traditions. The competi- should exist what it is, Compulink Internet Yanomami people – with whom tion between these two strands eXchange (CIX) was one of the he lived for two weeks – that was of Liberal thought has been a in equilib- UK’s first internet service provid- responsible for switching his life’s vital ingredient in ensuring ers. Pre-dating the World Wide passion from dance to environ- the continued vibrancy of the rium. It is Web, its main means of commu- mentalism. In 1994 he was elected party. The Radicals have con- nication was via a series of dis- as a Liberal Democrat member tributed idealism, commitment only when cussion forums, or ‘conferences’. of Southwark Council and from to principles and community A home-computing enthusiast, that vantage point began to get politics. They have consistently one or other Paddy Ashdown recognised its involved in national politics.2 pushed for greater democratic potential as an organising tool After campaigning to improve accountability in the gov- strand gains and championed its widespread the party’s internal environmen- ernance of the country. The use across the party. The estab- tal practices, McCarthy shot to Whigs contributed organisa- domination lishment of New Radicalism and prominence within the party tional know-how, finance and of the party the rise of CIX within the party’s when he decided to take a stance pragmatism. It is important activist base coincided with each against the decision by Paddy Ash- that both strands should exist or indulges other and Donnachadh McCa- down to appoint Richard Holme in equilibrium. It is only when rthy and the New Radicals would as the director of the Liberal one or other strand gains domi- in damaging go on to take full advantage of Democrats’ 1997 general election nation of the party or indulges that fact. It effectively connected campaign. Holme, at the time, in damaging revolt that prob- revolt that three generations of ‘radicals’, was also a director of global min- lems arise.4 with members of the sixties’ ‘Red ing corporation Rio-Tinto Zinc problems Guard’ (including Tony Greaves), – then embroiled in a controver- McCarthy went on to assert that the Liberator Collective, Liberal sial strip-mining operation in the radical strand had declined in arise.’ Democrat Youth & Students, and

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 57 new radicalism and the liberal democrat whig tendency others all working together on a in 1998, culminating in its per- leeway. The election held in 1999 shared agenda. forming a key role in organising had 181 candidates competing for In the months following the the grassroots resistance to Paddy fifty places. Additionally, former Eastbourne conference, New Ashdown’s attempts to widen the MPs were deemed to be on the Radicalism began to take shape. A JCC’s scope. Third, there was no list automatically and the leader list of five ‘tenets’ was drafted to political philosophy underpin- would be permitted a ‘free choice’ define what New Radicalism was. ning it. The principles spelt out at each round of appointments. These were: in the preamble to the Liberal The effect was that only a handful • A healthy community. We will Democrat constitution are taken of ‘elected’ peers have ever been work for healthy, well-edu- as a given with the New Radi- ennobled. cated, balanced liberal com- cal tenets merely offered as bolt- The action against lobbyists munities where all, whether on extras that don’t add up to a proved to be an even tougher advantaged or disadvantaged, coherent whole. Even some of challenge. Life peers hated the can contribute to and enjoy a New Radicalism’s keenest expo- proposal. A motion was passed at good quality of life. nents, including myself, would party conference, and the parlia- • Community economics. Com- voice concerns about whether mentary party was given a year to munity politics must be liberals should be calling for a respond. It declined to ever for- supported by a strong local ‘pure’ environment.9 There was mally do so and it quickly became economy. The global econ- talk of New Radicalism eventu- apparent that it had no intention omy must be balanced by a ally evolving into a ‘democratic of complying with the ‘request’.14 local economy that respects think tank’,10 but no New Radi- This was eventually to result in our local communities. cal publications were ever to be McCarthy’s resignation from the • A pure environment. Pure air, produced. As a consequence, Federal Executive after a furious pure water, pure soil, pure while individuals would serve Given that exchange with party President food are the rights of our own on party policy working groups Navnit Dholakia on the stage of and coming generations. focusing on a range of issues, the New Radi- the 2004 spring conference. • Open democratic international main focus of the New Radicals However, the New Radicals’ and local government. The pow- became ‘politics by example’. calism had greatest achievement had taken ers of the multinationals must Given that New Radicalism place just over a year before that, be democratically regulated had defined itself as embroiled in defined itself when they played a pivotal role and local communities must a Manichaean struggle with the in firming up Liberal Democrat have open democratic govern- party’s Whig tendency, it was as embroiled opposition in advance of the Iraq ance where individuals have almost inevitable that it would War. The Liberal Democrats’ for- the liberty to take and use find itself in conflict with that in a Man- mal opposition to the war came power over their own lives. most Whiggish of institutions, quite late in the day. The party’s • Politics by example. This new the House of Lords parliamen- ichaean position in 2002 had been mainly radicalism insists that the tary party.11 McCarthy’s conflict struggle one of scepticism and emphasis- party is run entirely in line with Richard Holme proved to be ing the importance of working with its own principles.7 merely the first round. The New with the within the UN rather than of Looking back at this list and Radicals coordinated two main outright opposition. However, other contemporary articles, I campaigns regarding the Lords. party’s Whig New Radicals were determined am struck by three things. First, First, with full reform of the Lords to strengthen Liberal Democrat New Radicals tended assume not on the immediate political tendency, it opposition to the war and con- that New Labour would deliver agenda, the New Radicals fought cluded that the best way to do a meaningful upheaval of the for an ‘interim’12 system whereby was almost this was to persuade the party to UK political system and that it the party membership – not formally join the historic anti- was consequently necessary for the leader – would control who inevitable war march on 15 February 2003. the party to move on from this should be nominated. Second, I have written elsewhere about agenda. Indeed, the first New they campaigned for an end to the that it would the internal struggle to persuade Radicalism conference, held on practice of Liberal Democrat peers Charles Kennedy to participate in 20 June 1998, was entitled ‘What working as paid lobbyists. find itself in the march following a unanimous do we stand for post-Constitu- The first objective was vote on the Federal Executive to tional Reform?’8 The reality is achieved relatively simply. The conflict with support it.15 Suffice it to say, he was that, more than a decade on, the proposal for the establishment of eventually persuaded (or forced) to constitutional reform project an ‘interim peers list’ was backed that most go along with it and, with McCa- begun by the Cook–Maclennan overwhelmingly at the 1998 rthy, spoke at the post-demonstra- talks is anything but finished. Sec- spring conference. However, due Whiggish of tion rally. With this success under ond, none of these tenets reflected to a combination of not knowing institutions, his belt, McCarthy appeared to what was the New Radicals’ pri- the number of peers that the Prime command an alternative power mary short-term concern: cooling Minister would enable the Liberal the House base to the leadership. But it all off the party’s close working rela- Democrats to appoint13 and the went wrong very quickly. tionship with the Labour govern- obscure way in which prospective of Lords par- The anti-war march marked a ment and, ideally, putting a stop life peers are vetted by Parliament sea change in the party’s popular- to the work of the Joint Cabinet and government, the system that liamentary ity and, in other circumstances, Committee. This was to be the the Federal Executive eventually should have united the two sides. New Radicals’ primary focus agreed gave the leader maximum party. Instead, all the tensions and

58 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 new radicalism and the liberal democrat whig tendency frustrations of the previous six McCarthy repeated demand for more dem- Liberator Publications), p. 19. years exploded. Kennedy went on ocratic oversight of the party’s 10 Epps, op. cit. to insist that the policy agreed at was fighting fundraising operation might well 11 Note, however, that Tony Greaves the following spring conference have prevented the debacle sur- was an outspoken New Radical in Torquay opposed the war but against a rounding the £2.4m donation himself, while Conrad Russell was supported the troops,16 a confus- made by fraudster Michael Brown a key ally. ing qualification attacked by the complacent in 2005. Regardless of McCarthy’s 12 Note the ‘post-constitutional’ party’s critics.17 McCarthy and tactical and strategic failings, the assumption that Labour would Lord Greaves meanwhile pursued and conserv- challenge to the party leadership eventually get around to reform- an agenda of recrimination on the that he set was one that it failed. ing the second chamber, something Federal Executive. In so doing, ative estab- which it failed to achieve in thir- in my view they immediately lishment James Graham served on the Liberal teen years of government. threw away the political capital Democrat Federal Executive 2003– 13 The Cook-Maclennan Agreement that the success over the anti-war which should 2005 and organised the New Radicals’ issued jointly by Labour and the demonstration had earned. This ‘Radical Winter School’ in Leeds in Liberal Democrats before the 1997 was to serve as the beginning of have known January 2002. general election stated that fol- the end for New Radicalism and lowing the removal of hereditary McCarthy’s time within the Lib- better and 1 Donnachadh McCarthy, Saving peers from the House of Lords, ‘we eral Democrats. He eventually the Planet without Costing the Earth should move, over the course of resigned from the party in 2005, on many (London: Fusion Press, 2004), p. the next parliament, to a House of writing an article in The Independ- 237. Lords where those peers who take a ent denouncing Charles Kennedy’s occasions 2 Ibid., pp. 209–225. party whip more accurately reflect record as party leader.18 3 Donnachadh McCarthy, ‘No Place the proportion of votes received by As for New Radicalism more behaved for Holme?’, Liberator, Issue 239, each party in the previous general widely, it quickly died without September 1996 (London: Liberator election’ (Robin Cook and Robert its figurehead. However, this was appallingly. Publications), pp. 16–17. Maclennan, Looking Back, Looking also partly due to technologi- 4 Donnachadh McCarthy, ‘Lib Dem Forward. The Cook-Maclennan Agree- cal and financial realities. New Leaders – Out of Control’, Liberator, ment, Eight Years On (London: New Radicalism was firmly embed- Issue 244, June 1997 (London: Lib- Politics Network, 2005), p. 39). ded in CIX which, by the early erator Publications), pp. 26–27. That implied the Liberal Demo- noughties, was an outmoded and 5 Liberator was in many ways New crats would get to make far more uncommercial technology. For Radicalism’s crucible and main appointments than they ended up all its uses, people were not will- sounding board, which explains doing. ing for pay the £7.50 a month that why so many references in this arti- 14 The Liberal Democrat constitution the service cost at a time when cle are to pieces from the magazine. explicitly prohibits conference from they could buy broadband access But the two were never formally in ‘mandating’ elected representatives for not much more. As CIX’s use alliance. Gareth Epps was the only in any body in the Party (Clause within the party waned, so did member of the Liberator Collec- 2.5). New Radicalism’s influence. tive who was also closely associated 15 James Graham, ‘15 February 2003: For my own part, I remain in with New Radicalism. five years (and 11 days) later’, two minds about my time as a 6 Donnachadh McCarthy, ‘New Quaequam Blog!, 26 February ‘New Radical’. Its intellectual Radicals Find Their Voice’, Libera- 2008, http://www.theliberati.net/ vacuum meant that it quickly ran tor, Issue 247, November 1997 (Lon- quaequamblog/2008/02/26/15- out of steam, and it has subse- don: Liberator Publications), p. 14. february-2003-five-years-and-11- quently been largely forgotten. Its 7 Donnachadh McCarthy, ‘The days-later/. disproportionate focus on internal Great Strategy Debate’, Liberator, 16 Greg Hurst, ‘Blair betraying UN, party matters is something which, Issue 249, February 1998 (London: says Kennedy’, The Times, 17 March in retrospect, appals me. How- Liberator Publications), p. 12. An 2003, http://www.timesonline. ever, I do feel that Donnachadh earlier version of this list appeared co.uk/tol/news/world/iraq/arti- McCarthy’s stance on a number in Free Radical, Issue 7.3, December cle1120622.ece of issues has now been largely vin- 1997 (London: Liberal Democrat 17 Paul Foot, ‘Bring our boys home’, dicated. He was fighting against Youth and Students), p. 11, where The Guardian, 19 March 2003, a complacent and conservative the reference to local govern- http://www.guardian.co.uk/ establishment which should have ment in the fourth tenet was not politics/2003/mar/19/media. known better and on many occa- included. liberaldemocrats. sions behaved appallingly. 8 Stewart Rayment, ‘New Radicals 18 Donnachadh McCarthy, ‘The Robin Eames’s recent inquiry Are Looking to the Liberal Future’, lamentable leadership of Charles into the House of Lords’ Code of Liberator, Issue 253, August 1998 Kennedy’, The Independent, 12 July Conduct19 has cracked down on (London: Liberator Publications), 2005, http://www.independent. Lords taking paid advocacy work pp. 18–19. co.uk/opinion/commentators/ in a way that was dismissed by 9 Gareth Epps, ‘New Radicals – New McCarthy-mccarthy-the-lam- Liberal Democrat peers five years and Radical?’, Liberator, Issue 250, entable-leadership-of-charles- previously; the party should have March 1998 (London: Liberator Pub- kennedy-498479.html. been leading calls for reform in lications), pp. 28–29; James Graham, 19 Leader’s Group on the Code of Conduct this area, not sullenly going along ‘Time for a Radical Restart?’, Libera- Report (House of Lords, 29 October with it. Similarly, McCarthy’s tor, Issue 277, August 1998 (London: 2009).

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 59 The Young Liberals and the Left 1965–70 Peter Hellyer reviews the relationship between the Young Liberals and the left in the 1960s.

ritish politics today With that cautionary note hardness, single-mindedness lacks a large and active given, and conceding that, since – and all this adds up to our political youth move- I now live in the United Arab intention to capture the left ment directly affiliated Emirates, I lack access to much in British politics … Why am to one of the major research material, I present the I a Liberal? – I’ll never quite Bparties. Forty-five or so years following thoughts and recol- know, but perhaps it’s because ago, however, there was one: the lections. My focus will be on the the Liberals are the only party Young Liberal Movement, YLM, years of the Labour government with the slightest hope of end- comprised of the National League led by Harold Wilson between ing the present depressing of Young Liberals, NLYL, and 1964 and 1970, for the following political cycle. Also, our sup- the Union of Liberal Students, reasons. First, it was during those porters are full of ideals, and ULS, for a short while dubbed the years, mainly from 1966 to 1970, ideals capture the imagination ‘Red Guard’ by an over-excitable that the YLM reached its peak, of the young far more than the media. For this issue of the Jour- claiming at its height 25,000 or hypocrisy and dishonesty of nal, I have been asked to provide so members in several hundred the big parties.2 some of my own recollections branches throughout the coun- of the YLM and its relationships try. George Kiloh, NLYL Chair- Secondly, in those years the YLM with the ‘left’ in British politics. man from 1966 to 1968, outlined often had a somewhat testy rela- A shorter examination of some of the attractiveness of the YLM, as tionship with the ‘senior’ party, the issues discussed can be found he then saw it, in a book written although good relations at a per- in a paper I published in Issue No. by Jonathan Aitken, ‘The Young sonal level between many YL 17 of the Journal.1 Meteors’, published in 1967: leaders and leaders of the party, Others, who also played an both inside and outside parlia- active part, whether at a national In the past the word Liberal has ment, always continued. At the or local level, will have their own always been associated with same time, the YLM developed memories. Their recollections namby-pambyness, but I think extra-party relationships with a and interpretations are likely we’re getting away from that. wide range of other radical move- to differ from mine, because, It’s our intention to show a far ments that were frequently the although we were all involved in more militant approach than cause of severe strains. what can be broadly described as has ever been seen in youth Tony Greaves, Chairman the YL ‘leadership’, the nature of politics before. Our theme of ULS at the beginning of the our activity differed. is originality, irreverence, period and then of NLYL at the

60 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 The Young Liberals and the Left 1965–70 Peter Hellyer reviews the relationship between the Young Liberals and the left in the 1960s.

end, has recalled in a previous ‘senior party’… On the other of the Labour government, but issue how the YLM decided to side were those of us who were which led to the establishment adopt an approach of opening up clear that we were radical Lib- of relationships both with the links with the left: erals and for whom any future Labour left and the extra-par- in politics had to lie with the liamentary left. On one, that of It all grew out of that genera- Liberal Party, however much Rhodesia and apartheid South tion of people who joined the we despaired of its electoral Africa, the YL approach was party when it was advancing failures and its seeming inabil- broadly aligned with, though enormously. There had been ity to campaign effectively or more radical than, the position of Orpington (in 1962), followed at all! Such people around the the party leadership, while on the by a number of near-misses old YL leadership included others the YLs, or at least a signifi- … Then Harold Wilson had Michael Steed, Bernard cant part of their leadership, were become leader of the Labour Greaves, Gareth Wilson and Several often at variance with or in oppo- Party and took over our ‘time Simon Hebditch… and peo- sition to the rest of the party. I was for a change’ message. The ple like Gordon Lishman and major for- primarily active in campaigns on Liberal vote went up in the ’64 Lawry Freedman spanning the foreign policy issues, being NLYL election but overall the result two groups.4 eign policy International Vice Chairman was disappointing … We won from 1967 to 1969, and it is with more seats in the ’66 election, Kiloh and the others on his side issues came these that this article will deal, for but by that time Jo (Grimond) of the divide left the party, sev- the most part through personal was exhausted, the party was eral joining Labour and others to the fore, recollections rather than detailed running out of ideas and didn’t confining themselves to extra- historical research. know where it was going. A parliamentary activity, while the on each of During the last century or so, small group of us younger second group remained within several large extra-parliamentary party members felt something the Liberal Party. Following the which the protest groups have emerged that must be done. We decided to passing of the ‘Community Poli- Young Liber- have maintained links with con- get more involved in young tics’ resolution at the 1970 East- ventional party politics. One people’s campaigning with bourne Party Assembly, proposed als adopted such group was the Campaign for other groups, particularly the on behalf of the YLM by Tony Nuclear Disarmament (CND), Young Communists. We also Greaves and Gordon Lishman, the positions founded in the late 1950s, which decided to try to make the Lib- focus of many YL activists turned had become a powerful force with eral Party more radical in its towards working within the party that were strong links to the Labour Party policies and more campaigning structure and in local communi- by the early 1960s, attracting over in its approach. That’s why we ties. Disagreements between the opposed 150,000 to its annual Aldermas- started at the Brighton Assem- YLM and the party continued but ton marches. After the signing of bly (in 1966) with defence and collaboration, rather than an often to those of the 1963 Global Nuclear Test Ban industrial democracy.3 deliberate seeking of confronta- Treaty, support dwindled, while, tion, became increasingly the the Labour following the election of the By 1970, however, the YLM itself norm and the ‘Red Guard’ phase, Labour government in 1964, some was heading into a decline. Tony which had peaked at the end of government, of the leading figures in CND, Greaves has explained the changes 1967, was finally over. who were also Labour MPs, were as follows: Thirdly, I was myself most but which led constrained by their relationship active during these years. While with the government. During The old YL leadership that had remaining a Liberal (or Liberal to the estab- the 1964–1970 Labour govern- made such an impact in the Democrat), increasing levels of ment, moreover, the foreign pol- mid-1960s was now experienc- overseas work from a London base lishment of icy issues that came to the fore ing an ideological crisis. On from 1970, and then a move to the relationships were specific in terms of geogra- one side of the developing split UAE in 1978, has meant that my phy, rather than being general in were people such as George subsequent involvement in the both with nature, like nuclear disarmament. Kiloh, Terry Lacey, Louis party has been largely confined CND was ill equipped to respond Eaks, Hilary Wainwright and to general election campaigns, the Labour to any of them. A brief description Tony Bunyan, who saw their always in the Scottish Borders. is necessary. allegiance as fundamentally to Finally, during these years, left and the The first issue to emerge was a left-based student and youth several major foreign policy issues that of white minority rule in movement and began to call came to the fore, on each of which extra-parlia- Southern Africa. During the themselves socialists and dis- the Young Liberals adopted posi- 1950s, the process of withdrawal tance themselves from the tions that were opposed to those mentary left. from Empire gathered pace,

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 61 the young liberals and the left 1965–70 extending to Africa. In 1957, A second issue was that of The Liberal to the Soviet Union and those, Ghana had been given independ- the Vietnam War, which esca- including the Young Liberals, ence, and by early 1960 Con- lated from August 1964, with Party was who were more inclined to adopt servative Prime Minister Harold increasing involvement by the the view of ‘a plague on both your Macmillan had concluded that United States. An expansion of strongly houses’. Within the Liberal Party, decolonisation was inevitable, as US ground forces commenced in there had always been a vocal he noted in his ‘Wind of Change’ January 1965, followed by bomb- opposed pacifist wing, and there had been speech to the South African par- ing of North Vietnam in March much discussion during the early liament in February 1960. 1965, this continuing until Octo- to UDI, 1960s of the Rapacki Plan, a pro- Nigeria became independ- ber 1968. The North Vietnam- posal launched by Polish Foreign ent that year, others rapidly fol- ese ‘Tet Offensive’, launched in this being Minister Adam Rapacki in 1958 lowing, including Tanganyika in January 1968, led to an opening of emphasised calling for the denuclearisation of 1961, Kenya in 1963, and Zambia, talks. A programme of ‘Vietnami- Poland, Czechoslovakia and both formerly Northern Rhodesia, on sation’ followed, with US troops by Jeremy Germanies. 24 October 1964, nine days after being gradually withdrawn. The The third major foreign pol- the election of the Labour govern- Paris Peace Accords were signed Thorpe’s icy issue to emerge during the ment. The progress of decolonisa- in 1973 and the war ended in April 1964–1970 Labour government tion then came largely to a halt. 1975 with the fall of Saigon, now speech at was in the Middle East. Following South of the River Zambesi, the Ho Chi Minh City. its victory in the June 1967 War, government of Southern Rhode- Despite American pressure, the 1966 Israel was no longer an embattled sia, representing the largest white- the British government refused Jewish settler-state with a small settler community in any of the to send troops to participate in Brighton Palestinian-Arab minority, but a African colonies, was determined the conflict, minded, perhaps, of clearly dominant regional mili- to retain power, although Bot- lessons learned from the Malayan Assembly, tary power occupying large tracts swana, Lesotho and Swaziland, insurgency, which had ended of land conquered from neigh- each without significant settler in 1960, and from the Malay- in which he bouring Arab states. communities, all became inde- sia–Indonesia ‘Konfrontasi’ from Sympathy for Israel was strong pendent between 1966 and 1968. 1962 to 1966. Supported by the advocated across the political spectrum in In Angola and Mozambique, Conservatives, however, it did Britain, for a variety of reasons, armed struggle against the Por- provide some political support for the use including the memory of the Nazi tuguese colonial authorities had the United States, this prompt- Holocaust. The Labour Party had commenced in 1961 and 1964 ing widespread criticism from the of British strong relations with its Israeli respectively. Further south, the left, both within and outside the V-bombers counterparts, these relations South African government had Labour Party. extending deep into the Labour shown its determination to hold It was argued by the United to end the left, while many leading Liberals, on to power, through, for exam- States that if one country fell including Jeremy Thorpe, were ple, the Sharpeville massacre under the influence of Commu- rebellion. also firm supporters of Israel. As of March 1960, an event which nism, with which movements of small-scale Palestinian resistance led directly to the conversion national liberation were assumed commenced, the Israeli response of the small Boycott of South to be associated, then surround- prompted a reassessment of the Africa movement into the Anti- ing countries would follow. The nature of the state and compari- Apartheid Movement (AAM), a Vietnam War was the major test sons with the settler-states in body with which many Liberals, ground of this ‘domino theory’. Southern Africa. Within the Lib- including Jeremy Thorpe MP, On the British left, the simplis- erals and on the left, the Israel/ were associated. The small South tic identification of independence Palestinian issue was to prove the African Liberal Party had come movements with Communism was most divisive of all foreign policy under increasing harassment fol- not accepted. The Non-aligned issues in the late 1960s. lowing Sharpeville, with many Movement had been founded in It is in the context of these of its members being arrested or 1955, including Egypt, Yugosla- issues that I shall examine the ‘banned’ to prevent them from via and Commonwealth member relationship of the Young Lib- attending gatherings and under- India amongst its leading mem- erals, myself included, with the taking much other activity. bers, while, through the Move- rest of the British left during the Confident of South African ment for Colonial Freedom, which 1964–1970 Labour government. support, the Rhodesian govern- at its peak had over seventy Labour Younger than the first wave of ment, led by Ian Smith, resisted MPs as members, there was wide- the YL leaders of the period, I pressure from London to move spread support for decolonisation. first became an active Liberal towards majority rule and issued The 1962 Cuban missile crisis not after leaving school in December its Unilateral Declaration of only prompted the further growth 1964. The winning Conserva- Independence on 11 November of CND, but also stimulated more tive in the October 1964 general 1965. Sanctions were ineffective debate on whether British interests election in my constituency, East and a low-level insurgency com- were best served by a close align- Grinstead, had been elevated to menced. Opposition to white- ment of foreign policy with the the House of Lords to make way dominated rule in southern Africa United States. On the left, there for Geoffrey Johnson-Smith, who became an important foreign pol- was further debate between the had lost his seat in London, with a icy issue for the British left, both Communist Party and members by-election set for February 1965. within and outside parliament. of the Labour Party sympathetic With several months to go before

62 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the young liberals and the left 1965–70 starting studies at Sussex Univer- of the YL and ULS delegates, as with which several leading Lon- sity, I volunteered to help the Lib- well as their confrontation with don-based YLs were involved, eral candidate, Richard Holme. the leadership, attracted extensive including Louis Eaks, then NLYL The result was a creditable sec- attention from the media, which Chairman, myself, Simon Heb- ond place, the Liberal share of the happily dubbed them the ‘Red ditch and the slightly younger vote rising to 31.5 per cent at the Guard,’ a nickname that contin- Peter Hain, who had moved with expense of Labour. ued to be used until late 1967. The his parents, members of the South Involvement in the local YL heady degree of publicity stimu- African Liberal Party, to Britain in branch followed, while during the lated a growth in YL and ULS 1966. summer I worked at Liberal Party branches around the country. Seeking to block a planned Headquarters under Michael Prior to the ‘Bomber Thorpe’ tour by the South African all- Meadowcroft. In September, I speech, the Liberal Party already white cricket team in the sum- attended my first Party Assembly had close relations with the Anti- mer of 1970, STST, supported by as a constituency delegate, pro- Apartheid Movement and in 1966, many other groups, launched a viding me with an opportunity to David Steel, elected as an MP at campaign in late 1969 and early establish links with the YL leader- the Roxburgh, Selkirk and Pee- 1970 to disrupt rugby matches ship and with others from around bles by-election the previous year, being played by the South Afri- the country. became the AAM President, a can Springboks. All but one of the At the time, Sussex University post he held until 1970. These matches were greeted with large was a stronghold of the Trotskyist links were further developed by demonstrations, including the ‘Militant Tendency’, then com- NLYL, which became an affiliate invasion of pitches. The exception mencing its campaign to infiltrate organisation of AAM with a rep- was the match at Galashiels, in the Labour Party. I joined the resentative on the AAM National the Borders, the home of Scottish small Liberal and Radical Society Committee and, subsequently, rugby, where STST responded although I became more active individual YLs were elected to a request from David Steel, with the Brighton YL branch. members of the AAM National still AAM President and the local An early focus of campaigning Executive. MP, that there should be no mass was opposition to the Rhodesian Liberal and YL involvement protest. Instead, he and his wife, UDI, which took place within a in campaigning against Smith’s with a few colleagues, picketed few weeks of my arrival at univer- The Brighton Rhodesia and against apartheid the ground, with thousands of sity. The YLs worked closely with were important in establishing the his constituents walking past him the local Labour Party, encour- Assembly radical credentials of the party, at into the game. At the June 1970 aged by South African exiles least on this issue. Collaboration general election, several months studying at the university, includ- was also the with the Labour left followed as later, the issue was still a hot topic ing Thabo Mbeki, later Nelson occasion well as with the major southern for Liberal canvassers in the Bor- Mandela’s successor as President African liberation movements, the ders and Steel’s majority fell to of South Africa. when the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union 550, the lowest in his many years The Liberal Party was strongly (ZAPU), the African National as an MP. By that time, STST’s opposed to UDI, this being Young Lib- Congress (ANC) of South Africa, objective had been achieved – the emphasised by Jeremy Thorpe’s and the South West African Peo- South African cricket tour had speech at the 1966 Brighton erals drew ples Organisation (SWAPO) of been cancelled. Assembly, in which he advocated Namibia, these becoming regu- While the senior Liberal Party the use of British V-bombers to the atten- lar visitors to the party’s annual and the YLs (and STST) were end the rebellion. The Brighton Assemblies. united in their opposition both to Assembly was also the occasion tion of the Within the party, there was the winter rugby tour and to the when, as noted by Tony Greaves broad agreement on support for cricket tour due to follow in the (above), the Young Liberals drew media, partly AAM and the liberation move- summer of 1970, there was serious the attention of the media, partly ments. Indeed, in at the 1967 disagreement over whether or not through the tabling of a resolu- through the Blackpool Assembly, a YL resolu- that should extend to civil diso- tion calling for withdrawal from tion on southern Africa was pro- bedience. In February 1970, for NATO and adoption of a neu- tabling of a posed by myself and seconded by example, the Liberal Party Execu- tralist foreign policy. A similar David Steel and was passed over- tive voted to censure Louis Eaks, motion had earlier been passed resolution whelmingly, although an amend- still NLYL Chairman, for his at the 1965 ULS conference in ment to remove a commitment to public remarks supporting such Manchester calling for a united calling for supporting the armed struggle of the disruption. non-nuclear Europe. Proposed by withdrawal liberation movements was passed The active campaigning by George Kiloh, who had become after it had been accepted from the both the YLs and the senior party NLYL Chairman earlier in the from NATO platform, without consultation, by placed the Liberals firmly on year, the Assembly resolution was David Steel. This difference on the the left on the issue of southern defeated after fierce argument. and adoption armed struggle in southern Africa Africa and also established the Another YL resolution, pro- was paralleled by disagreement on credentials of the YLs within the posed by Greaves and Terry of a neutral- support for direct action in Britain burgeoning but fissiparous extra- Lacey, then Vice Chairman of itself, on this and other issues. This parliamentary left. Both the YLs ULS, called for ‘workers’ control’ ist foreign became particularly apparent dur- and the party, moreover, generally in industry, it, too, being defeated ing 1969, with the formation of the shared the same goals, despite dif- after a fiery debate. The views policy. Stop the Seventy Tour committee, ferences in tactics.

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 63 the young liberals and the left 1965–70

This was not to be the case on the ‘Tet Offensive’ led to a much because of the violence associated the other two broad issues, those greater awareness of the conflict with the two London demonstra- of the Vietnam War and the Cold in Britain and the YLs joined a tions in 1968. There was also con- War and, later, on the Arab–Israeli coordinating committee estab- cern about the association of the conflict. On these, YL initiatives lished by VSC to organise another YLs with other left-wing groups, had a major effect on relations demonstration in March. including Communists of both with the senior party, the former The committee included some Soviet and Chinese varieties as causing occasional, albeit serious, rather uneasy bedfellows. The well as several Trotskyist factions, concern to party chiefs, but the Trotskyists and Maoists openly that were clearly illiberal. There latter leading to open conflict. supported the North Vietnamese were many in the senior party, As the escalation of the Viet- and the NLF. The YCL, on the and, indeed, in the YLs, who nam War began in late 1964, other hand, following the Krem- felt that this was, at best, naive. both the YLs and the senior party These lin line, supported a negotiated Indeed, some senior party mem- quickly adopted a policy of oppo- included peace rather than a military vic- bers came to the false conclusion sition to the war. The Union of tory. The YLs were accepted as that the YLM had been infiltrated Liberal Students and the National the Young members of the committee partly by ‘Communists’. League of Young Liberals passed because their credentials had been Other events during 1968, anti-war resolutions at their con- Communist established on southern African however, ensured that the YLs ferences, these being followed issues and partly because of the had few illusions about the nature by another resolution jointly League, ‘Peace in Vietnam’ policy of the of the Soviet Union. Following proposed by both to the Liberal senior party. However, a number the YL anti-NATO resolution Party Council which was again who always of those YLs who were actively at the 1966 Brighton Assembly, passed. The party then organised involved tended to align them- there was a marked increase in a national campaign, with YL viewed the selves more with the ‘Victory to the amount of attention being involvement, to collect signatures the NLF’ faction than with the paid to the Young Liberals, to an anti-war petition. YLs with YCL group, whose policy was both by the Young Communist The YLM also began to close to that of the senior Liberal League and by the embassies of develop relationships with other great suspi- Party. the Soviet bloc in London. One groups opposed to the war, or, The demonstration, on 17 result was the extension of invi- more generally, to the United cion, partly March 1968, which attracted tations to visit the Soviet Union States. These included the Young over 20,000 people, of whom a as guests of the Komsomol. One Communist League, who always because the few hundred, at most, were YLs, such visit, by Louis Eaks and viewed the YLs with great suspi- was noteworthy because of vio- myself, took place in Decem- cion, partly because the YLs, with YLs, with slo- lent skirmishes with the police. ber 1967 and January 1968. Our slogans such as ‘Make Love, Not gans such as Talks between the United States hosts, who had prepared a con- War’ and often with long hair and and North Vietnam commenced ventional programme of visits garb inspired by the US ‘flower ‘Make Love, in the summer of 1968, but the to collective farms and the like, power’ movement, appeared to bombing of North Vietnam con- were somewhat taken aback be insufficiently serious, as well as Not War’ and tinued and a much larger demon- by our requests and questions. lacking a coherent ideology. (In stration took place on 27 October Thus in Moscow, we insisted on return, the YLs viewed the YCL often with 1968, with the YLs again being visiting the tomb of the Rus- as boring and under the thumb of members of the coordinating sian anarchist Prince Peter Kro- an irrelevant party led by unchar- long hair and committee. Over 200,000 peo- potkin, in Kiev we asked party ismatic apparatchiks). Others with ple took part, the vast major- officials to explain the nature of whom the YLs came into contact garb inspired ity of whom marched peacefully the Ukraine’s separate national included Trotskyist bodies like down Park Lane, although a small identity, and in the Latvian capi- the International Marxist Group by the US minority, who did not include tal, Riga, we spent hours with (IMG), the International Social- any of the YLs participating in a young artist who carefully ists and the ‘Militant Tendency’ – ‘flower or watching the march, broke explained the history of Latvia’s then building up strength within away and once again confronted forcible annexation by the Soviet the Labour Party and, in par- power’ the police outside the American Union and the validity of its con- ticular, the Labour Party Young Embassy. In the same month, tinued desire for independence. Socialists – as well as Maoist movement, the US bombing of North Viet- A subsequent series of articles I groups. nam was finally halted, US troop wrote for Liberal News led to a for- In October 1967, the Vietnam appeared withdrawals began in early 1969, mal letter of protest to party head- Solidarity Campaign, established to be insuf- and the Vietnam War gradu- quarters from the Soviet Embassy as an umbrella campaign group in ally became an issue of declining saying that my articles had ‘dis- 1966 by activists associated with ficiently seri- importance for the British left. torted Soviet reality’. I considered the Bertrand Russell Peace Foun- The involvement of the YLs in that to be a great compliment. dation and the IMG, organised a ous, as well the anti-Vietnam War campaign Despite this, however, the Brit- small demonstration outside the had caused some embarrassment ish YCL and the Communist American Embassy in Grosvenor as lacking for the senior Liberal Party, partly Party maintained relations with Square, with which the YLs were because of their apparent identi- the YLs, and we were invited to not associated. In January 1968, a coherent fication with the ‘Victory for the attend the World Youth Festival in the launching by the North Viet- NLF’ faction, in contradiction to Sofia, Bulgaria, in August 1968, as namese and their NLF allies of ideology. official party policy, and partly were other member organisations

64 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the young liberals and the left 1965–70 of the World Federation of Lib- with the Vietnamese people, The YLs, In early 1969, still NLYL eral and Radical Youth, WFLRY, deciding to mark this by a tree- International Vice Chairman, I most of whom came from West- planting ceremony. The loose though still attended a conference in Cairo, at ern Europe. alliance of radicals decided that a which all the major African liber- The World Youth Festivals, more forceful display of opposi- critical of ation movements, with whom the which had begun in 1947, were tion to American policy would be YLs already had good links, were organised by the World Fed- appropriate, with over 1,000 join- NATO and present, along with representa- eration of Democratic Youth, ing a rapidly organised march to tives of Fatah and the Palestine WFDY, and the International protest outside the US Embassy. of US policy Liberation Organisation. This Union of Students, IUS, both When the police arrived, the was followed by a visit to Leba- Soviet dominated. Previous Fes- demonstrators sat down in the in Vietnam, non, Syria and Jordan, organ- tivals had been tightly control- road. As mounted police rode became vocal ised by the World Federation of led and the organisers clearly over the crowd, chants likening Democratic Youth, still trying to intended the Sofia event to follow them to France’s anti-riot police, critics of the engage with the YLs, despite our the same pattern. The early part of the CRS, rose. Hostile to US unruly behaviour at the World 1968, however, had been a time of policy though all of the demon- Soviet Union, Youth Festival the previous sum- radical ferment through much of strators may have been, antipathy mer. Other participants included Europe. to Soviet-style Communism was as did much a neo-anarchist Dutch radical and In January, Alexander Dubcek equally strongly felt. an apparatchik from East Germa- had become First Secretary of the On the way home, the YL of the rest of ny’s Frei Deutsche Jugend. Meet- Czechoslovak Communist Party, delegation visited Prague, at the ings with Fatah leaders, a tour of launching a programme of liber- invitation of the Czech Young the British a refugee camp and a visit to a alisation that became known as Communists, and felt honoured guerrilla camp were part of the the ‘Prague Spring’, challenging to be asked to deliver a speech at left, both programme. I returned to Lon- Soviet control of Eastern Europe the local equivalent of London’s don convinced that the Palestin- for the first time since the 1956 ‘Speakers’ Corner’ in support of within and ians did, indeed, have a case, and Hungarian uprising. In April the newly liberal Czechoslovakia. that the almost unthinking sup- and May, student movements in On 21 August 1968, a week or so outside the port for Israel in Britain, includ- Germany and France, led by an after the delegation returned to ing within the Liberal Party, eclectic mix of anarchists, Trot- London, Soviet tanks rolled into Labour Party. needed some re-examination. skyists and Maoists, had attracted the Czech capital and the Prague The gradually emerging evidence a large following, and in France a Spring was over. The Young Lib- of close ties between Israel and the student occupation of universities erals were among organisations white regimes in Southern Africa in Paris grew into a general strike participating in protest dem- was sufficient to convince some that had brought the government onstrations outside the Soviet other Young Liberals, including of President Charles de Gaulle Embassy in London and relations Louis Eaks, who became the YL close to collapse. While the UK with the YCL were never the Chairman during the 1969 Easter was little affected, a student occu- same again. conference, that we should take a pation of the Hornsey College of The YLs, though still critical of closer look at the issue. Art in May, in which YLs were NATO and of US policy in Viet- Mild expressions of disapproval involved, provided a small degree nam, became vocal critics of the of Israeli policies followed, these of excitement. Soviet Union, as did much of the attracting a barrage of criticism European participants in the rest of the British left, both within from within the party, coupled Sofia Festival included not only and outside the Labour Party. with suggestions that any criticism Soviet-style Young Commu- As the war in Vietnam wound of Israel was driven by an underly- nists, from both sides of the Iron down, with the beginning of the ing anti-Semitism. YLs active in Curtain, but also a melange of US withdrawal, disagreements the campaign against apartheid revolutionary Western European between the YLs and the senior were infuriated by the allegation students, young Czechs eager party on what approach to take to and people who had begun as gen- to spread ferment among other the Soviet bloc began to fade. tle critics were pushed to become Eastern European delegations, The third major foreign policy more determined opponents of Yugoslavs keen to emphasise that issue to come to the fore in the Israeli policy. they were not part of the Soviet late 1960s was the Arab–Israeli The 1970 NLYL/ULS Easter bloc and many others, including a dispute. As the Israelis, victors in conference at Skegness, attended, small, but active, group of Young the June 1967 War, consolidated for the first time, by a representa- Liberals, including myself and control over the West Bank and tive of Fatah, saw a major argu- Phil Kelly and John Kelly, both Gaza, the Palestinians launched ment over the extent of support from ULS. None were inclined a small-scale military resist- for the Palestinians. Louis Eaks, to accept the tightly regulated ance, led by Yasser Arafat’s Fatah elected as Chairman in 1969 and programme designed by the Bul- movement. In March 1968, an seeking a second year of office, garians and their paymasters and Israeli foray across the River Jor- supported a resolution backing conflict of some kind was almost dan was blocked by the Jordanian the Fatah policy of a single state inevitable. The issue of the Viet- army and Fatah, this leading to in Israel/Palestine while Lawry nam War provided the oppor- increasing publicity for what was Freedman, backed by several oth- tunity. The Festival organisers still a very small and ineffective ers, argued for support for a two- announced a Day of Solidarity organisation. state solution. The resolution, as

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 65 the young liberals and the left 1965–70 passed, was somewhat confusing, and Maoists on trying to analyse Another of the leadership who were based calling for a single state, though in terms of class what appeared, to outside London. While branches without mention of Fatah, and for the YLs at least, to be a movement source of of the Union of Liberal Students ceasefire lines to be respected and of resistance to military occu- often worked closely on campus for the belligerent parties to enter pation was also a source of disa- strain within with other left-wing groups, on into negotiations. It also called for greement. In consequence, the both international and domestic the youth wings of the Israeli Lib- YLs’ best connections were with the YL lead- issues, branches of the Young Lib- eral Party (which was allied with Arab groupings, like the General erals, closely linked to, and often the extreme right-wing Zion- Union of Palestinian Students, or ership was a major force within, local con- ist Herut Party, led by Menahem with those around the newspaper stituency associations, were more Begin) and the Israeli Independ- Free Palestine, founded in 1968 the fact likely to undertake the bulk of ent Liberal party to be expelled and later edited by Louis Eaks for that some their political activity, including from the World Federation of many years. YL support for the involvement in local and parlia- Liberal and Radical Youth unless Palestinians, and the resulting of those mentary elections, within a Lib- they accepted the principle of a strain on relations with the senior eral Party framework. Through secular democratic state.5 party, continued during the chair- who were their experience of, and frus- The disagreement within the manship of Peter Hain, who suc- tration with, the conventional YLs over the Israel/Palestine issue ceeded Tony Greaves in 1971. London- campaigning techniques, the was to some extent responsible As mentioned earlier however, collection of views that came to for the failure of Eaks to gain re- by 1970 the YLM was heading into based came characterise the ‘Community election as Chairman and he was a decline, the reasons for which are Politics’ approach were begin- defeated by Tony Greaves, a Jewish perhaps worthy of further study. In to focus their ning to emerge. In contrast, many Chronicle report on the conference terms of their involvement in the of the London-based leadership being headlined ‘Young Liber- international issues cited above, attention were often related only peripher- als reject extreme pro-Arab’ and with the exception of southern ally, if at all, to their local Liberal noting that the ‘extremist chair- Africa, only a minority – probably primarily on associations. man’ had been replaced by ‘a more a small minority – were associated, Moreover, throughout the moderate anti-Zionist.’6 and the nature of these issues was, single-issue heyday of the YLs, the National The policy adopted, however, in any case, evolving. As noted in Executive of NLYL included was sufficiently critical of Israel to the quotation from Tony Greaves, campaign- representatives from the regional prompt a furious response from above, an ‘ideological crisis’ had federations who were often the senior party, in particular emerged within the YL leadership. ing, often on uncomfortable with the ideologi- from Jeremy Thorpe, who had This had several aspects. First, as international cal approach of the London-based succeeded Jo Grimond as party correctly stated by Tony Greaves, leadership and of the leader- leader in 1967. Several prominent there was a division between those issues, in ship of ULS. Among these were Liberals, including some major whose views had evolved in such a David Penhaligon, representing party donors, were also Jewish, way that they no longer considered contrast to Devon and Cornwall and later and threats were made to cut off themselves to be Liberals (or liber- MP for Truro from 1974 to 1986, financial support. The sister par- als) and those who ‘were clear that many mem- and Howard Legg, represent- ties in Israel, fellow members of we were radical Liberals and for ing Wessex, who has now been a Liberal International, were not whom any future in politics had to bers of the local councillor for over twenty amused either. lie with the Liberal Party …’. years. Coming from rural areas Having adopted a pro-Pal- Another area of disagreement, leadership where the political issues of the estinian policy, the YLs found partly, but not wholly, coincid- day were different from those in themselves with a peculiar col- ing with these ideological divi- who were the larger towns and cities, and lection of allies. The Labour left sions, was whether or not it was where often the Conservatives, was still largely pro-Israel, partly acceptable to adopt direct action based out- rather than Labour, were the main because of links with the left- or civil disobedience in pursuit opponents, they too were more leaning Mapam Party in Israel of campaigns, such as that against side London. concerned with domestic issues and partly because many promi- the South African rugby tour. as well as being worried about the nent members of the Labour left Many members of the senior party YLs becoming involved in law- were themself Jewish or of Jewish objected, on principle, to the breaking. Happy to be radical, origin. Insofar as there was a pro- breaking of the law, with a similar they were never comfortable with Arab element within the Labour view being adopted in many YL revolutionary left-wing rhetoric. Party, it was to a large extent branches around the country, par- The April 1970 NLYL con- made up of people who had come ticularly those which were closely ference at Skegness marked the to support broader Arab nation- linked to their constituency Lib- beginning of the parting of the alism as part of the anti-colonial eral Associations. ways between the two separate struggle (the British withdrawal Another source of strain within ideological strains. Tony Greaves from Aden having occurred as the YL leadership was the fact that became Chairman, defeating recently as the end of 1967). Many some of those who were London- Louis Eaks, with another former of these Labour ‘pro-Arabs’ were based came to focus their atten- ULS officer, Gordon Lishman, to the centre of the party on tion primarily on single-issue winning election as Organising domestic issues. campaigning, often on interna- Vice Chairman, a post he had held On the extra-parliamentary tional issues, such as Israel/Pales- in an acting capacity since the res- left, the insistence of Trotskyists tine, in contrast to many members ignation of his predecessor a few

66 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 the young liberals and the left 1965–70 months earlier. Both then pro- on other issues, wise heads in the Acknowledgements posed the successful ‘Community senior party, such as Frank Byers, I noted at the beginning of this Politics’ resolution at the Party Tim Beaumont, Gruffydd Evans, article that many of my former Assembly later in the year. Eaks himself a former NLYL Chair- colleagues in the leadership of the failed to obtain Assembly back- man in 1960–61, and the Head of YLM will have different recol- ing for a resolution supporting the Liberal Party Organisation, lections and interpretations of YL the principle of a single state in Pratap Chitnis, ensured that, for activity in the period 1965–1970. Israel/Palestine and then drifted the most part, lines of commu- I have benefited enormously from away from the YLs to focus on the nication were kept open. Indeed, comments made on a first draft by Israel/Palestine issue. the YLs were effectively used as Tony Greaves who, rightly, raised In the same year, George Kiloh ‘stalking horses’ during an abor- points that I had overlooked or joined the Labour Party, later tive attempt in the late 1960s to to which I had paid insufficient explaining his decision as follows: force Jeremy Thorpe to resign as attention, including the concern leader. Frustrations and irritation, felt by many members of the ‘sen- Back in ’65, I remember quot- on both sides, did not lead, as some ior’ party, and by other YLs, at the ing myself. I didn’t want to be feared, to an open split. Instead, willingness of the Young Liberals in the Labour Party because it those YLs who felt they could no to associate with openly illiberal was like ‘an old waiting room longer call themselves Liberals organisations and to engage in in a station’. Semi-derelict and simply moved on elsewhere. On breaches of the law while cam- nothing was going anywhere. the role of those who remained, as paigning on foreign policy issues. The remark made sense then. practitioners of ‘community poli- He also reminded me that most The Labour Party was like that. tics’ and as candidates, councillors YL branches took little part in I joined with difficulty, but I and, later, parliamentarians, I am the relationships with other ‘left’ joined because there were more not qualified to comment. organisations that were so much people like me there. We were Looking back, the Israel–Pal- a feature of the London-based a minority in the party, but we estine conflict, which has always YL leadership during the period. were there nevertheless.7 crossed the conventional bounda- While I would not wish to asso- ries of ‘left’ and ‘right’, has proved ciate him in any way with my Others did the same, like Terry over the years to be the most conclusions, the article is much Lacey and Phil Kelly, who went intractable of the foreign policy changed and, in my view, substan- on to edit Tribune, the organ of the issues with which the Young Lib- tially better, because of his input. conventional Labour left, and has erals engaged so actively from David Rich of the Community served intermittently since 1984 as 1965 to 1970. The Vietnam War, Security Trust kindly shared with a Labour councillor in Islington. the ‘Cold War’, the Soviet bloc, me the results of his research into Yet others, such as Hilary Wain- Ian Smith’s Rhodesia and apart- the evolution of the debate over wright, devoted their attention heid South Africa are all fading Israel/Palestine amongst youth primarily to radical extra-parlia- memories, but there is still scant and student groups from the late mentary activity, without joining room for optimism in the search 1960s onwards. Labour, while Tony Bunyan, for for peace in the Middle East, several years the YLM National although few now doubt that a 1 P. Hellyer, ‘Young Liberals – the Organiser and now the Director two-state solution in Israel/Pal- “Red Guard” era’, Journal of Liberal of Statewatch, moved to focus on estine is the most desirable option Democrat History, 17, Winter 1997– civil liberties issues. Others effec- The large, and opposition to the polices of 1998, pp. 14, 15. tively withdrew from active polit- Israel’s successive governments is 2 J. Aitken, The Young Meteors (Lon- ical engagement. irrever- now widely spread throughout the don: Secker & Warburg, 1967), It is worth placing on record political spectrum. And the large, p. 120. Quoted in Craig Taylor, that only a small minority of YLs ent, often irreverent, often impractical and ‘Promises, promises’, The Guard- focused between 1965 and 1970 naive Young Liberal Movement of ian, 6 September 2003. http://www. on the foreign policy issues men- impractical the period is now little more than guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2003/ tioned above as the major part of an historical footnote. sep/06/weekend.craigtaylor. their political activity, particularly and naive 3 A. Slade, ‘From Angry Young Man outside university campuses and Peter Hellyer is a member of the to Simmering Old Guru – Inter- the hothouse atmosphere of the Young Lib- Editorial Board of the Journal of view with Tony Greaves’, Journal radical extra-parliamentary left in Liberal History. International Vice- of Liberal History, 45, Winter 2004– London. For the most part, with eral Move- Chairman of NLYL 1967–69, con- 2005, pp. 30–34. the possible exception of southern ment of the currently a member of the Executive 4 T. Greaves, ‘The Year Things Africa, YL branches devoted the of the Anti-Apartheid Movement, Began To Change’, Liberator, 300, bulk of their activity to local cam- period is and subsequently an aide to David pp. 12–13. paigning, developing the experi- Steel, he has worked in the United 5 David Rich, pers. comm., 4 January ence that was later to serve the now little Arab Emirates for over thirty years, 2010. party in such good stead as support currently as an adviser to the Gov- 6 Jewish Chronicle, 3 April 1970. for ‘community politics’ grew. more than ernment’s National Media Council. 7 Craig Taylor, ‘Promises, promises’, Although there were serious He has returned frequently to take The Guardian, 6 September 2003. disagreements between the YLM an historical part in election campaigns in the Scot- http://www.guardian.co.uk/life- and the senior party on aspects of tish Borders, most recently in the 2010 andstyle/2003/sep/06/weekend. these foreign policy issues, and footnote. general election. craigtaylor.

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 67 Alan Leaman assesses Paddy Ashdown’s and Tony Blair’s attempt to realign British politics – ‘the Project’ – and draws lessons for the future.

Notes on a political relationship Blair and Ashdown

bservers of Liberal journalists that the first job of a Lib structures of British party politics Democrat politics Dem leader is to spot what is hap- that Liberal Democrats seek. in recent decades pening in politics, work out how might feel a lit- to benefit, and then announce tle confused – and with confidence that it was always Personal background withO some justification. There your plan to bring this particular My credentials for writing about was the Alliance in the 1980s, circumstance about. The truth is this are partial, as many will no with its doctrine of ‘equidis- that all political parties have to doubt rush to point out. A long tance’ from the Conservatives tack to prevailing winds and take personal history of involvement and Labour and explicit hope of advantage where they can. in the Liberal Party – on policy a hung parliament. Then Paddy But this is also the story of a committees, working in the office Ashdown took his merged party long, consistent and hard-fought of Paddy Ashdown when he was in the direction of greater coop- effort to redesign the battle lines leader (including drafting the eration with Labour, particularly of UK politics; in particular, to Chard speech), as a parliamentary after the accession of Tony Blair realign the centre-left. Some candidate and, finally, as Lib Dem as its leader, prefigured in his argued that Paddy Ashdown’s Director of Strategy in the run- 1992 speech in Chard.1 Charles approach was the exception to up to the 1997 general election Kennedy spoke during his time the Lib Dem strategic rule – an – meant that I spent around two as Lib Dem leader of replacing attempt to create a shortcut to decades immersed in these strate- the Conservative Party while power. They contrasted this with gic issues. I even wrote a journal repositioning his party to the left the ‘long march’ that would keep article called ‘Ending equidis- of the Labour government. And, the Lib Dems more independent tance’.3 I was closely involved in to bring the story right up to of other parties and ensure that its what, I believe, was the most seri- date, Nick Clegg has written that policies were not compromised. ous attempt to realign British pol- the Labour Party’s ‘time is up’, In truth, Ashdown’s contri- itics since the creation of the SDP. that the Liberal Democrats can bution is exceptional only in the I also came to those roles with ‘replace Labour as the dominant sense that it was almost a trium- a grounding in what might be force of progressive politics’,2 and phant success. It suited its times – called the pluralism of the left. At has taken his party into a govern- electorally as well as politically. It University the Liberals partici- ing coalition with the Conserva- delivered a number of reforms and pated in organisations called the tive Party. benefits for the Lib Dems – par- Broad Left and the Left Alliance. It is easy to caricature this as ticularly constitutional reforms – Campaign organisations such as the opportunism of a flexible that would otherwise have been the Anti-Apartheid Movement and pragmatic third party. I once lost. And it very nearly secured and Charter 88 brought Liberals explained to a gathering of BBC the fundamental changes in the into close and often cooperative

68 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 notes on a political relationship: blair and ashdown contact with members of the the Alliance – from Roy Jenkins’ wrong, was that the Labour Party Labour Party as well as others. Dimbleby lecture onwards – was unlikely to be able to win a The long period of Conserva- all fitted with this narrative of future election on its own. At the tive electoral domination from realignment. time, no one could have foreseen 1979 onwards, mirrored in many As Mrs Thatcher consolidated the creation of New Labour. This parts of the country by a Lib Dem the Conservatives in power dur- occasioned a certain amount of advance in local government, ing the 1980s, the opposition chutzpah on our part. I recall giv- the arrival of ‘no overall control’ parties naturally became more ing a press briefing for the Sun- councils and tactical voting by interested in each other and, from day papers on the weekend after Labour and Lib Dem supporters time to time, would learn how to the election in which we said that in constituencies, all added to the cooperate. When Paddy Ashdown Paddy was now gearing up to take experience. To me it was natural published his 1989 book, Citizen’s on the role of effective leader of that Liberals should look around Britain, we made sure that Labour the opposition. for allies and partners. luminaries such as Giles Radice The second lesson was more Of course, there is plenty of and Raymond Plant were aware significant and robust. The final anti-pluralism on the centre-left of it and encouraged to respond. days of the campaign had been as well. Tribalism runs deep and Subsequently, Plant went on to uncomfortable for us. John Major wide in the Labour movement, chair a commission for Neil Kin- had made a lot of the uncertainty where it mixes with a particular nock on electoral reform which implicit in a hung parliament or suspicion of liberalism and elec- reported in 1993, while Radice a Lib–Lab arrangement. It had toral reform. Liberal Democrats was a voice for sanity on Europe pushed many voters back to the also hold their party dear for the and much else. Conservatives. The conclusion best and worst of reasons. In local and other elections, we drew was that, next time, the None of my experience led me too, we became more and more political ground would have to be to believe that Labour were any- conscious of the so-called ‘tac- prepared in advance of the elec- thing other than a serious com- tical vote’. This phenomenon tion, not while the campaign was petitor, an obstacle to the Liberal was being driven from the grass in full force. The electorate would Democrat ideal of a more open, roots – by voters as much as by need to have evidence – prior to decentralised, reformist, progres- politicians. But it subtly altered going to vote – that cross-party sive and forward-looking alterna- the atmosphere at Westminster cooperation could work and that tive to the Conservatives. They as well. By the time of the 1992 it could support stable and effec- were too closed and statist to be general election it was a natural tive government. the answer; but they were too and widespread view that some Much of the Lib Dem approach large and obstinate to be ignored. sort of Labour–Liberal Demo- to the next parliament flowed Any Liberal Democrat strategy crat arrangement could emerge from this second conclusion. has to have a coherent answer if the result was indecisive, even Yet, at first, it gained little trac- to the question: what do you do though the party’s formal posi- tion. Paddy threw himself into about Labour? tion remained one of ‘equidis- his Beyond Westminster4 project, tance’. Paddy and I had even been The elector- to the frustration of many of his to Germany to talk with the FDP senior colleagues. The election of The build up to Blair – up to about how they prepared for coa- ate would John Smith as leader of the Labour 1992 lition talks. Party closed down many possibili- It is important to understand that When Neil Kinnock used need to have ties (though, curiously, he did res- the Blair–Ashdown relationship the last week of the 1992 Labour urrect the old Liberal Party slogan came at the end of a long process. campaign to suggest movement evidence – One More Heave – to describe Lib-Labbery had been around for on proportional representation his political strategy). The Lib years. When Ashdown eventu- towards the Lib Dem position, he – prior to Dems and Labour then fell out – ally moved to end equidistance, pushed Lib–Lab relations to the spectacularly on many occasions we felt that we were returning the top of the election agenda. The going to – over the ratification of the Euro- Liberals closer to their core and Conservatives quickly saw their pean Union’s Maastricht Treaty, historic strategy and purpose, on chance, linking the two opposi- vote – that with each accusing the other of the reasonable enough basis that tion parties together and using bad faith and poor judgement. modern Liberal history begins fear of a Labour victory to squeeze cross-party Yet, still, the logic of the Chard with Grimond. the Lib Dem vote. The circum- speech was pushing both par- In the 1960s, Jo Grimmond stances that Lib Dems had often cooperation ties and their thinking. When talked about realigning the left hoped for – a high prospect of a could work Michael Heseltine abruptly around a non-socialist alternative hung parliament with a converg- announced a massive pit closure to Conservatism. David Steel led ing Lib–Lab policy agenda – had and that it programme, we made sure that the Liberal Party into a formal rebounded to our disadvantage. Paddy spoke at the main protest relationship with the Callaghan could sup- demonstration alongside Smith. government via the Lib–Lab pact. Numerous political conferences, Both Grimond and Steel were The build up to Blair – 1992 port stable seminars and private dinners ena- drawing, inter alia, on strong onwards bled progressives in both parties to networks of cross-party relation- We drew some lessons from the and effective get to know each other and to seek ships and discussions. The crea- 1992 experience. The first, and common cause. Charter 88 was a tion of the SDP and formation of the one that turned out to be most government. rallying point for reformers across

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 69 notes on a political relationship: blair and ashdown the whole of the centre-left and the prevailing view amongst Littleborough and Saddleworth was steadily building and winning non-Conservatives was that the by-election was probably the the case for the wider political and election result would be close toughest of the parliament, with constitutional reforms that were (certainly not a landslide). To fail the Lib Dem Chris Davies even- eventually to find their way into to react to these circumstances tually emerging as the victor over the Lib Dem 1997 manifesto and, – to appear to be standing in the Labour’s Phil Woolas following an though with less enthusiasm, into way of the tide – would have aggressive and personal campaign. that of Tony Blair’s Labour Party. risked political suicide. More This burgeoning relationship was importantly, it would have also about two political leaders who effectively meant turning our saw personal, party and broader Blair becomes leader – 1994–97 back on the most significant polit- political advantage in drawing The election of Blair as leader ical opportunity for Liberal Dem- closer together. of the Labour Party then added ocrats in a generation. There were some impor- enormously to the possibilities of So the pace quickened, sup- tant personal differences as well. the Ashdown approach. Blair had plemented by the cooperation and Blair had no real understanding a freedom and a potential seen in dialogue that was now possible or appreciation of the effort and no Labour leader before him. He between those at the top of each dedication that was required to had no time for the traditions and party. We talked about a ‘project’ become a Lib Dem MP, or of the dogmas of his own party. There and politicians and journalists emotional and political attach- was no sense in which he was a understood what we meant. We ments this built. Ashdown found socialist. His talk of the need to spoke with Labour about joint Blair’s relative caution frustrating. mend the schism in the centre- work on unemployment – then As a military man, his instinct was left suggested a real potential for a climbing fast towards three mil- to confront problems and move new pluralist settlement. lion: Cook was in favour, Dobson quickly to put himself in a better So Blair marked a break with opposed. Attempts were made to place. Blair, the lawyer, was more traditional Labour. He was distant ensure that both our conferences often looking to work and talk from the trades unions, unambig- were successes and targeted at around problems, buy some more uous about support for free trade the Conservatives – though Blair time, and keep his broader coali- and the market economy, and himself was not above intervening tion on board. eminently pro-European. He was in Lib Dem conferences via press interested in public sector reform. interviews and other manoeuvres. He was also, palpably, a modern Above all, we managed to create The 1997 election and beyond person, with little social conserva- the Cook–Maclennan Commis- In a sense, this strategy delivered tism (though his views on crimi- sion on Constitutional Reform, a too well. The Lib Dems more nal justice were a running sore joint working party of Labour and than doubled their number of with the Lib Dems). Lib Dems to agree on a process for MPs in 1997, benefiting signifi- In the aftermath of Iraq, cash the implementation of key reforms. cantly from their association with for honours, and the financial cri- Paddy also started making the wider cross-party effort to sis of 2007–09 his reputation has speeches about the importance of defeat the Conservatives. But we tumbled. Much of his premiership securing at least ten years – two were faced with a New Labour is now viewed as opportunity lost. parliaments – of reforming gov- landslide. But we should not underestimate ernment and was happy that this The immediate aftermath of just how different he was (and was implied a period of consistent Blair had the election campaign was just felt to be) when he emerged as cooperation on the centre-left. By about the only moment when a Labour leader in 1994. the time of the election, informal a freedom further deepening of the relation- Blair also added to the impera- lists of seats had been given to sup- ship would have been possible tive that was driving the Chard portive newspapers which were and a poten- – and that proved, as we know, speech strategy. For a while, the then able to advise their readers on impossible. As Paddy Ashdown’s Lib Dems were totally eclipsed. how to use their ‘tactical’ votes in tial seen in diaries confirm, Blair pulled back Labour’s new leader seemed to order to maximise the chances of over the weekend following the reach out and to win new friends defeating sitting Conservatives. no Labour election. His majority was too wherever he wanted. The main- Blair and Ashdown clearly large. He was not prepared to tenance of equidistance in those enjoyed their working relation- leader press the issue with his party. circumstances would have left Brit- ship, and the mutual respect that True, the creation of a Joint ain’s third force at best irrelevant, lay behind it. Each would have before him. Cabinet Committee helped and at worst an obstacle to the fresh found in their conversations a cer- He had no deliver much of the constitu- start that Britain yearned for. tain amount of release from the tional reform programme, and to With the passage of time, it is tribulations of their own party. time for the hold off those in the Labour ranks easy for us now to forget that Blair They both were brilliant practi- who wanted to minimise the was an extraordinarily domi- tioners and thinkers about poli- traditions changes. It also helped to sustain nant and imaginative leader of tics, with an instinctive feel for some badly needed momentum the opposition, carrying almost the bigger picture and how voters and dogmas behind the ‘constructive opposi- everything before him and com- were responding. tion’ approach that the Lib Dems manding an unprecedented coa- This was no cosy love-in how- of his own adopted. Ashdown was able to use lition of support. Equally, and ever. Battles were fought when his influence with Blair to consid- in contradiction, we forget that they were needed. The 1995 party. erable effect during the remaining

70 Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 notes on a political relationship: blair and ashdown two years of his leadership, not Why fight Proportional electoral systems are the relationship between Liberal only helping to keep the govern- entrenched in many parts of the Democrats and the Labour Party. ment to commitments previously so hard to UK. In Scotland and Wales, too, Clegg’s answer to the old Lib Dem made and to press forward on oth- the Lib Dems have now had expe- question – what do you do about ers but also preventing the Lib become the rience of holding office, and coa- Labour? – made a lot of sense in Dems from lapsing into full-out lition governments have proved this context; he fought them and opposition to the Labour govern- leader of effective, making the Cameron– fought them hard, though it was ment. But this influence was a Clegg coalition following the 2010 noticeable that significant num- declining asset. a political general election that much easier to bers of Labour seats did not fall to In 1997 I argued to the Lib construct. The Blair government the Lib Dem challenge as many Dem Conference that the party party if you implemented significant reforms had hoped and expected. now had an electoral and politi- are not pre- that will not now be undone. And Clegg himself has distanced cal interest in the success of New the Blair–Ashdown relationship himself from previous thinking Labour. But I was already push- pared to use has left a template for others to pick about realigning the centre-left, ing against prevailing party sen- up and use in the future. The sim- telling one interviewer that it timent. The perception that the that position ple fact that this happened means underestimates ‘quite how fluid ‘project’ was the personal creature that it will be that much easier next British politics has become’.6 How- of Paddy and Tony meant that it in the pursuit time around. ever, the party is likely to return was too easily dismissed as an More than that, this very to the question at some point, pro- elite undertaking. The party had of ambitious nearly became the moment when voked, perhaps, by a future refer- decided, consciously or not, that it centre-left politics was changed endum on electoral reform. wanted a quieter life. political much more fundamentally in the Labour, of course, may retreat Strangely, a lot of our focus at direction that Liberal Democrats to a comfort zone of oldish the time was on the potential for goals? exist to promote. A Blair–Ash- Labour, unlearning many of the two referendums: one on entry down administration could have lessons that Tony Blair insisted to the euro and the other on elec- achieved a great deal more. on in the 1990s. Alternatively, a toral reform. Both, had they taken In the end, Blair’s failure to new Labour leader might make a place, would have required and answer the question put to him by fresh start, ditch the union link, fostered a new sense of partnership Ashdown (increasingly in public) be prepared to face down a weak- and common purpose amongst – Are you a pluralist or a control ened left and reach out to build centre-left politicians who were freak? – meant that the project new alliances and refashion the prepared to back each cause. could not be sustained. But Ash- centre-left. Liberal Democrats Thousands of words were written down was surely right to try to will want to be prepared for either about both, with much specula- force the issue. Why fight so hard eventuality. tion about when they would hap- to become the leader of a politi- The conditions for a new pen, in which order, and which cal party if you are not prepared to realignment could once again would be more difficult to win. As use that position in the pursuit of re-emerge quite quickly – only we know, the government ducked ambitious political goals? more so. At that point, the Liberal out of both. Democrats will want to study and In late 1998 I said to Paddy build on the experience of Blair Ashdown that he would need to Lessons for the future and Ashdown. stay on as leader in order to help Nick Clegg has written recently secure a yes vote in the two refer- that he wants the Liberal Demo- Alan Leaman worked in Paddy Ash- endums. He nodded, but I could crats to be leaders of a wider lib- down’s office in 1988–93 and was tell from the look in his eyes that eral movement that is capable of Director of Strategy and Planning for his thinking was heading in a dif- being an effective alternative to the Liberal Democrats 1995–97. He is ferent direction. He announced the Conservatives.5 He is right currently CEO of a leading business his resignation as leader of the Lib to do so. He also argues that the trade association. Dems a few weeks later. current Labour Party (it is insuf- ficiently New Labour?) is out of 1 Paddy Ashdown, A Fortunate Life tune with its times. He makes a (Aurum Press Ltd, 2009), p. 268. An evaluation persuasive case. Implicit in this 2 Nick Clegg, The Liberal Moment Was all this worth it? Unques- thesis is a recognition that the (Demos, 2009). tionably. Even in its limited form, centre-left must reorganise itself 3 Alan Leaman ‘Ending equidis- the Blair–Ashdown relationship further if it is to be a real success. tance’, Political Quarterly, April-June delivered electoral and political Inevitably, the onset of the 1998, .pp 160-169 Reprinted in the benefits that would otherwise not 2010 election campaign and sub- Journal of Liberal Democrat History 19, have been available to the Liberal sequent coalition negotiations Summer 1998. Democrats. Arguably, it has pro- with the Conservatives put such 4 Paddy Ashdown, Beyond Westmin- duced better government for the a restructuring of politics on ster: Finding Hope in Britain (Simon country as well. hold. The party electoral battle & Schuster, 1994). As a result of the relationship, a took precedence and the oppor- 5 Nick Clegg, ‘Welcome to the new far larger number of Lib Dems now tunity to construct a serious and era of Liberal politics’, The Times, 17 hold elected positions – in Stras- governing coalition with the September 2009. bourg, Edinburgh, Cardiff, West- Conservative Party after the 6 Interview with Nick Clegg, The minster and in local government. election has dramatically altered Observer, 7 June 2010.

Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 71 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting Thomas Paine and the Radical Liberal Tradition In the two centuries since Thomas Paine’s death, his works and reputation have been both vilified and appropriated by individuals and movements from across the political spectrum. His name has become a touchstone of left-wing and liberal thought, celebrated for the courage of his political vision, even as the specific context of his writings has too often been disregarded. This meeting will discuss the continued resonance of Paine’s thought and assess his relevance for radical and liberal activists today.

Speakers: Edward Royle, Emeritus Professor, University of York and author of many works on 18th and 19th century history including Revolutionary Britannia? Reflections on the Threats of Revolution in Britain, 1789–1848 and Robert Owen and the Commencement of the Millennium: A Study of the Harmony Community; Dr Edward Vallance, University of Roehampton and author of A Radical History of Britain: Visionaries, Rebels and Revolutionaries – the Men and Women who fought for our Freedom and The Glorious Revolution: 1688 – Britain’s Fight for Liberty. Chair: Dr Richard Grayson, Head of Politics, Goldsmiths College, guest editor of this special issue of the Journal and co-editor of After the Crash: Reinventing the Left in Britain and Reinventing the State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Century.

6.30pm, Monday 12 July 2010 David Lloyd George Room, National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, London, SW1A 2HE

‘An out-of-date word’: Grimond and the left (continued from page 56) described in J. Ramsden, The wrote to the Herald in response 41 The Guardian, 26 June 1965. State: Essays in Liberty and Wel- Winds of Change: Macmillan to an article, ‘Nation in Search 42 This was confirmed by Luise fare (London: George Allen & to Heath, 1957–75 (Longman, of a Party’ which called upon Nandy, Byers’s daughter, in an Unwin, 1957), pp. 129–30. 1996), pp. 36–37. Labour to transform itself interview, 18 January 2009. 49 Grimond, Memoirs, p. 260. 32 On a small swing, the Con- urgently but rejected any refer- 43 All quotation in this para- 50 Wainwright’s note of this servatives had won Brighouse ence to the Liberals. The letter graph not otherwise attributed exchange is in the Wainwright and Spenborough from Labour was not published. is cited in Liberal News, 2 July papers at the LSE. in a by-election on 17 March 36 The Guardian, 24 June 1965. 1965. 51 V. Cable, Free Radical: a Memoir 1960. 37 Lord Avebury (formerly Eric 44 The Guardian, 23 September (Atlantic Books, 2009), p. 42. 33 The Times, 17 March 1962. Lubbock), interview, 12 August 1965. 52 Cited in McManus, op. cit., p. 34 ‘Pact “Not on your Life”’, 1999. 45 Lord Avebury (Eric Lubbock), 146. Liberal News, 25 January 1962. 38 Edward Short, Whip to Wilson interview, 12 August 1999. 53 A case in point is John Pardoe, Buchanan presumably meant (Macdonald, 1989), pp. 117 and 46 H. Wilson, The Labour Govern- whose journey to Grimond’s ‘second of the opposition par- 172. ment 1964–70: a Personal Record Liberal Party from Labour’s ties’, for at the by-election on 39 ‘Stormy Young Liberals say (London: Weidenfeld & Nicol- left is documented in A. Slade, 8 November 1961 he had nar- –“No Pacts”’, Liberal News, 23 son and Michael Joseph, 1970), ‘What might have been’, Journal rowly won second place for the April 1965. p. 139. of Liberal Democrat History, Issue Liberals, pushing Labour into 40 All quotation in this para- 47 R. Douglas, History of the Lib- 36 (November 2002). third position. graph not otherwise attributed eral Party 1895–1970 (Sidgwick 35 ‘Herald’s Blind Eye’, Liberal is cited in Liberal News, 2 July & Jackson, 1971), p. 281. News, 10 February 1962. Holt 1965. 48 G. Watson (ed.), The Unservile