Land, Race, and Legitimacy in Territorial New Mexico

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Land, Race, and Legitimacy in Territorial New Mexico UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE “UNDER THE SAME GLORIOUS FLAG”: LAND, RACE, AND LEGITIMACY IN TERRITORIAL NEW MEXICO A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By AMANDA TAYLOR-MONTOYA Norman, Oklahoma 2009 “UNDER THE SAME GLORIOUS FLAG”: LAND, RACE, AND LEGITIMACY IN TERRITORIAL NEW MEXICO A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY __________________________________ Dr. Albert L. Hurtado, chair __________________________________ Dr. Donald J. Pisani __________________________________ Dr. Robert L. Griswold __________________________________ Dr. Terry Rugeley __________________________________ Dr. Paul Minnis © Copyright AMANDA TAYLOR-MONTOYA 2009 All Rights Reserved. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For their time, feedback, and good humor, I would like to thank the members of my committee: Albert L. Hurtado, Donald J. Pisani, Robert L. Griswold, Terry Rugeley, and Paul Minnis. I have particularly benefited from the editorial insight and sage advice of my advisor, Al Hurtado. His insistence that I not overcomplicate the obvious or shy away from bold assertions, and his demands for a good story have improved the quality of this dissertation. Al’s support and encouragement in the final months of this process have been invaluable. I am also grateful to those professors at the University of Oklahoma who were under no obligation to assist me, but did so nonetheless. I benefited greatly from Robert Shalhope’s unflinchingly honest assessment of my work and David Levy’s confidence in its potential. Cathy Kelly and Josh Piker offered feedback, professional advice, and a sympathetic ear at crucial moments in my graduate career. My faith in academia has been renewed more than once by their genuine humanity. I would also like to thank my colleagues in the history department— particularly Brett Adams, Patrick Bottiger, Ariana Quezada, and Emily Wardrop— who took time from their own work to track down a document, help with a last minute translation, or read a chapter as I struggled to meet a deadline. I thank Damon Akins, Chris Davis, Chris DuBois, Linda English, Michele Stephens, John Taylor-Montoya, Jessica Walker, Emily Wardrop, and Abby Wightman for happy hours, card games, football parties, birthdays, Thanksgivings, and celebrating each rite of passage during my graduate career. iv I owe special thanks to Abby, my comrade and fellow traveler in the anthropology department. While my work has benefited from her insightful comments and our innumerable conversations about power, identity, and culture, I am most thankful for her friendship—particularly as we embarked on our last year of graduate study. The job market, the writing, the revisions, and the graduate college minutiae would have been all the more painful without Abby’s companionship. I would be remiss if I did not also single out Sarah Janda and Linda English. More than once, Linda offered a boost to my confidence exactly when I needed it. Both of them navigated the same path through the program that I did and I thank them for the wisdom of their experience. I am particularly grateful for their advice and camaraderie as I embarked on the revisions to my first draft— just when I thought I might come up short, the care package of stress balls and mixed nuts that you sent helped me soldier on. I cannot imagine how different my graduate career would have been if Damon Akins had not decided to come to the University of Oklahoma. Damon and I marched lockstep through the program from the first recruiting visit in the spring of 2001 until he scored a tenure-track gig two years before I did. He has read some incarnation of nearly everything I’ve written and most of the ideas in this dissertation (as well as a number that didn’t make the cut) were first given form, hammered out, and refined in conversations with him. I admire his intellectual prowess, theoretical acumen, and keen wit; each has improved my scholarship. Damon has been an exceptional colleague and a good friend. v Although I didn’t know it at the time, this project began in Elizabeth Jameson’s undergraduate historiography class at the University of New Mexico. Betsy taught me how to be a historian. Any eloquence or insight that may grace the pages that follow is largely the result of her example, training, and the early influence of her editorial pen. More than anyone else, Betsy has shaped who I am as a scholar, teacher, and writer and she continues to be a mentor, confidant, and dear friend. I will consider myself a great success if I am half the mentor to my students that she was (and continues to be) to me. My dissertation was also indelibly shaped by my father-in-law, the late John L. Montoya, who so warmly welcomed me into my new family more than a decade ago. His stories about growing up in Vegas were what led me to choose it as my case study in the first place—not only because he piqued my curiosity about the community itself, but because I wanted to understand the historical forces that had shaped his experience. I deeply regret that he did not see the end result of our late-night conversations and I miss him terribly. I am exceedingly grateful for the Taylor clan, who offered encouragement and support, each in their own way. My parents always encouraged my intellectual curiosity, had no tolerance for mediocrity or lazy logic, and had even less patience for self-indulgence. I am particularly indebted to them, both figuratively and literally, for their unwavering faith in my ability to do anything and for subsidizing my graduate career whenever I needed help. Perhaps more than anyone else, my father understood all the demands of graduate school and what it took to earn a PhD. I thank him for the benefit of his vi own experience, for his knowing smiles and pats on the back, and for almost always obeying the rule of not asking me about my dissertation. I hope I have made him proud. My mother has an uncanny ability to offer comfort and support before I am even aware that I need it. Among a million other things, I thank her for her insistence on precise language and correct grammar, for her weekly advice to “just write the damn thing,” and most of all for her friendship. She has provided me with the consummate example of how to live life with grace, dignity, and integrity. I hope that I can live up to her example. Above all, I thank my husband, John Taylor-Montoya. He has been my greatest champion, harshest critic, and most faithful compañero. John has lived with this project as long as I have and his influence on my work is beyond measure. I thank him for serving as an editor and sounding board as I tried out new ideas, keeping me honest and grounded, and believing in me—and in my scholarship—when I didn’t. I can find no words to adequately express my appreciation for the support, encouragement, sacrifice, and humor that helped me finish this dissertation, let alone my gratitude for his place in my life. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments . iv List of Tables . ix List of Figures . x Abstract . xi Introduction . .1 Chapter One – Mexicans, Indians, and the Problem of Citizenship . 24 Chapter Two – “The Charms and Joys of Home”: Race, Marriage, and Divorce in Las Vegas . 57 Chapter Three – Land Taking and Boundary Making: The Battle for the Las Vegas Land Grant Begins. 93 Chapter Four – Las Vegas Transformed, New Mexico Regenerated: The Coming of the Railroad and a New Surveyor General. 119 Chapter Five – Unmasking the Gorras Blancas . 151 Chapter Six – The Knights of Labor and the Politics of Lawlessness . 193 Conclusion . 226 Bibliography . 238 Appendices . 260 viii LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 Proportional Intermarriage Among Anglos, 1850-1900 . 62 Table 2.2 Adult Population of Las Vegas, 1850-1900. 68 Table 2.3 Sex Ratios, Total Adult Population in Las Vegas, 1850-1900 . 68 Table 2.4 Divorces Filed in San Miguel County, 1864-1900. 87 Table 2.5 Married, No Spouse Present . 90 Table 2.6 Marriages of Offspring of Anglo-Nuevomexicano Unions . 92 Table 4.1 Male Occupational Structure in Las Vegas, 1880 . 125 Table 4.2 Male Occupational Structure by Locality, 1880 . 127 Table 4.3 Racial Segmentation of the Male Workforce in Las Vegas, 1880. 128 Table 5.1 Property Values of Alleged Fence Cutters and Their Victims. 178 ix LIST OF FIGURES Chart 2.1: Comparative Marital Choice, 1850-1900 . 63 Chart 2.2: Marital Status of Anglo Men, 1850-1900 . 65 Chart 2.3: Marital Status of Nuevamexicanas (Age 15 or Older), 1850-1900. 65 Chart 2.4: Divorces Filed in San Miguel County, 1864-1900. 88 Chart 4.1 Ejectment Suits by Year. 129 Chart 4.2: Ejectment Suits by Ethnicity. 130 x ABSTRACT Using San Miguel County in northern New Mexico as a case study, this dissertation explores the ways in which nuevomexicanos sought some measure of control over the terms of their incorporation into the United States after the Mexican War. A reexamination of the Gorras Blancas or “White Caps,” a secret society of fence cutters, lies at the core of this study. While they are commonly portrayed as primitive rebels or social bandits struggling against the onslaught of capitalism and modernization in the quintessential expression of nuevomexicano resistance to the American conquest, previously untapped sources reveal otherwise. Rather than trying to overturn the Anglo capitalist order, many of the alleged fence cutters were striving to carve out a better place for themselves within that system.
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