The Islamic Republic of Iran: an Introduction
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IRAN April 2000
COUNTRY ASSESSMENT - IRAN April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment will be placed on the Internet (http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to the following organisations: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE Medical Foundation for the care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.6 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.2 -
Understanding the Role of State Identity in Foreign Policy Decision-Making
The London School of Economics and Political Science UNDERSTANDING THE ROLE OF STATE IDENTITY IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING The Rise and Demise of Saudi–Iranian Rapprochement (1997–2009) ADEL ALTORAIFI A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, October 2012 1 To Mom and Dad—for everything. 2 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. The final word count of this thesis, including titles, footnotes and in-text citations, is 105,889 words. 3 ABSTRACT The objective of the thesis is to study the concept of state identity and its role in foreign policy decision-making through a constructivist analysis, with particular focus on the Saudi–Iranian rapprochement of 1997. While there has been a recent growth in the study of ideational factors and their effects on foreign policy in the Gulf, state identity remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies literature, despite its importance and manifestation in the region’s foreign policy discourses. The aim is to challenge purely realist and power-based explanations that have dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern foreign policy—and in particular, the examination of Saudi–Iranian relations. -
Iran, Country Information
Iran, Country Information COUNTRY ASSESSMENT - IRAN April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III HISTORY IV STATE STRUCTURES VA HUMAN RIGHTS - OVERVIEW VB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A - CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B - POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C - PROMINENT PEOPLE ANNEX D - REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1. This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2. The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum/human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3. The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4. It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1. The Islamic Republic of Iran Persia until 1935 lies in western Asia, and is bounded on the north by the file:///V|/vll/country/uk_cntry_assess/apr2003/0403_Iran.htm[10/21/2014 9:57:59 AM] Iran, Country Information Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, by Turkey and Iraq to the west, by the Persian Arabian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman to the south, and by Pakistan and Afghanistan to the east. -
The Six Presidents.Pdf
The Six Presidents Shaul Bakhash Iran‟s constitution vests ultimate authority in the supreme leader, but the presidency has developed into a powerful office. The last three presidents have each stamped his own personality and politics on social and economic life, domestic politics and foreign policy. Powerful presidents have also aroused powerful opposition. Presidential administrations have been characterized by factionalism between the president‟s party and his opponents. They have also been driven by tension over authority between the president and the supreme leader. The presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad seems a departure from the past. He is building up a power base among the same constituencies in the military, judiciary and security agencies that are the supreme leader‟s base of support. This trend, if sustained, has important future implications. Overview The Islamic Republic‟s initial constitution provided for a president with limited powers and a prime minister as head of the cabinet and government. The first president, Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, sought control of the government apparatus. But he faced fierce opposition from the clerical party, even as he dealt with revolutionary turmoil, the American hostage crisis and the Iran-Iraq War. He was impeached during his second year in office. Under Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the president took a back seat to the prime minister. Constitutional amendments in 1989 abolished the prime minister‟s post, creating a presidential system. The three presidents that followed each put his own distinct mark on the country. Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani moved foreign, economic and social policy in a more pragmatic direction. But in his second term, he lost the initiative to the supreme leader and conservatives. -
The Revolutionary Courts in Iran: Legality and Political Manipulation
JOURNAL FOR IRANIAN STUDIES Specialized Studies A Peer-Reviewed Quarterly Periodical Journal Year 2, Issue8 , September 2018 ISSUED BY THE REVOLUTIONARY COURTS IN IRAN: LEGALITY AND POLITICAL MANIPULATION Motasem Seddiq Abdullah (Ph.D.) A researcher at the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) ollowing the victory of the French Revolution, the revo- Flutionaries established special courts, the Revolutionary Tribunal. The Tribunal tried and criminalized political offenders and anyone that defied the revolution, preventing its objectives and pillars from being consolidated. Many countries have followed France to consolidate their revolutions and coups by introducing a plethora of courts such as security courts, revolutionary courts, emergency courts, Islamic courts, people’s courts, exceptional courts, extraordinary courts, and others that have the same objective. These names came to distinguish them from specialized courts, that are assigned to handle certain crimes or prosecute certain categories of the accused.(1) Journal for Iranian Studies 17 A majority of revolutionary courts have a number of similarities. They lack basic legal rules for a fair trial. They do not grant the accused the right to defend himself or to appoint a lawyer to defend him. The trials are speedy and there is no detailed hearing of the offense nor the charge. The revolutionary courts aim to hasten trials for attaining two goals: first, to satisfy the thirst for revolutionary revenge, and second, to purge symbols, as well as, loyalists of the former re- gime who could resist the trajectory of the revolution.(2) This is the case with Iran’s revolutionary courts, that executed hundreds, particularly targeting former Shah officials, mostly senior offi- cials, officers and soldiers of the army and intelligence services. -
Discursive Continuity of Political Nationalism As a Form of Opposition Politics in Modern Iran
DISCURSIVE CONTINUITY OF POLITICAL NATIONALISM AS A FORM OF OPPOSITION POLITICS IN MODERN IRAN A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY PINAR ARIKAN SİNKAYA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SEPTEMBER 2015 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. İhsan Dağı (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Zana Çitak Aytürk (METU, IR) Asst. Prof. Dr. Derya Göçer Akder (METU, ARS) Assoc. Prof. Dr. İlker Aytürk (BİLKENT, POLS) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Pınar Arıkan Sinkaya Signature : iii ABSTRACT DISCURSIVE CONTINUITY OF POLITICAL NATIONALISM AS A FORM OF OPPOSITION POLITICS IN MODERN IRAN Arıkan Sinkaya, Pınar Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor : Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık September 2015, 392 pages The dissertation examines political nationalism as a transformative power of modern Iranian politics at the societal level through historical-sociological study of four mass opposition movements, which are the Constitutional Movement (1906-11), National Front Movement (1949-53), Iranian Revolution Movement (1978-79), and Green Movement (2009). -
One Million Signatures Campaign for Equality the Inside Story Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani
Iranian Women’s One Million Signatures Campaign for Equality The Inside Story Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani Women's Learning Partnership Translation Series Iranian Women’s One Million Signatures Campaign for Equality The Inside Story Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani Foreword by Mahnaz Afkhami Women's Learning Partnership Translation Series Copyright © 2009 by Women’s Learning Partnership (WLP) ISBN Number: 978-0-9814652-0-3 Design: Xanthusdesign.com OTHER PUBLICATIONS BY NOUSHIN AHMADI KHORASANI Women Without a Past, 1998 Women’s Historical Calendar, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2007, 2008 Senator: Biography of Senator Mehrangiz Manouchehrian, co-authored with Parvin Ardalan, 2003 Under the Shadow of the Godfathers, 2003 Diaries: Sixteen Iranian Women Reflect on Their Daily Lives, 2008 CONTENTS FOREWORD .....................................................................1 PREFACE ..........................................................................5 CHAPTER ONE Why the One Million Signatures Campaign? .........................11 The Perils of Polygamy ..........................................................16 Women and Men Under Polygamy ........................................19 Answering the Critics ............................................................30 CHAPTER TWO The One Million Signatures Movement: Toward a New Era in Iran .....................................................35 Without a Place: The Female Experience in Iran ...................40 Democracy from the Bottom Up ............................................42 Face-to-Face -
Morad Saghafi*
Why Iran Seems So Unpredictable Morad Saghafi* The following article was written by Morad Saghafi in connection with his participation in the conference entitled “Iran After 25 Years of Revolution: A Retrospective and a Look Ahead,” which was held at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on November 16-17, 2004. The opinions expressed here are those of the author and in no way represent the views or opinions of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. During its quarter-century of existence, the Islamic Republic of Iran has never ceased to surprise political analysts, and thus has given the impression that it is an unpredictable regime. The election of Mohammad Khatami as an “accidental President” of the Republic in 1997 was one of the best-known events in this never-ending set of astonishments.1 However, events like the unnoticed disempowerment of Ayatollah Montazeri, who once was the designated successor of Ayatollah Khomeini, and the survival of the regime after the death of its charismatic leader in 1989, could also be considered manifestations of the unpredictability of Iranian politics. This is not to mention Khatami’s second election, the very heavy turnout in his two electoral victories in 1997 and 2001, and the not-so-low participation in the seventh parliamentary (majles) elections in 2004. The question is thus: Why does Iran seem so unpredictable? I will try to point out some essential factors that in the last 25 years have prevented Iran’s political analysts from fully grasping the dynamism of Iran’s political life. Its political culture, institutions, and second constitution will be discussed, and some conclusions will be drawn. -
King and Karabell BS
k o No. 1 • April 2010 o l t Changing of the Guards: Iran’s Supreme u Leader Struggles to Control Military O By Ali Alfoneh n Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini controlled the Islamic Revolutionary r Guards Corps (IRGC) by assigning personal representatives and commissars to IRGC units and offices. Initially, e the system was dysfunctional because of multiple commissars and parallel control structures with overlapping t responsibilities, but at the beginning of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s rule, the commissars consolidated their positions and exerted enough power to help stymie political reforms. Today, the system is again weak, and, increas- s ingly, the commissars act more as spokesmen for the guards than as agents overseeing the IRGC and ensuring that a the supreme leader holds power over the IRGC. This change undermines Khamenei’s authority over the IRGC and has allowed the IRGC greater autonomy to the detriment of outsiders who would engage the regime. E On February 15, 2010, Secretary of State Hillary lapping responsibilities that often allowed the e Rodham Clinton made headlines with a com- IRGC to expand its power in ways that sometimes l ment that the IRGC was slowly taking over Iran. ran contrary to the supreme leader’s interests. d “We see that the government of Iran, the supreme Although the commissar system was dysfunc- leader, the president, the parliament is being sup- tional when he took over as supreme leader, d planted and that Iran is moving toward a military Khamenei managed to restore control over the i dictatorship,” Clinton told the U.S.-Islamic commissariat in the first years of his rule. -
Distr. GENERAL E/CN.4/1994/50 2 February 1994 Original: ENGLISH
Distr. GENERAL E/CN.4/1994/50 2 February 1994 Original: ENGLISH/ FRENCH/SPANISH COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Fiftieth session Item 12 of the provisional agenda QUESTION OF THE VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS, IN ANY PART OF THE WORLD, WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO COLONIAL AND OTHER DEPENDENT COUNTRIES AND TERRITORIES Final report on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran prepared by the Special Representative of the Commission on Human Rights, Mr. Reynaldo Galindo Pohl, pursuant to Commission resolution 1993/62 of 10 March 1993 and Economic and Social Council decision 1993/273 CONTENTS Paragraphs Page Introduction ...................... 1-5 3 I. COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN AND THE SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE.................. 6-14 3 II. INFORMATION RECEIVED BY THE SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE.............. 15-220 6 A. Right to life ................ 16-77 7 B. Enforced or involuntary disappearances.... 78-82 18 C. Right to freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment . 83 - 91 18 D. Administration of justice .......... 92-125 20 E. Freedom of expression, opinion and the situation of the press............ 126-143 26 E/CN.4/1994/50 page 2 GE.94-10528 (E) CONTENTS (continued) Paragraphs Page II. (continued) F. Freedom of religion and the situation of the Baha’i community ........... 144-170 29 G. The situation of women............ 171-191 34 H. The situation of children .......... 192-195 37 I. Right to work ................ 196-199 38 J. Right of everyone to own property ...... 200-203 38 K. The events of 25 May 1993 ......... -
The Islamic Republic of Iran: an Introduction
The Islamic Republic of Iran: An introduction RESEARCH PAPER 09/92 11 December 2009 2009 was a year of anniversaries for Iran: thirty years since the Islamic Revolution of 1979 toppled the Shah, twenty-one years since the end of its devastating conflict with Iraq, and twenty years since the death of the revolution’s iconic leader, Ayatollah Khomeini. Yet, for all its historical significance, 2009 emerged as a significant year in the history of the Islamic Republic in its own right. The disputed election, which saw the re-election of the radical, neo-conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as president amid widespread popular protests and accusations of vast electoral fraud, resulted in the most serious internal challenge to the regime’s authority since its foundation. 2009 was also a significant year in Iran’s foreign relations, with President Obama signalling a desire to engage the Islamic Republic in a new and constructive dialogue, particularly over its controversial nuclear programme, about which new revelations of clandestine development emerged in September 2009. In the thirty years since its establishment, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been the focus of sustained international attention. Despite the attention, however, it continues to defy easy characterisation. The Islamic Republic, with its factional politics and complex foreign relations remains enigmatic. This paper provides an introduction to the Islamic Republic, its politics, economy, foreign and defence policies, and nuclear programme. It examines the governmental structure -
Iran: Ahmadi-Nejad’S Tumultuous Presidency
Update Briefing Middle East Briefing N°21 Tehran/Brussels, 6 February 2007 Iran: Ahmadi-Nejad’s Tumultuous Presidency I. OVERVIEW forces such as the IRGC and its poorer sister, the basij militia, are likely to be calculated to fortify backing from core constituencies that brought him to power. Though much of the focus since Mahmoud Ahmadi- They also are designed to strengthen the foundations Nejad’s June 2005 electoral victory has been on Iran’s of the Islamic Republic at a time of greater international foreign policy, the fate of his presidency will ride at pressure and potential U.S. or Israeli military action. least as much on his domestic performance. Elected on a platform of economic justice and clean government, In the absence of policy shifts, however, the ride he will be judged chiefly on those grounds. So far, promises to get rougher. The December elections were results have been decidedly mixed. High oil prices more than a bump in the road. They confirmed have enabled greater expenditure on social programs. widespread dissatisfaction with domestic policies and, But on the whole, the president has been unable to more ominously for the president, revealed cracks in fulfil promises, and his still early tenure has been the conservative coalition that carried him into office. marked by repeated conflicts with other institutions Even on the foreign policy front, and particularly and power centres. The drubbing experienced by the regarding threats against Israel and Holocaust-denial, president and his allies in the December 2006 elections dissatisfaction is growing. While Khatami, his for municipal councils and the Assembly of Experts predecessor, was criticised for being overly passive signalled serious problems, both within the conservative and conciliatory, Ahmadi-Nejad is blamed for being camp and with the wider public.