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Histoire Et Événement Rituel: Le Cas Du Ten-No-Kami-Matsuri a Makiyama-Go, Tosa, Japon

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Histoire Et Événement Rituel: Le Cas Du Ten-No-Kami-Matsuri a Makiyama-Go, Tosa, Japon HISTOIRE ET ÉVÉNEMENT RITUEL: LE CAS DU TEN-NO-KAMI-MATSURI A MAKIYAMA-GO, TOSA, JAPON PAR SIMONE MAUCLAIRE RÉSUMÉ L'analyse concerne principalement la relation entre histoire et événement rituel dans l'ancien Makiyama-go situé à Monobe-mura, Kami-gun, dans le départe- ment de Kochi. L'introduction traite de l'institution de chefs dominant le vil- lage (go), du pouvoir et de conflits entre proches avant la période de Kinsei (1600-1867). Nous décrivons ensuite toute la série de rituels des maisons, connus par notre travail sur le terrain et les archives locales, dans laquelle le Ten-no-kami-matsuri occupe une place centrale en sa qualité d'événement poli- tique. Le but du rituel est de transformer les conflits sociaux et familiaux en re- présentations symboliques. L'efficacité rituelle semble résider cependant non pas dans les significations symboliques considérées en soi, mais dans la logique sociale de l'intériorisation de la transition de la société médiévale au monde moderne. Mots-clés: Izanagiryu, myo, mura, mythe, rituel, transition sociale. ABSTRACT The article focuses mainly on the relation between local history and ritual as event in the ancient Makiyama-go (Monobe-mura, Kami-gun in the department of Kochi). The introduction deals with the notion of village (go) chieftainship, power and conflicts at the level of local and kinship relations before the Kinsei era ((1600-1867). Our description summarizes the whole series of dominant household rites based on documents and field-work in which the Ten-no-kami- matsuri occupies a central place as political event. The aim of this ritual is to transform social and familial conflicts into symbolic representations. The effi- cacy of the ritual seems nevertheless to lay not in symbolic significations con- Journal Asiatique 290.1 (2002): 53-99 54 S. MAUCLAIRE sidered in themselves, but in the social logic of the interiorisation of historical transition to the Kinsei period (1600-1867). Key words: Izanagiryu, myo, mura, myth, ritual, social transition. Introduction Cette étude est une première tentative de considérer des données ethnographiques relatives aux rituels des maisons que nous avons re- cueillies en 1983 et 1984 dans la région du domaine médiéval d'Osato à Tosa1 à la lumière de l'histoire locale2. Bien que tous les rites étudiés forment un ensemble et ne puissent pas être appréhendés séparément, c'est surtout le rituel du Ten-no-kami, le dieu du Ciel, associé au pres- 1 L'ancien domaine d'Osato occupe principalement le nord du Kami-gun dans le dé- partement de Kochi; l'enquête a été menée, en ce qui concerne le myo, à Higashikawa- mura et à Nishikawa-mura situés dans la préfecture de Kagami-cho, et, pour ce qui est du rapport entre le myo et les rites des maisons, principalement à Monobe-mura où est situé l'ancien Makiyama-go. On a constaté néanmoins qu'un même type de rituel avait existé à Higashikawa-mura et, plus généralement, dans une grande partie de la région. 2 S'agissant de la structure locale d'Osato-no-sho, nous avons utilisé pour la période médiévale, principalement, Akimonjo, Yukimunemonjo, Suenobumonjo, Komatsumonjo, Okamonjo (utiles surtout pour la période qui s'étend du début XIVe siècle au début du XVIe). Ces textes ont été imprimés dans l'ouvrage Kinseisonraku-no-kenkyu, édité par Kodama Kota (Nihongakujitsushinkokai, Tokyo, 1956). La qualité de leur reconstruction est très mauvaise et nécessite le recours aux originaux. Nous avons pu consulter égale- ment le manuscrit d'Akimonjo du Shiryohensanjo de l'Université de Tokyo. Tout cet en- semble de textes mérite des recherches qui n'ont pas eu lieu jusqu'à ces jours. Pour la deuxième partie du XVIe siècle, mentionnons les registres des terres des Chosokabe, à savoir Tosa-no-kuni Kamigun Osato-no-sho kenchicho (Tensho 16, 1588) et Tosa-no-kuni Kamigun Osato-no-sho Makiyama-ryochi kenchicho (publiés également dans le Kinseisonraku no kenkyu). Le Makiyama-fudoki, écrit au début du XIXe siècle, est un do- cument précieux tant du point de vue ethnographique que sociologique; il contient en outre des archives familiales de la période médiévale très maladroitement recopiées par l'auteur. Une partie a été imprimée (livres I, II, III) par Tosashidankai avec une introduc- tion de Yokogawa Suekichi (cf. Komatsu Yukimori, Makiyama-fudoki jo Kochishi- shiritsutoshokan, 1971). Nous avons utilisé principalement ce dernier texte ainsi que les manuscrits de Kochishi-shiritsutoshokan, l'ensemble étant en provenance de Yama-no- uchi bunko. L'ouvrage Kinseisonraku no kenkyu, op. cit, comprend des textes relatifs aux goshi «notables villageois» de la période Kinsei (1600-1867) qui éclairent sous un angle nouveau la hiérarchie villageoise de Makiyama-go pendant la période moderne. On peut citer enfin deux autres sources: le Tokanshu (compilation de la période Kinsei comportant beaucoup de documents médiévaux) publiée dans Kochikenshi, Chuseihen, 1977 et le Nanroshi, datant de de Bunka 10 (1813) publié par Kochikenbunkyokyokai, 1959. Journal Asiatique 290.1 (2002): 53-99 HISTOIRE ET ÉVÉNEMENT RITUEL 55 tige du titre de namoto ou du myoshu, «chef de la terre», qui sera l'objet de l'analyse3. On s'intéressera aux rapports entre événement rituel et his- toire, notamment en ce qui concerne les rapports entre parenté, pouvoir et violence dans l'ancien Makiyama-go, actuellement absorbé par la cir- conscription de Monobe-mura. Soulignons que malgré cette situation administrative, Makiyama-go a continué à constituer une communauté «mystique» pour ce qui est de l'organisation politico-religieuse des mai- sons jusqu'à ces toutes dernières années. Le rapport entre histoire et ri- tuel — en sa qualité d'événement — sera abordé exclusivement dans une perspective diachronique: notre but consiste à reconstruire l'une des dimensions de l'«imaginaire» qui appartient à l'histoire de Kinsei (1600-1867)4. Un autre aspect du problème, à savoir pourquoi et com- ment la mémoire collective véhicule des formes mythico-rituelles deve- nues parfaitement obsolètes par rapport aux conditions socio-économi- ques, sera abordé dans un autre travail. A propos des «chefs de la terre» de la période médiévale Contrairement à l'image d'une pérennité du lignage agnatique due au respect des ancêtres qu'offrent la plupart des monographies sur Osato- no-sho5, les archives relatives au myo (au sens de hyakusho-myo «tenure 3 Le mot sino-japonais myo,«nom» dans son sens littéral, a pour contrepartie le terme vernaculaire na. Bien que le terme administratif myoshu, qui désigne le responsable des impôts et de la gestion devant les autorités domaniales soit issu du mot indigène na, c'est le terme sino-japonais qui s'est imposé dans le langage administratif. Namoto «l'origine, le fondement du nom», équivalent local de myoshu, est déjà attesté dans le premier docu- ment de l'Akimonjo datant de Otoku 2 (1085) 11.2. Aussi bien myo que na peuvent déno- ter non seulement la personne du chef mais encore le «nom de la terre» où ce dernier exerce son autorité; voir aussi, note 11. 4 On adopte ici le point de vue (qui est notamment celui de Francine Hérail) consistant à voir dans Kinsei la période moderne. La période contemporaine est considérée comme avoir été «inaugurée» par la restauration de Meiji en 1868. La deuxième moitié du XVIe siècle représente, selon ce point de vue, la période de la transition vers le monde moderne. 5 Yamamoto Dai, Tosa-chuseishi-no-kenkyu, Kochi, Kochishi-shiritsutoshokan,1937 et Kokushidaijiten, Tokyo, Yoshikawakobunkan, 1980, vol. I, p. 605; Yokogawa Suekichi, Osato-no-sho no kenkyu, Kochishiritsu-shimintoshokan, 1959 et Nihonrekishi- chimeitaikei, vol. 40, Heibonsha, 1983, p. 141. Un point de vue diffèrent, inspiré de la situation des sho, domaines, dans la région du Kinai, est cependant adopté par Masaki Zensaburo dans «Shoen taikai ni okeru Tosa Osato-no-sho no zaichikozo no henka ni tsuite, Higashikawa sento o chushin to shite», Nihonrekishi, no 143: pp. 109-115. Ce point de vue consiste à idéaliser une famille étendue «mythique», laquelle aurait connu Journal Asiatique 290.1 (2002): 53-99 56 S. MAUCLAIRE paysanne» d'origine médiévale6), présentent un certain nombre d'incer- titudes en ce qui concerne la «légitimité» des successions7. Aussi ces archives offrent-elles un démenti au point de vue, d'ailleurs dépassé de un processus d'«effondrement» à partir du début du XVIe siècle (?); à méconnaître le fait qu'aucune hérédité ne peut être tracée pour le sento-myo, tellement les conflits entre les prétendants au titre sont nombreux; enfin, le schème de l'évolution, emprunté à la région du Kinai, ne repose pas sur l'analyse des documents locaux. En fait, alors que les travaux inspirés de Yamamoto Dai projettent l'idéal de la maison dans une prétendue hérédité re- montant au Moyen âge, Masaki projette cet idéal dans un passé antérieur à la dernière partie du Moyen âge. Il faut souligner cependant que dans sa préface au Makiyama-fudoki jo, 1971, op. cit, Yokogawa remarque que l'auteur Komatsu Yukimori présente des gé- néalogies en partie «fictives» pour ce qui est de l'histoire médiévale. 6 Le terme hyakusho-myo est utilisé dans les sources médiévales: cf. Akimonjo no 19 (Higashikawa); Shoan 2 (1300); Komatsumonjo (Makiyama-go) no 2 Genko 2 (1322). Au hyakusho-myo de l'Akimonjo s'oppose par exemple le myo du jito du document no 18 daté de Genko 2 (1322) où ce myo est précédé de l'honorifique on (on-myo). Il serait néanmoins erroné d'imaginer une frontière absolue entre le hyakusho-myo et les autres myo, l'exem- ple du sento-myo d'Osato-no-sho étant paradigmatique: c'est un myo plus important qu'un hyakusho-myo ordinaire; cependant, le titre est détenu souvent à Higashikawa par le chef de Kiyoto-myo qui est un hyakusho (cf.
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