Decision Making and Legislation
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
CONSTITUTION of MICHIGAN of 1963 ARTICLE V EXECUTIVE BRANCH § 1 Executive Power
STATE CONSTITUTION (EXCERPT) CONSTITUTION OF MICHIGAN OF 1963 ARTICLE V EXECUTIVE BRANCH § 1 Executive power. Sec. 1. Except to the extent limited or abrogated by article V, section 2, or article IV, section 6, the executive power is vested in the governor. History: Const. 1963, Art. V, § 1, Eff. Jan. 1, 1964;Am. Init., approved Nov. 6, 2018, Eff. Dec. 22, 2018. Compiler's note: The constitutional amendment set out above was submitted to, and approved by, the electors as Proposal 18-2 at the November 6, 2018 general election. This amendment to the Constitution of Michigan of 1963 became effective December 22, 2018. Former constitution: See Const. 1908, Art. VI, § 2. § 2 Principal departments. Sec. 2. All executive and administrative offices, agencies and instrumentalities of the executive branch of state government and their respective functions, powers and duties, except for the office of governor and lieutenant governor, and the governing bodies of institutions of higher education provided for in this constitution, shall be allocated by law among and within not more than 20 principal departments. They shall be grouped as far as practicable according to major purposes. Organization of executive branch; assignment of functions; submission to legislature. Subsequent to the initial allocation, the governor may make changes in the organization of the executive branch or in the assignment of functions among its units which he considers necessary for efficient administration. Where these changes require the force of law, they shall be set forth in executive orders and submitted to the legislature. Thereafter the legislature shall have 60 calendar days of a regular session, or a full regular session if of shorter duration, to disapprove each executive order. -
European Parliament: 7Th February 2017 Redistribution of Political Balance
POLICY PAPER European issues n°420 European Parliament: 7th February 2017 redistribution of political balance Charles de Marcilly François Frigot At the mid-term of the 8th legislature, the European Parliament, in office since the elections of May 2014, is implementing a traditional “distribution” of posts of responsibility. Article 19 of the internal regulation stipulates that the Chairs of the parliamentary committees, the Deputy-Chairs, as well as the questeurs, hold their mandates for a renewable 2 and a-half year period. Moreover, internal elections within the political groups have supported their Chairs, whilst we note that there has been some slight rebalancing in terms of the coordinators’ posts. Although Italian citizens draw specific attention with the two main candidates in the battle for the top post, we should note other appointments if we are to understand the careful balance between nationalities, political groups and individual experience of the European members of Parliament. A TUMULTUOUS PRESIDENTIAL provide collective impetus to potential hesitations on the part of the Member States. In spite of the victory of the European People’s Party (EPP) in the European elections, it supported Martin As a result the election of the new President of Schulz in July 2104 who stood for a second mandate as Parliament was a lively[1] affair: the EPP candidate – President of the Parliament. In all, with the support of the Antonio Tajani – and S&D Gianni Pittella were running Liberals (ADLE), Martin Schulz won 409 votes following neck and neck in the fourth round of the relative an agreement concluded by the “grand coalition” after majority of the votes cast[2]. -
The European Economic Area (Eea), Switzerland and the North
THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AREA (EEA), SWITZERLAND AND THE NORTH The European Economic Area (EEA) was set up in 1994 to extend the EU’s provisions on its internal market to the European Free Trade Area (EFTA) countries. Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein are parties to the EEA. Switzerland is a member of EFTA but does not take part in the EEA. The EU and EEA EFTA partners (Norway and Iceland) are also linked by various ‘northern policies’ and forums which focus on the rapidly evolving northern reaches of Europe and the Arctic region as a whole. LEGAL BASIS For the EEA: Article 217 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (Association Agreements). For Switzerland: Insurance Agreement of 1989, Bilateral Agreements I of 1999, Bilateral Agreements II of 2004. THE EEA A. Objectives The purpose of the European Economic Area (EEA) is to extend the EU’s internal market to countries in the European Free Trade Area (EFTA). The current EFTA countries do not wish to join the EU. EU legislation relating to the internal market becomes part of the legislation of the EEA EFTA countries once they have agreed to incorporate it. The administration and management of the EEA is shared between the EU and the EEA EFTA countries in a two-pillar structure. Decisions are taken by joint EEA bodies (the EEA Council, the EEA Joint Committee, the EEA Joint Parliamentary Committee and the EEA Consultative Committee). B. Background In 1992, the then seven members of EFTA negotiated an agreement to allow them to participate in the ambitious project of the European Community’s internal market, launched in 1985 and completed at the end of 1992. -
Next Generation EU: Has the Hamiltonian Moment Come for Europe? DI LUCA LIONELLO*
ISSN 2384-9169 Fascicolo n. 4 - 2020 rivista.eurojus.it Next Generation EU: has the Hamiltonian moment come for Europe? DI LUCA LIONELLO* Table of Contents: 1. Introduction. – 2. Why did the EU finally decide to create a common fiscal instrument? – 2.1. The Maastricht paradigm and its adaptations. – 2.2. The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic and the risks of destabilisation for the Union. – 2.3. The structural limits of the economic governance. – 2.4. The ECB in action: the difficulty to repeat “whatever it takes”. – 3. Next Generation EU: main features and functioning. – 3.1. From the Franco-German proposal to the agreement of the European Council. – 3.2. Next Generation EU and the new Multiannual Financial Framework. – 4. The main innovations of Next Generation EU. – 4.1. European debt. – 4.2. Transfer mechanism. – 4.3. Shaping a common macroeconomic policy. – 4.4. Revitalising the community method. – 4.5. Weakening the control of national parliaments on fiscal policy. – 5. Conclusive remarks. 1. Introduction Many commenters hailed the decision to establish a new EU “recovery fund”, namely “Next Generation EU” (NGEU), as a turning point in the process of European integration. For the first time in its history, the Union will be allowed to borrow significant resources from the financial markets and use them to support national economies severely hit by the pandemic Covid-19. Aside from the positive effects on the stability of the euro area and the single market, such an instrument may also have a strategic relevance for the future development of the European Union. -
Understanding the European Union
SAMPLE SYLLABUS – SUBJECT TO CHANGE POL-UA 9595L01 Understanding the European Union NYU London Instructor Information ● Dr. Eiko Thielemann ● Individual meetings can usually be arranged for before or after class. Course Information ● Tuesdays 9:00 – 12:00 ● Location: Room 303 ● Prerequisites: none Course Overview and Goals The European Union constitutes the most prominent experiment in peaceful international cooperation in world history. The course will explore the origins, evolution and impact of the European Union. You will be introduced to the workings of the EU institutions such as the Council, the Commission, the Parliament and the Court of Justice. We will also explore the key areas of EU competence, such as the European Single Currency, the Single Market and free movement, asylum & immigration, the Common Agricultural Policy etc. Through small group debates, we will address questions such as: Is the European Union an economic giant but a political dwarf? Why is the EU so controversial among the European public? Why did the UK vote for Brexit and what will that mean for both Britain and the EU? Can the EU effectively manage immigration? How can the EU's institutions be made more democratic? Will the EURO survive? How far and how fast should the EU be enlarged? Will Europe develop into a federal (super) state? Course delivery will be through short lectures, small group discussions and in-class debates. Upon Completion of this Course, students will be able to critically analyze: ● the European integration process; ● the operation of the EU as a political system; ● the process of EU policy-making; ● and the EU’s role in the world. -
Presidential Executive Orders: the Bureaucracy, Congress, and the Courts
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2017 Presidential Executive Orders: The Bureaucracy, Congress, and the Courts Michael Edward Thunberg Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Thunberg, Michael Edward, "Presidential Executive Orders: The Bureaucracy, Congress, and the Courts" (2017). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 6808. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/6808 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Presidential Executive Orders: The Bureaucracy, Congress, and the Courts Michael Edward Thunberg Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Jeff Worsham, Ph.D., Co-Chair John Kilwein, Ph.D., Co-Chair Matthew Jacobsmeier, Ph.D. Dave Hauser, Ph.D. Patrick Hickey, Ph.D. Warren Eller, Ph.D. Department of Political Science Morgantown, West Virginia 2017 Keywords: President, executive order, unilateral power, institutions, bureaucratic controls, U.S. -
The Historical Development of European Integration
FACT SHEETS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION The historical development of European integration PE 618.969 1. The First Treaties.....................................................................................................3 2. Developments up to the Single European Act.........................................................6 3. The Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties...............................................................10 4. The Treaty of Nice and the Convention on the Future of Europe..........................14 5. The Treaty of Lisbon..............................................................................................18 EN - 18/06/2018 ABOUT THE PUBLICATION This leaflet contains a compilation of Fact Sheets provided by Parliament’s Policy Departments and Economic Governance Support Unit on the relevant policy area. The Fact Sheets are updated regularly and published on the website of the European Parliament: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets ABOUT THE PUBLISHER Author of the publication: European Parliament Department responsible: Unit for Coordination of Editorial and Communication Activities E-mail: [email protected] Manuscript completed in June, 2018 © European Union, 2018 DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice -
Approximation of Ukrainian Law to EU Law
Iryna Kravchuk Comparative Law Center at the Ministry of Justice. Basic Analysis. Approximation of Ukrainian Law to EU Law. Introduction. Following the declared European foreign policy vector, it is impossible, in fact, to avoid the process of adaptation in the internal legal policy of Ukraine. The approximation of Ukrainian law to the EU acquis communautaire is not only the instrument for deepening our economic cooperation with the European Union, but also the important measure to enhance further development of Ukraine in general. In the late 80-s, the Central and Eastern European countries voluntarily initiated the adaptation programs of their political, economic and legal orders to the ones of the European Community. It was unilateral initiative, without any legal obligations under international law. Hungary and Slovenia even before the Association Agreements had implemented the draft law examination procedures on its compliance with the EU legislation. Striving to pave its way to the European Union membership, Ukraine should initiate the adaptation process as soon as possible. Given basic analysis can not cover the full scope of adaptation problems, as a profound research paper can be written in any particular area. That is why I will try to point out the key problems of the implementation of state policy in this area and the ways of its improvement. We are not to forget the efficient successful experience of our neighbours, Poland and Slovakia, in their eurointegration aspirations, so the comparative method is used in analysis in order to enlighten the main tasks and challenges, which Ukraine could face on its way of adaptation. -
Unit 5 (B) Executive
Parliamentary Democracy in India UNIT 5 (B) EXECUTIVE INTRODUCTION A basic feature that characterizes the Parliamentary model is the presence of dual executives. The President of India is the constitutional head of the state whereas the Prime Minister (PM) and his/her Cabinet are the real executive. The PM and Council of Ministers are chosen from the majority party in the Parliament and are responsible to it for their policies and actions. They remain in office, as long as, they enjoy the confidence of the latter. At the head of the central executive is the President of India. Article 53 of the Constitution formally vests in the President the executive powers of the Union, which are exercised by him/her either directly or through officers subordinate to him/her, in accordance with the Constitution. In practice, he/she is aided and advised by the Cabinet which is headed by the PM. Therefore, the executive at the centre consists of the President, the PM, and Cabinet. In this Unit, we will discuss about political executive at the central level in detail. To begin with, is a discussion on President of India. PRESIDENT The President is a Constitutional head of the State in the sense that he/she represents the nation. All actions of the Government are carried out in his name but he is not the ultimate deciding, directing, or determining factor. Article 52 of the Indian Constitution states ‘there shall be a President of India,’ and, as per Article 53(1) in him/her shall be vested the executive powers of the Union, which are exercised by him/her either directly or through officers subordinate to him in accordance with the Constitution.’ In practice he/she is aided and advised by the Council of Ministers headed by the PM. -
The Power of Euromyths Shows That There Needs to Be a More Substantial Effort to Change the Debate on the EU
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2013/02/19/euromyths-media-debate/ The power of Euromyths shows that there needs to be a more substantial effort to change the debate on the EU. Blog Admin From bans on oddly shaped bananas, to children blowing up balloons, so-called ‘Euromyths’ have become a pervasive part of the UK media’s reporting of EU policies. Simon Usherwood takes an in-depth look at the place of Euromyths in the public debate on the EU, finding that they are much harder to stop than to start. While it is important to debunk these myths, what is really needed is a substantive effort to generate a more mature and thoughtful debate on European integration. For many members of the public, much of their knowledge of the European Union comes f rom the ‘…and f inally’ stories that pop up in the media. This is the territory of ‘children not being allowed to blow up balloons’, ‘bans on claims that water can prevent dehydration’ and the ‘end of the prawn cocktail crisp’. Such tales provide much amusement to those who see them, conf irming suspicions about ‘Europe’ and its lack of f ocus on the important things in lif e. A wry smile – or a loud tut – and on we go, to the next story. Euromyths hold a particular place in the UK’s public debate on the EU. On the one hand, they are derided by public of f icials as silly distractions, but on the other, they consume much time and ef f ort. -
Executive Power: the Last Thirty Years
EXECUTIVE POWER: THE LAST THIRTY YEARS GLENN SULMASY* 1. INTRODUCTION The last thirty years have witnessed a continued growth in executive power -with virtually no check by the legislative branch. Regardless of which political party controls the Congress, the institution of the executive continues to grow and increase in power- particularly in the foreign affairs arena. While to many, the end of the Bush administration signaled the end of a perceived "power grab" by the executive branch, nothing could be further from the truth. This short Article will assert that since the founding of this journal thirty years ago, the United States has witnessed several changes that have inevitably led to this rapid expansion of executive power. Section 2 will discuss the Founders' intention that the executive be supreme in the arena of foreign affairs. Section 3 will explore executive power in the twenty-first century, particularly since 9/11 when the vast increases in technology and the ability to inflict massive harm in an instant (often by non-state actors) has necessitated a more aggressive, centralized decisionmaking process within the power of the executive. Additionally, the bureaucratic inefficiencies of the Congress have crippled its ability to actually "check" the executive, for fear of being perceived as "soft on terror" or "weak on defense." With these considerations, this Article recommends that President Barack Obama continue to protect his executive prerogatives as the best means of promoting national security in the twenty-first century. Unfortunately, the real danger is not necessarily the understandable growth in executive power - it is that foreign affairs and wartime decisionmaking is going unchecked by the Congress and is increasingly in the hands of the federal courts and * Glenn Sulmasy is on the law faculty of the United States Coast Guard Academy. -
The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: a Progressive Erosion?
The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: A Progressive Erosion? Paolo PONZANO, Costanza HERMANIN and Daniela CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Studies & 89 Research Study & The Power of Initiative 89 of the European Commission: Research A Progressive Erosion? PAOLO PONZANO, COSTANZA HERMANIN AND DANIELA CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Paolo PONZANO is a senior fellow at the European University Institute and a special adviser of the European Commission. Former collaborator of Altiero Spinelli at the Institute for International Affairs in Rome, he has worked for the European Commission from 1971 to 2009. He was formerly Director for Relations with the Council of ministers, subsequently for Institutional Matters and Better Regulation. He was also Alternate Member of the European Convention in 2002/2003. He published several articles and chapters on the EU institutions. He teaches European Governance and Decision-Making at the University of Florence and at the European College of Parma as well as European Law at the University of Rome. Costanza HERMANIN is a researcher in the department of social and political science of the European University Institute, where she is about to complete her PhD. Her research interests comprise EU social and immigration policy, EU institutional affairs, and human rights and immigration policy in Italy. She has been visiting fellow at several places (WZB, CERI, Columbia, Berkeley). She is the co-editor of a forthcoming book on “Fighting Race Discrimination in Europe” (Routledge, 2012). She has been publishing on Italian and English speaking journals. Daniela CORONA is currently research collaborator at the Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute in Florence where she completed her PhD.