Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas a Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill As a Liberal J
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Divided We Stand POLITEIA
Peter Fraser Divided We Stand Scotland a Nation Once Again? POLITEIA A FORUM FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC THINKING POLITEIA A Forum for Social and Economic Thinking Politeia commissions and publishes discussions by specialists about social and economic ideas and policies. It aims to encourage public discussion on the relationship between the state and the people. Its aim is not to influence people to support any given political party, candidates for election, or position in a referendum, but to inform public discussion of policy. The forum is independently funded, and the publications do not express a corporate opinion, but the views of their individual authors. www.politeia.co.uk Divided We Stand Scotland a Nation Once Again? Peter Fraser POLITEIA 2012 First published in 2012 by Politeia 33 Catherine Place London SW1E 6DY Tel. 0207 799 5034 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.politeia.co.uk © Politeia 2012 Essay Series ISBN 978-0-9571872-0-7 Cover design by John Marenbon Printed in Great Britain by: Plan – IT Reprographics Atlas House Cambridge Place Hills Road Cambridge CB2 1NS THE AUTHOR Lord Fraser of Carmyllie QC Lord Fraser of Carmyllie QC was the Conservative Member of Parliament for Angus South (1979-83) and Angus East (1983-87) and served as Solicitor General for Scotland from 1982-88. He became a peer in 1989 and served as Lord Advocate (1989-92), Minister of State at the Scottish Office (1992-95) and the Department of Trade and Industry (1995-97). He was Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1997-98. His publications include The Holyrood Inquiry, a 2004 report on the Holyrood building project. -
Society Welcomes Its New President, Ian Huddleston
Journal of the LSNI 11 January-March 2017 Since delivering the CPD Seminar on Charity benefit statement and find it hard to articulate THELaw for the Law Society in February 2015 and demonstrate their public benefit. On So far as the Charity Tribunal is concerned Jenny Ebbage, Partner and Head of the occasion the registration application has acted there have been a number of decisions Charities Team at Edwards & Co. Solicitors, as a catalyst for a wide-ranging governance published. Many of these have arisen from writes on some recent developments. review and also an opportunity for upskilling the institution of statutory inquiries and the Over the year it has been a fast moving boards and those who work with them. From removal of charity trustees. environment for charities in Northern Ireland Friday, 3 June 2016 an updated version of the and it is important for practitioners to keep up online charity registration application form is The Court of Appeal decision in Charity to date so as to provide accurate and timely expected to go live. This is to be a more user Commission for Northern Ireland and Bangor WRITadvice to charity clients or to better inform friendly and intuitive version of the online Provident Trust and the Attorney General for THE JOURNAL OF THE LAW SOCIETY OFthemselves NORTHERN should theyIRELAND sit on a charity board. application process, with a change to the look Northern Ireland, seems to have now settled and flow and format of the questions being the question that Bangor Provident Trust was It would be impossible to cover everything ISSUE 226 January-March 2017 asked. -
Discussing What Prime Ministers Are For
Discussing what Prime Ministers are for PETER HENNESSY New Labour has a lot to answer for on this front. They On 13 October 2014, Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield FBA, had seen what the press was doing to John Major from Attlee Professor of Contemporary British History at Queen Black Wednesday onwards – relentless attacks on him, Mary, University of London, delivered the first British which bothered him deeply.1 And they were determined Academy Lecture in Politics and Government, on ‘What that this wouldn’t happen to them. So they went into are Prime Ministers for?’ A video recording of the lecture the business of creating permanent rebuttal capabilities. and an article published in the Journal of the British Academy If somebody said something offensive about the can be found via www.britishacademy.ac.uk/events/2014/ Government on the Today programme, they would make every effort to put it right by the World at One. They went The following article contains edited extracts from the into this kind of mania of permanent rebuttal, which question and answer session that followed the lecture. means that you don’t have time to reflect before reacting to events. It’s arguable now that, if the Government doesn’t Do we expect Prime Ministers to do too much? react to events immediately, other people’s versions of breaking stories (circulating through social media etc.) I think it was 1977 when the Procedure Committee in will make the pace, and it won’t be able to get back on the House of Commons wanted the Prime Minister to be top of an issue. -
The London Gazette of FRIDAY, the 28Th of MAY, 1943 Published by Registered As a Newspaper
fiumb. 36033 2417 SUPPLEMENT TO The London Gazette Of FRIDAY, the 28th of MAY, 1943 published by Registered as a newspaper WEDNESDAY, 2 JUNE, 1943 CENTRAL CHANCERY OF THE ORDERS Baronetcies of the United Kingdom on the OF KNIGHTHOOD. following: — St. James's Palace, S.W.I.' The Right Honourable John Milne Barbour, 2nd June, 1943. J.P., D.L., M.P., lately Minister of Finance, Northern Ireland. The KING has been graciously pleased, on Sir John Fraser, K.C.V.O., M.C., M.D., the occasion of the Celebration of His Majesty's Ch.M., F.R.C.S.(Ed.), Regius Professor of Birthday, to signify his intention of conferring Clinical Surgery, Edinburgh University; a Peerage of the United Kingdom on the Honorary Surgeon in Scotland to the King. following : — To be a Baron: — Air Chief Marshal Sir Hugh Caswall CENTRAL CHANCERY OF THE ORDERS Tremenheere Dowding, G.C.B., G.C.V.O., OF KNIGHTHOOD. C.M.G., Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Fighter Command, 1936-40. S&. James's Palace, S.W.I. 2nd June, 1943. The KING has been graciously pleased, on the occasion of the Celebration of His Majesty's The KING has been graciously pleased, on Birthday, to declare that the undermentioned the occasion of the Celebration of His Majesty's shall be sworn of His Majesty's Most Honour- Birthday, to signify his intention of conferring able Privy Council: — the Honour of Knighthood upon the follow- Harcourt Johnstone, Esq., M.P., Parliamentary ing:— Secretary, Department of Overseas Trade; Stanley Hugh Badock, Esq., LL.D., J.P. -
Some Recent Writings on the History of Great Britain from 1832 to 1868
Some Recent Writings on the History of Great Britain from 1832 to 1868 THE PURPOSE of this review article is to try to provide some guidance for New Zealand sixth-form teachers involved with the University Entrance topic on Great Britain, 1832-1868. The syllabus directs the teacher to cover the following problems: 'Industrialisation and urbanisation; economic growth and economic fluctuations; the situation established by the 1832 Reform Act; social and administrative reform from the 1830s to the 1860s; the rise, achievements and fall of Peel; the occasions, goals and results of agitation; the revival and results of political reform in the 1860s; party government and party organisation' (University Grants Committee Handbook, 1975, p. 158). This is certainly an ambitious programme but it is one which provides • an opportunity for the teacher and the students to familiarize themselves with the sorts of issues which are dominant in modern historical writing. It is, therefore, somewhat disappointing that the topic is one of the least popular, being heavily beaten in the popularity contest by those topics covering what was often the major element in Stage III university courses in the 1940s and 1950s: diplomacy and nationalism in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This may not be the best way to preserve a diet of serious history against the intellectual porridge known as social studies. It also seems strange that more interest cannot be generated in the very society from which New Zealand's own governing traditions emerge. The present discussion of those traditions in their original, early Victorian British context is marked by a great, not to say, bewildering variety of interpretations as well as by a rather self-conscious concern with method. -
The Attlee Governments
Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office. -
Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship
INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Research Paper No. 4 2002–03 Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1328-7478 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 2003 I NFORMATION AND R ESEARCH S ERVICES Research Paper No. 4 2002–03 Politician Overboard: Jumping the Party Ship Sarah Miskin Politics and Public Administration Group 24 March 2003 Acknowledgments I would like to thank Martin Lumb and Janet Wilson for their help with the research into party defections in Australia and Cathy Madden, Scott Bennett, David Farrell and Ben Miskin for reading and commenting on early drafts. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
The Legislature
6 The Legislature Key Terms Ad hoc Committees (p. 241) Also known as a working legislative committee, whose mandate is time-limited. Adjournment (p. 235) The temporary suspension of a legislative sitting until it reconvenes. Auditor General (p. 228) An independent officer responsible for auditing and reporting to the legislature regarding a government’s spending and operations. Backbenchers (p. 225) Rank-and-file legislators without cabinet responsibilities or other special legislative titles or duties. Bicameral legislature (p. 208) A legislative body consisting of two chambers (or “houses”). Bill (p. 241) A piece of draft legislation tabled in the legislature. Budget (p. 236) A document containing the government’s projected revenue, expenditures, and economic forecasts. Budget Estimates (p. 237) The more detailed, line-by-line statements of how each department will treat revenues and expenditures. By-election (p. 208) A district-level election held between general elections. Coalition government (p. 219) A hung parliament in which the cabinet consists of members from more than one political party. Committee of the Whole (p. 241) Another name for the body of all legislators. Confidence convention (p. 208)The practice under which a government must relinquish power when it loses a critical legislative vote. Inside Canadian Politics © Oxford University Press Canada, 2016 Contempt (p. 224) A formal denunciation of a member’s or government’s unparliamentary behaviour by the speaker. Consensus Government (p. 247) A system of governance that operates without political parties. Crossing the floor (p. 216) A situation in which a member of the legislature leaves one political party to join another party. -
37 Jones Liberals Divided
Liberals divided Dr J. Graham Jones examines the February 1921 by- election in Cardiganshire, where Asquithian and Lloyd George Liberals engaged in bitter internecine warfare ‘‘EveryEvery votevote forfor LlewelynLlewelyn WilliamsWilliams isis aa votevote againstagainst LloydLloyd George’George’ 1 lewelyn’s opposed to national waste; In October W. Llewelyn Williams, Liberal ‘L So work for him with zeal and haste.’ MP for the Carmarthen Boroughs since , a By the s Welsh Liberals proudly referred to former close associate of Lloyd George who had the Cardiganshire constituency as ‘the safest seat dramatically fallen out with him primarily over the held by a Liberal member’. This remote, predomi- need to introduce military conscription during nantly rural division on the western seaboard of , wrote to Harry Rees, the secretary of the Wales, so far removed from the hub of political life at Cardiganshire Liberals. ‘You will have seen that the Westminster, and first captured by the Liberals in the Carmarthen Boros are going to be wiped out, & ‘breaking of the ice’ general election of , was that I shall therefore be looking for a new seat ei- held continuously by the party from until the ther in Carm. or elsewhere. I should be glad to defeat of Roderic Bowen in . But this long hear from you what are the prospects in tenure was not always characterised by political har- Cardiganshire?’ Williams wrote in the certain mony, calm and tranquillity. During the early s knowledge that his own seat was about to disappear in particular, intensely bitter political controversy in the impending redistribution of parliamentary beset Cardiganshire. -
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, C. 193 1-1951
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, c. 193 1-1951 ABIGAIL LOUISA BEACH University College London Thesis presented for the degree of PhD University of London June 1996 I. ABSTRACT This thesis examines the development and articulation of ideas of citizenship by the Labour Party and its sympathizers in academia and the professions. Setting this analysis within the context of key policy debates the study explores how ideas of citizenship shaped critiques of the relationships between central government and local government, voluntary groups and the individual. Present historiographical orthodoxy has skewed our understanding of Labour's attitude to society and the state, overemphasising the collectivist nature and centralising intentions of the Labour party, while underplaying other important ideological trends within the party. In particular, historical analyses which stress the party's commitment from the 1930s to achieving the transition to socialism through a strategy of planning, (of industrial development, production, investment, and so on), have generally concluded that the party based its programme on a centralised, expert-driven state, with control removed from the grasp of the ordinary people. The re-evaluation developed here questions this analysis and, fundamentally, seeks to loosen the almost overwhelming concentration on the mechanisms chosen by the Labour for the implementation of policy. It focuses instead on the discussion of ideas that lay behind these policies and points to the variety of opinions on the meaning and implications of social and economic planning that surfaced in the mid-twentieth century Labour party. In particular, it reveals considerable interest in the development of an active and participatory citizenship among socialist thinkers and politicians, themes which have hitherto largely been seen as missing elements in the ideas of the interwar and immediate postwar Labour party. -
19 Baines Reforming the Lords
met and half-heartedly agreed to a proposal whereby whilst all peers would remain members, there would Reports be a specific voting section and the independent peers would have a de- cisive influence. The delaying pow- ers would be reduced to six months. Reforming the Lords This had been talked out in the Evening meeting, 19 January, Commons by an unholy alliance of Michael Foot and Enoch Powell. with Vernon Bogdanor and Lord Carrington Carrington went on to look at the Lords today. The Lords currently Report by Malcolm Baines suffered from a lack of credibility which made using what powers it has impossible. Whilst it was effec- House of Lords reform proved a stimulating topic for a tive as a revising chamber, it could crowded meeting at the National Liberal Club in January. not act as a check on the Commons (and through it the executive) be- The speakers were Professor Vernon Bogdanor of Brasenose cause it had no credible basis of College, Oxford, and Lord Carrington, former Conservative membership. However, electing a Foreign Secretary and one-time leader of the Conservatives second chamber would give rise to different problems, depending on the in the House of Lords. extent of the second chamber’s pow- ers. If it had considerable powers, it Professor Bogdanor began by ment’s manifesto. In , the Lords’ would inevitably challenge the looking at the background to the delaying power was further reduced Commons on policy, leading to pa- Parliament Act, which intro- to one year. In the s, life peers ralysis of government; if too little, duced the two-year suspending were introduced and these had origi- then no quality candidates would power of the Lords (as opposed to nally worked well but more latterly apply.