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Towards a Tonal Analysis of Free Stress Towards a Tonal Analysis of Free Stress . Published by LOT phone: +31 30 253 6006 Trans 10 3512 JK Utrecht e-mail: [email protected] The Netherlands http://www.lotschool.nl ISBN: 978-94-6093-095-9 NUR 616 Copyright © 2012: Andrei Dubina. All rights reserved. Towards a Tonal Analysis of Free Stress Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen op gezag van de rector magnificus prof. mr. S.C.J.J. Kortmann volgens besluit van het college van decanen in het openbaar te verdedigen op dinsdag 27 november 2012 om 10:30 uur door Andrei Dubina geboren op 12 mei 1974 te Brest, Witrusland. Promotor: Prof. dr. Haike Jacobs Copromotor: dr. Ben Hermans (het Meertens Instituut te Amsterdam) Manuscriptcommissie: Prof. dr. Carlos Gussenhoven Prof. dr. Jerzy Rubach (Universiteit van Warschau, Polen; University of Iowa, USA) Prof. dr. Tobias Scheer (Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis, Frankrijk) Towards a Tonal Analysis of Free Stress Doctoral Thesis to obtain the degree of doctor from Radboud University Nijmegen on the authority of the Rector Magnificus Prof. Dr S.C.J .J. Kortmann according to the decision of the Council of Deans to be defended in public on Tuesday, November 27, 2012 at 10:30 hours by Andrei Dubina born on May 12, 1974 in Brest, Belarus. Supervisor: Prof. Dr Haike Jacobs Co-supervisor: Dr Ben Hermans (het Meertens Instituut, Amsterdam) Doctoral Thesis Committee: Prof. Dr Carlos Gussenhoven Prof. Dr Jerzy Rubach (Warsaw University, Polen; University of Iowa, USA) Prof. Dr Tobias Scheer (Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis, France) vii Table of Contents Acknowledgments ......................................................................................................................... xi Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... xii 0. Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 1 1. Previous work on East Slavic stress ....................................................................................... 17 1.1 Introductory remarks ................................................................................................... 17 1.2 The analysis in Melvold (1990) ................................................................................... 17 1.2.1 Accentuation of non-derived nouns ................................................................ 17 1.2.2 The formalism of the Basic Accentuation Principle ....................................... 20 1.2.3 Accentuation of derived nouns ....................................................................... 22 1.2.4 Dominant and recessive suffixes .................................................................... 26 1.3 On the synchronic status of the Basic Accentuation Principle .................................... 27 1.3.1 Stress default in Russian ................................................................................. 27 1.3.2 Word-initial default and the development of Slavic stress systems ............... 29 1.4 Accentuation of non-derived Russian words in Halle (1997) ...................................... 30 1.5 The analysis of Russian stress in Alderete (1999) ....................................................... 36 1.5.1 Input representation of accent ......................................................................... 36 1.5.2 Prosodic faithfulness and post-stem default ................................................... 37 1.5.3 Dominance effects as prosodic anti-faithfulness ............................................ 40 1.5.4 Output-output correspondence between singular and plural forms ................ 45 1.5.5 Concluding remarks ........................................................................................ 48 1.6 Prosodic hierarchy as a reflection of morphological hierarchy: the analysis in Revithiadou (1999) ...................................................................................................... 50 1.6.1 Representation of accent ................................................................................. 50 1.6.2 The prevalence of head faithfulness over general faithfulness ....................... 51 1.6.3 The role of prosodic well-formedness ............................................................ 55 1.6.4 The issue of prosodic well-formedness in Russian ......................................... 61 1.6.5 Analysis of the accentual patterns of non-derived words ............................... 68 1.6.6 Accentuation of derived words ....................................................................... 76 viii 1.6.7 Summary ......................................................................................................... 80 1.7 Stem-final default: experimental data and OT analysis in Crosswhite et al. (2003) ... 82 1.7.1 Stem-final stress default and its analysis ........................................................ 82 1.7.2 Analysis of mobile patterns of stress .............................................................. 84 1.8 Analysis of the accentuation of compounds in Gouskova (2010): are there two stress defaults in Russian? ..................................................................................................... 88 1.9 Concluding remarks on the representation of accentual properties ............................. 91 2. The accentuation of non-derived nouns in Belarusian ........................................................... 93 2.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 93 2.2 The accentual patterns of non-derived nouns .............................................................. 93 2.2.1 Preliminary remarks ....................................................................................... 93 2.2.2 Immobile root stress ....................................................................................... 95 2.2.3 Immobile inflectional stress ............................................................................ 96 2.2.4 Major alternating stress patterns ..................................................................... 98 2.2.5 Minor alternating stress patterns ................................................................... 103 2.2.6 Summary ....................................................................................................... 105 2.3 Accentual variation .................................................................................................... 107 2.3.1 Basic facts ..................................................................................................... 107 2.3.2 Variation and acquisitional ambiguity .......................................................... 109 2.3.3 Stability of the accentuation of feminine nouns ........................................... 111 2.4 A tonal analysis of the accentuation of non-derived nouns in Belarusian ................. 113 2.4.1 Input representation of accentual properties ................................................. 113 2.4.2 Tonal representations of the accentual patterns of Belarusian ..................... 118 2.5 Aspects of the accentuation of derived words ........................................................... 135 2.5.1 Preliminary remarks ..................................................................................... 135 2.5.2 Accentual dominance and recessiveness ...................................................... 137 2.5.3 Residual issues .............................................................................................. 145 2.6 In chase of the elusive East Slavic default ................................................................. 150 3. The phonetic and phonological expression of stress in Belarusian ...................................... 155 ix 3.1 The phonetic cues to stress in Standard Belarusian ................................................... 155 3.2 On the special status of the immediately pretonic syllable in Belarusian .................. 157 3.2.1 The durational differences between unstressed syllables ............................. 157 3.2.2 Vowel neutralization in Standard Belarusian ............................................... 158 3.2.3 Belarusian vowel neutralization: why positional faithfulness fails .............. 160 3.2.4 Positional markedness as an alternative to positional faithfulness ............... 168 3.3 Pretonic lengthening as feature spreading ................................................................. 171 3.3.1 High tone anticipation in Bantu and South Slavic ........................................ 171 3.3.2 Pretonic lengthening in a pitch-accent dialect of Belarusian ........................ 175 3.3.3 Neutralizing East Slavic dialects without neutralization in the immediately pretonic syllable ............................................................................................ 180 3.3.4 Outline of a tonal analysis of dissimilative vowel neutralization ................. 182 3.3.5 Towards a comprehensive analysis of pretonic lengthening and neutralization in Belarusian ................................................................................................. 186 4. A tonal reanalysis of the accentuation of athematic nouns in Indo-European ..................... 191 4.1 Background information on Indo-European prominence and athematic nouns ........ 191 4.2
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