DOCSLIB.ORG

Europeanising European Public Spheres

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Europeanising European Public Spheres STUDY Requested by the AFCO committee Europeanising European Public Spheres Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs Directorate-General for Internal Policies EN PE 654.628 - June 2020 Europeanising European Public Spheres Abstract This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the AFCO Committee, provides a brief overview of the academic debates on Europeanisation as well as contestation and politicisation of the EU and European integration. Against this background, it focuses on the European public sphere(s), in particular those based on the media and parliaments. The study further discusses current reform proposals aiming to Europeanise the European elections and concludes with recommendations on increasing the legitimacy of the European Union. This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs. AUTHORS Dr, Katrin Auel, Institut fr Hhere Studien – Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS), Vienna Dr. Guido Tiemann, Institut fr Hhere Studien – Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS), Vienna ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE Eeva PAVY EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Fabienne VAN DER ELST LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising democratic scrutiny over EU internal policies. To contact the Policy Department or to subscribe for updates, please write to: Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament B-1047 Brussels Email: [email protected] Manuscript completed in June 2020 © European Union, 2020 This document is available on the internet at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/supporting-analyses DISCLAIMER AND COPYRIGHT The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and the European Parliament is given prior notice and sent a copy. © Cover image used under licence from Shutterstock.com. Europeanising European Public Spheres CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 5 LIST OF FIGURES 6 LIST OF TABLES 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 Introduction 7 Europeanisation, Politicisation and Democratic Legitimacy 7 The European Public Sphere(s) 8 Europeanisation of the European Elections? 9 The Spitzenkandidaten Process and the Introduction of Transnational Lists 9 Recommendations (Selection) 11 INTRODUCTION 13 THE CONCEPT OF EUROPEANISATION 17 2.1. The Problem of Defining Europeanisation 17 2.2. Vertical Mechanisms of Europeanisation 19 2.2.1. Goodness of Fit 20 2.2.2. Political Opportunity Structure and Regulatory Competition 20 2.3. Horizontal Mechanisms and Soft Framing 21 2.4. Europeanisation of Politics – A Politicisation of the EU? 22 2.4.1. Europeanisation as Growing Salience and Contestation 22 2.4.2. Europeanisation and Politicisation 27 THE (EUROPEAN) PUBLIC SPHERE 31 3.1. What Is the Public Sphere? 31 3.2. Who Ought to Participate in the Public Sphere? 32 3.2.1. Liberal Representative Democracy 32 3.2.2. Participatory Democracy 34 3.2.3. Deliberative /Discursive democracy 35 3.2.4. Functions of the Public Sphere 36 3.3. Is There a European Public Sphere? 37 3.4. The Media as Infrastructure and Embodiment of the (European) Public Sphere 38 3.4.1. (Pan-)European Media 39 3.4.2. Europeanisation of National Media 41 3.4.3. A Spiral of Euroscepticism? The Impact of Europeanised Media Coverage 44 3.4.4. Europeanised Media Coverage of the Covid-19 Pandemic 47 PE 654.628 3 IPOL | Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs 3.5. Parliaments as Europeanised Public Spheres 49 3.6. Relationship Between Strong and Weak Publics: Media Coverage of Parliaments in EU Affairs 53 3.6.1. National Parliaments In The Media 54 3.6.2. News Coverage of the European Parliament 55 3.6.3. Interparliamentary Cooperation in the Media 58 3.7. The cultural European public sphere 59 EUROPEANISATION OF THE EP ELECTORAL PROCESS – FROM SECOND- TO FIRST-ORDER ELECTIONS? 61 4.1. The Established Wisdom: Second-Order Elections 61 4.2. Bringing Europe Back In: EU Issue Voting 64 4.3. Party Signals and European Election Manifestos 68 THE EP ELECTION 2019: EUROPEANISED CAMPAIGNS? 71 5.1. Parliament Proposals on Electoral Reform 71 5.2. Implementation of Parliament Proposals within the Member States 73 5.2.1. Ballot papers 74 5.2.2. Visibility of the European Parties on Campaign Material 79 5.3. Finally a European Election? 81 5.4. The 2019 Campaign in the Media 84 5.5. #EP2019 - A Campaign fought on Social Media 88 RISE AND FALL OF THE SPITZENKANDIDATEN 95 6.1. Dimensions of Evaluation 96 6.1.1. Effects on Voter Turnout 96 6.1.2. Personalisation of European Elections 98 6.1.3. Strengthening the Electoral Connection 101 6.1.4. Europeanisation of EP Campaigns and Politics 101 6.2. The Fall of the Spitzenkandidaten in 2019 102 EUROPEANISING THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT’S ELECTIONS THROUGH TRANS-NATIONAL LISTS? 106 7.1. Electoral Engineering and the Construction of Party Lists 106 7.2. A Failed Attempt 109 7.3. Open Lists and the Intra-Party Dimension 110 POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS 112 REFERENCES 121 4 PE 654.628 Europeanising European Public Spheres LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACRE Alliance of Conservatives and Reformists in Europe ALDE Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe COSAC Conférence des Organes Parlementaires Spécialisés dans les Affaires de l'Union des Parlements de l'Union Européenne CWP Commission (annual) Work Programme EC European Community EP European Parliament EPP (Group of the) European People's Party (Christian Democrats) ESM Early Warning Mechanism ESS European Election Study EU European Union Greens/EFA The Greens/European Free Alliance GUE/NGL European United Left - Nordic Green Left MEP Member of the European Parliament MP Member of Parliament PES Party of European Socialists S&D Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament SOE Second-Order-Election TEU Treaty of the European Union PE 654.628 5 IPOL | Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: The European Political Space 65 Figure 2 Relative Shares of Campaign Messages According to the Main Dimension by Member State 82 Figure 3: Party with largest number of campaign posts on Facebook per member state 89 Figure 4: Sources for Political News 92 Figure 5: Share of respondents using Facebook as a source for political news 2018/19 93 Figure 6: Party with most user engagement on Facebook in each member state 94 Figure 7: Turnout at EP Elections 1979 - 2019 97 LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Comparison Findings on Legal Provisions re. European Party Names and/or Logos on Ballot76 Table 2: Parties on Whose Campaign Posters the European Party or EPG Logo Could Be Identified 80 Table 3: Top 25 National Parties in Terms of Amount Spent on Political Facebook Advertisements 90 Table 4: Correct Identification of Spitzenkandidaten Supporting European Parties 99 6 PE 654.628 Europeanising European Public Spheres EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction For a long time, the European project drew its legitimacy from its capacity to solve problems effectively, and the process of integration was largely accompanied by what Leon N. Lindberg and Stuart A. Scheingold termed the ‘permissive consensus’: despite earlier periods of increasing contestation, European integration was generally based on a broad consensus across the political mainstream on its desirability, and citizens permitted their political representatives to pursue this course without much interference. Over time, however, the twin processes of increasing European integration and growing Europeanisation of the member states have gone hand in hand with a decrease in public support for the European Union (EU) and a growing politicisation of the integration project. The alleged consensus gave way to something that Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks labelled a "constraining dissensus": European integration has become a far more salient, controversial and contested issue, and political parties and issue entrepreneurs try to mobilise and exploit related concerns for their electoral benefit. The key diagnosis presented by eminent scholars such as Simon Hix was that EU politics had for decades pretended that ‘real’ politics did not exist in Brussels and thereby refused to address pivotal and salient political differences, political debates, and divergent political concepts within a wider and deeper Europe. Against this background, the aim of the study is two-fold. The first aim is to provide an overview of the related academic debates on Europeanisation, the contestation and politicisation of the EU and EU integration as well as on the European public sphere. The second aim of the study is to present and discuss current reform proposals specifically aimed at a Europeanisation of the elections to the European Parliament (Parliament). Europeanisation, Politicisation and Democratic Legitimacy Within political science, Europeanisation is most frequently conceptualised as a top-down or horizontal process through which EU rules and procedures, but also norms, ideas and routines impact domestic institutions and policies. A second, very broad, field deals with Europeanisation from a different perspective, namely with the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Success Story Or a Failure? : Representing the European Integration in the Curricula and Textbooks of Five Countries
    I Inari Sakki A Success Story or a Failure? Representing the European Integration in the Curricula and Textbooks of Five Countries II Social psychological studies 25 Publisher: Social Psychology, Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki Editorial Board: Klaus Helkama, Chair Inga Jasinskaja-Lahti, Editor Karmela Liebkind Anna-Maija Pirttilä-Backman Kari Mikko Vesala Maaret Wager Jukka Lipponen Copyright: Inari Sakki and Unit of Social Psychology University of Helsinki P.O. Box 4 FIN-00014 University of Helsinki I wish to thank the many publishers who have kindly given the permission to use visual material from their textbooks as illustrations of the analysis. All efforts were made to find the copyright holders, but sometimes without success. Thus, I want to apologise for any omissions. ISBN 978-952-10-6423-4 (Print) ISBN 978-952-10-6424-1 (PDF) ISSN 1457-0475 Cover design: Mari Soini Yliopistopaino, Helsinki, 2010 III ABSTRAKTI Euroopan yhdentymisprosessin edetessä ja syventyessä kasvavat myös vaatimukset sen oikeutuksesta. Tästä osoituksena ovat muun muassa viimeaikaiset mediassa käydyt keskustelut EU:n perustuslakiäänestysten seurauksista, kansalaisten EU:ta ja euroa kohtaan osoittamasta ja tuntemasta epäluottamuksesta ja Turkin EU-jäsenyydestä. Taloudelliset ja poliittiset argumentit tiiviimmän yhteistyön puolesta eivät aina riitä kansalaisten tuen saamiseen ja yhdeksi ratkaisuksi on esitetty yhteisen identiteetin etsimistä. Eurooppalaisen identiteetin sanotaan voivan parhaiten muodostua silloin, kun perheen, koulutuksen
    [Show full text]
  • A New Political Economy for Europe Post-COVID-19
    EUV0010.1177/1781685820968301European ViewBergsen 968301research-article2020 Article European View 2020, Vol. 19(2) 131 –137 A new political economy for © The Author(s) 2020 https://doi.org/10.1177/1781685820968301DOI: 10.1177/1781685820968301 Europe post-COVID-19 journals.sagepub.com/home/euv Pepijn Bergsen Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has led to unprecedented economic support measures from governments across Europe. With this, the crisis has provided an occasion for a significant demonstration of the ability of states to implement policies and deliver services. This could create expectations among electorates of permanent changes to the macroeconomic regime, towards one characterised by a more protective state and a rebalancing between the state and the market. Significant political barriers to such a shift remain. The article argues that, in contrast to the aftermath of the two previous economic crises in Europe, many new ideas are floating around and support for a more protective state is emerging across the political spectrum. The current crisis might thus represent a turning point. Keywords COVID-19, Europe, Political economy, Industrial policy, Fiscal policy Introduction The COVID-19 pandemic has shocked European health systems and economies. So far it has not led to any political shocks. A crisis of this magnitude is unlikely to pass by without significant political consequences, though, particularly as it comes at the tail end of a decade of economic crisis in Europe that has not led to a fundamental shift in either the political or the economic regime. The global financial crisis of 2008–9 and the subsequent crisis in the eurozone had already led to demands for changes to the economic settlement.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Commission on Cyprus's Progress
    FROM THE COMMISSION ON CYPRUS’S PROGRESS TOWARDS ACCESSION *********************** 8 November 2000 Table of contents A. Introduction.............................................................................. 5 a) Preface .............................................................................................................5 b) Relations between the European Union and Cyprus ...................................7 Recent developments under the Association Agreement (including bilateral trade) ........................................................................................................................... 7 Accession Partnership................................................................................................. 8 Community Aid .......................................................................................................... 8 Twinning..................................................................................................................... 9 Negotiations ................................................................................................................ 9 B. Criteria for membership ....................................................... 10 1. Political criteria.................................................................................... 10 Introduction............................................................................................................... 10 Recent developments ...............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • European Stability Mechanism
    ~FACTSHEET~ European Stability Mechanism The Treaty establishing the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) has been ratified by all 17 euro area member states. It entered into force on 27 September 2012, nine months earlier than initially foreseen 1. The treaty was signed by euro area member states on 2 February 2012. The ESM board of governors held its inaugural meeting on 8 October 2012. The ESM is an intergovernmental institution based in Luxembourg, set up to provide financial assistance to eurozone member states experiencing, or being threatened by, severe financing problems, if this is indispensable for safeguarding financial stability in the euro area as a whole. The initial maximum lending capacity of the ESM is set at €500 billion. This is achieved with subscribed capital of €700 billion (€ 80 billion paid-in capital, the rest callable). A first version of the treaty was signed on 11 July 2011, but it was subsequently modified to incorporate decisions taken by the heads of state and government of the euro area on 21 July and 9 December 2011 to improve the effectiveness of the mechanism. As a permanent mechanism, the ESM will take over the tasks currently fulfilled by the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) and the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism (EFSM). With the accelerated entry into force, the ESM will now operate alongside the EFSF for nine months. In March 2012, the Eurogroup agreed to raise the overall ceiling for ESM/EFSF lending to €700 billion 2. Already during the transitional period, until mid-2013, the ESM will be the main instrument for the financing of new programmes.
    [Show full text]
  • European Union, 2020
    08 Malone article.qxp_Admin 69-1 22/02/2021 15:06 Page 97 Administration, vol. 69, no. 1 (2021), pp. 97–109 doi: 10.2478/admin-2021-0008 European Union, 2020 Margaret Mary Malone Institute of Public Administration, Ireland The year was defined by the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, which unleashed a public health crisis and an associated economic crisis unlike anything experienced in modern times in Europe and beyond. The disease triggered a combined negative supply and demand shock of unprecedented intensity and the EU entered unchartered territory. National and regional serial lockdowns were introduced in a bid to curb the spread of Covid-19 and avoid health systems becoming overwhelmed. In a show of solidarity commensurate with the unfolding economic emergency, EU member states agreed a financial stimulus package of some €1.8 trillion to rebuild the battered EU economy. The package comprised the EU’s budget, or Multi- annual Financial Framework (MFF), for the period 2021–7 plus a temporary novel recovery instrument, Next Generation EU (NGEU). Funds for NGEU are to be borrowed, exceptionally, by the European Commission on the international capital markets. This decision was a landmark departure for the EU. Developments in the institutions of the EU On 1 January Croatia began its presidency of the Council of the EU for six months. A member state since July 2013, this was the first time Croatia had presided over the Council. Its priorities were driven by an unwittingly prescient motto, ‘A strong Europe in a world of challenges’. On 1 July Germany took over the Council presidency with 97 08 Malone article.qxp_Admin 69-1 22/02/2021 15:06 Page 98 98 MARGARET MARY MALONE the challenge of combatting the economic, social and budgetary implications of Covid-19 front and centre.
    [Show full text]
  • The Europeanisation of Consular Affairs: the Case of Visa Policy
    DISCUSSION PAPERS IN DIPLOMACY The Europeanisation of Consular Affairs: The Case of Visa Policy Ana Mar Fernández Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ ISSN 1569-2981 DISCUSSION PAPERS IN DIPLOMACY Editor: Dominic Kelly, University of Warwick Managing Editor: Jan Melissen, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ and Antwerp University Desk top publishing: Desiree Davidse Editorial Board Karin Aggestam, Lund University Geoff Berridge, University of Leicester Rik Coolsaet, University of Ghent Erik Goldstein, Boston University Alan Henrikson, Tufts University Donna Lee, Birmingham University Spencer Mawby, University of Nottingham Paul Sharp, University of Minnesota Duluth Copyright Notice © Ana Mar Fernández 2006 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy, or transmission of this publication, or part thereof in excess of one paragraph (other than as a PDF file at the discretion of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael) may be made without the written permission of the author. EUROPEANISATION OF THE CONSULAR FUNCTION: THE VISA POLICY Ana Mar Fernández 1 INTRODUCTION The process of European integration challenges the concept of sovereignty. Since 1950, when six states decided to integrate economically and unite politically, an alternative to the traditional political order has developed. The Westphalian model of authority and representation controlling all functions of government over a given territory has been progressively substituted by a system that is more diffuse and multilateral, while at the same time communitarian and co-operative, supranational and intergovernmental. The process of European integration transforms the exercise of power. It conditions the autonomy of member states, forcing them to adapt the functioning of their institutional structures, the design and implementation of their policies, the identification of their values and the formulation of their interests.
    [Show full text]
  • The European Economic Area (Eea), Switzerland and the North
    THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AREA (EEA), SWITZERLAND AND THE NORTH The European Economic Area (EEA) was set up in 1994 to extend the EU’s provisions on its internal market to the European Free Trade Area (EFTA) countries. Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein are parties to the EEA. Switzerland is a member of EFTA but does not take part in the EEA. The EU and EEA EFTA partners (Norway and Iceland) are also linked by various ‘northern policies’ and forums which focus on the rapidly evolving northern reaches of Europe and the Arctic region as a whole. LEGAL BASIS For the EEA: Article 217 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (Association Agreements). For Switzerland: Insurance Agreement of 1989, Bilateral Agreements I of 1999, Bilateral Agreements II of 2004. THE EEA A. Objectives The purpose of the European Economic Area (EEA) is to extend the EU’s internal market to countries in the European Free Trade Area (EFTA). The current EFTA countries do not wish to join the EU. EU legislation relating to the internal market becomes part of the legislation of the EEA EFTA countries once they have agreed to incorporate it. The administration and management of the EEA is shared between the EU and the EEA EFTA countries in a two-pillar structure. Decisions are taken by joint EEA bodies (the EEA Council, the EEA Joint Committee, the EEA Joint Parliamentary Committee and the EEA Consultative Committee). B. Background In 1992, the then seven members of EFTA negotiated an agreement to allow them to participate in the ambitious project of the European Community’s internal market, launched in 1985 and completed at the end of 1992.
    [Show full text]
  • Should Poland Join the Euro? an Economic and Political Analysis
    Should Poland Join the Euro? An Economic and Political Analysis Should Poland Join the Euro? An Economic and Political Analysis Graduate Policy Workshop February 2016 Michael Carlson Conor Carroll Iris Chan Geoff Cooper Vanessa Lehner Kelsey Montgomery Duc Tran Table of Contents Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ i About the WWS Graduate Policy Workshop ........................................................................................ ii Executive Summary .............................................................................................................................. 1 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 2 2 The Evolution of Polish Thought on Euro Adoption ................................................................. 5 2.1 Pre-EU membership reforms ...................................................................................................................... 5 2.2 After EU Accession ....................................................................................................................................... 5 2.3 Crisis years ...................................................................................................................................................... 6 2.4 Post-crisis assessment ..................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Historical Development of European Integration
    FACT SHEETS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION The historical development of European integration PE 618.969 1. The First Treaties.....................................................................................................3 2. Developments up to the Single European Act.........................................................6 3. The Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties...............................................................10 4. The Treaty of Nice and the Convention on the Future of Europe..........................14 5. The Treaty of Lisbon..............................................................................................18 EN - 18/06/2018 ABOUT THE PUBLICATION This leaflet contains a compilation of Fact Sheets provided by Parliament’s Policy Departments and Economic Governance Support Unit on the relevant policy area. The Fact Sheets are updated regularly and published on the website of the European Parliament: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets ABOUT THE PUBLISHER Author of the publication: European Parliament Department responsible: Unit for Coordination of Editorial and Communication Activities E-mail: [email protected] Manuscript completed in June, 2018 © European Union, 2018 DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice
    [Show full text]
  • State Transformation and the European Integration Project Lessons from the Financial Crisis and the Greek Paradigm Evangelos Venizelos No
    State Transformation and the European Integration Project Lessons from the financial crisis and the Greek paradigm Evangelos Venizelos No. 130/February 2016 Abstract The financial crisis that erupted in the eurozone not only affected the EU’s financial governance mechanisms, but also the very nature of state sovereignty and balances in the relations of member states; thus, the actual inequalities between the member states hidden behind their institutional equality have deteriorated. This transformation is recorded in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the member states’ constitutional courts, particularly in those at the heart of the crisis, with Greece as the most prominent example. It is the issue of public debt (sovereign debt) of the EU member states that particularly reflects the influence of the crisis on state sovereignty as well as the intensely transnational (intergovernmental) character of European integration, which under these circumstances takes the form of a continuous, tough negotiation. The historical connection between public debt (sovereign debt) and state sovereignty has re-emerged because of the financial crisis. This development has affected not only the European institutions, but also, at the member state level, the actual institutional content of the rule of law (especially judicial review) and the welfare state in its essence, as the great social and political acquis of 20th century Europe. From this perspective, the way that the Greek courts have dealt with the gradual waves of fiscal austerity measures and structural reforms from 2010 to 2015 is characteristic. The effect of the financial crisis on the sovereignty of the member states and on the pace of European integration also has an impact on European foreign and security policy, and the correlations between the political forces at both the national and European level, thus producing even more intense pressures on European social democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO.
    [Show full text]
  • Transcription of the “Eurovision Debate“ in the Run-Up to the European Parliament Election 2014
    Transcription of the “Eurovision Debate“ in the Run-Up to the European Parliament Election 2014 Jürgen Maier Thorsten Faas No. 2/2014 Working Paper and Documentation of Research Focus ”Communication, Media and Politics” ISSN (Online): 2195-6030 The working papers of the research focus „Communication, Media and Politics“ appear at irregular intervals to document intermediate results. All rights reserved especially (also in extracts) for translation, reprinting, reproduction by copying or other technical means. Publisher/Editors Members of Steering Committee of the Research Focus „Communication, Media and Politics” Prof. Dr. Rüdiger Grimm (Faculty 4: Informatics) Prof. Dr. Jürgen Maier (Faculty 6: Cultural and Social Sciences) Prof. Dr. Michaela Maier (Faculty 8: Psychology) Prof. Dr. Manfred Schmitt (Faculty 8: Psychology) Transcription of the “Eurovision Debate“ in the Run-Up to the European Parliament Election 2014 Jürgen Maier Thorsten Faas No. 2/2014 Contact Information Jürgen Maier Department of Political Science Institute of Social Sciences Faculty 6: Cultural and Social Sciences University of Koblenz-Landau, Campus Landau Kaufhausgasse 9 76829 Landau E-Mail: [email protected] Thorsten Faas Empirical Political Science Institute of Political Science Faculty 2: Social Sciences, Media, and Sports Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz Hegelstr. 59 55122 Mainz E-Mail: [email protected] Transcription of the “Eurovision Debate“ in the Run-Up to the European Parliament Election 2014 About the Debate On May 15, 2013 the first TV-debate between all leading candidates for the Presidency of European Commission, the “Eurovision Debate” took place. Participating candidates were Jean-Claude Juncker (EPP), Martin Schulz (PES), Guy Verhofstadt (ALDE), Ska Keller (European Greens) and Alexis Tsipras (PEL).
    [Show full text]