RADICAL REfORm GROuP The Radical Reform Group has until recently been relatively neglected by historians of the Liberal Party. Graham Lippiatt gives an overview of the group’s formation and history, examines the material published by the group itself and reviews the published literature which covers it. he Radical Reform its own, policies which will both the News Chronicle entitled ‘Left or Group (RRG) was a give effect to the principles [of Limbo?’. It called the earlier deci- social liberal pressure liberty and social justice] and gain sion to divorce from the party a group of the 1950s and wide acceptance from all shades mistake, criticising the RRG for 1960s. It was founded of political opinion.’10 The RRG’s having been dormant too long Tin 19521 by Desmond Banks2 and intention was to create an effective and looked forward to its renewed Peter Grafton.3 Concerned that, third force in British politics and activities on the left of centre, under the leadership of Clement looked for ways of forging links where it said ‘all good Liberals Davies, the Liberal Party was fall- with like-minded individuals in should be’.17 ing unduly under the sway of clas- other parties. Banks also gave as Thereafter the RRG contin- sical, free-market liberals and was a justification for the formation of ued its role as an internal social drifting to the right, they feared the RRG the need to strengthen liberal ginger group, supportive of the domination of the party by the Liberal Party as an alternative Jo Grimond’s electoral strategy of economic liberals such as Oliver for disillusioned electors against realignment. The marginalisation Smedley4 and Arthur Seldon,5 the growth of extremist groups. or defection of leading economic who both later helped establish ‘If there were no Liberal Party,’ he liberals and the return of the the Institute of Economic Affairs, declared in a speech in Cornwall RRG helped to set the progres- the think tank that was to become in March 1956, ‘we might well be the RRG saw sive tone of Liberal politics during an engine of Thatcherism. One witnessing today the growth of the years of Grimond’s leadership, prominent Radical Reformer some dangerous movement akin their task as when the party tended to choose recalled that he joined because of to that of Monsieur Poujade11 in the social liberal and Keynesian worries that the party was so small France.12 promoting economic approach. and weak in the early 1950s that it In the spring of 1954, the RRG was in danger of being taken over decided to disaffiliate from the ‘social reform by people like Smedley and S. W. Liberal Party in an effort to attract without Material published by the Alexander6 who would be seen as members from the social demo- Radical Reform Group cranks who wanted to turn the cratic wing of the Labour Party. It socialism’ In all, the RRG published three party into an economic sect.7 hoped to exploit divisions in the pamphlets setting out the pur- The RRG saw their task as Labour Party between the sup- and sought pose and strategy of the group and promoting ‘social reform with- porters of Aneurin Bevan13 and detailing the policies that the Lib- out socialism’ and sought ways those of Hugh Gaitskell.14 Most ways in eral Party and the country ought to in which the institutions and RRG members remained card- adopt.18 The group also published policies of the welfare state and carrying members of the Liberal which the a regular newsletter which con- the managed economy could Party but one former Chairman, tained commentary on the political be improved and strengthened.8 E. F. Allison, defected to Labour15 institutions developments of the day, Liberal Looking back, one reformer set and one of its vice-presidents, the election prospects, essays on policy out the task of the RRG as ‘… former MP for Dundee, Din- and policies questions, and internal announce- mov[ing] the party as a whole to gle Foot, (who also later joined ments and notices. This author has adopt a programme, especially in Labour, in 1956) openly sup- of the wel- not been able to establish exactly industrial and economic affairs, ported Labour candidates in seats when the first newsletter was pub- which could become the platform not contested by Liberals in the fare state lished but the last one appears to for a new, radical force in poli- 1955 general election. The Labour have been the issue of September tics.’9 This emphasis on creating splits did not prove permanent and the man- 1964.19 Between November 1956 something new in British politics however, and the RRG strategy and September 1964, twenty-three was because the RRG recognised was not a success. Membership aged econ- newsletters were circulated to that there was something wrong declined and the media were not omy could RRG members.20 with a political and electoral sys- interested. At the Annual Gen- The earliest of the RRG tem which produced great oppos- eral Meeting of the group in the be improved pamphlets was a three-page ing, disciplined party blocs. In National Liberal Club on 29 document, Radical Approach: A the preamble to its constitution, October 1955, members voted and Statement of Aims by the Radical the RRG stated that ‘no existing narrowly to revert to being an Reform Group, published in 1953. party, acting as such, is, in view of organisation wholly within the strength- In the introduction, the authors sectional background or histori- Liberal Party.16 This homecom- set out an essentially Liberal belief cal obsolescence, producing, on ing was welcomed by a leader in ened. in the supreme value of the human Journal of Liberal History 67 Summer 2010 45 the radical reform grouP personality and the need to create problems and again according In the after- support for the United Nations the conditions of liberty in which a central place to the concept and multilateral disarmament. each personality can develop to of liberty and the liberal tradi- math of the These were not issues which the the full. They observe, however, tion as a framework for thought RRG discounted. The constitu- that liberty is a changing concept and action. That framework, it 1959 general tional agenda underpinned much and declare that the task in the is asserted, must ‘ensure to all of the RRG critique of Brit- twentieth century is to win eco- men an economic status compa- election, ish politics set out in the group’s nomic liberty at the same time as rable to the status demanded by unpublished constitution and the preserving and extending politi- the plea for liberty. As of right, with a third need for a radical alternative. And cal liberty. What was wanted was wealth and income must be more foreign policy questions came to a ‘synthesis of freedom and social equally shared …’. The docu- successive feature more prominently in the justice’. To achieve these aims ment makes some advanced rec- Labour later publication, Radical Chal- the state has a clear role to play ommendations in relation to the lenge (1960). In the early days of in specific fields. The first is the Third World. Albeit in language defeat, there the RRG, however, the domestic welfare state, in which ‘no one which today would be unaccept- agenda was its primary focus. through unemployment, sick- able, the authors recognise the seemed a The final RRG publication, ness or old age shall be destitute; ‘appalling aspect of our present Radical Challenge was a longer in which people with families to economic system [in] our treat- real oppor- work, running to ten pages. care for shall be helped to provide ment of backward peoples’ (sic). Radical Challenge was a child of its for them by those whose bur- They acknowledge the damage tunity for political times. In 1956, Jo Gri- dens are lighter; and in which the to ‘native peoples and native ways mond had become leader of the opportunity of a good start in life of life’ (sic) and state that ‘our progressive Liberal Party. In 1958 the party shall be available to all.’ The pam- attitude to backward areas must won the Torrington by-election, phlet recommends the payment be consistent with our highest forces to rea- the first Liberal gain in a by-elec- of a family allowance for the first beliefs; if men need freedom and tion since 1929. The economic child, an increase in old age pen- the economic conditions to give it lign around and political landscape seemed to sions and the principle of a free life, the need of all men is equally be moving, with the slow decline health service. The next field for real’. Finally, in an early exam- the Liberal of heavy industry and with more government action is full employ- ple of environmental conscious- of Britain’s population becoming ment, which the pamphlet asserts ness, the pamphlet acknowledges Party and affluent and aspiring to middle- is to be maintained broadly ‘along that humanity needs to be more class lifestyles. Post-Suez a new, the lines of Lord Beveridge’s responsible with and demonstrate break from a less traditional, outlook on for- proposals for what he called the humility towards the world’s Labour Party eign and Commonwealth affairs socialisation of demand’. Next material resources. It deplores appeared to be developing, more the pamphlet sets out its authors’ the profligacy with which the hidebound in tune with liberal thought. In belief in free trade, although free economy has treated natural the aftermath of the 1959 general with Britain taking the lead in resources such as coal, oil, forests by its historic election, with a third successive the creation of an international and ores, tacitly recognising that Labour defeat, there seemed a real rather than a unilateralist system.