The Revolutionary Courts in Iran: Legality and Political Manipulation
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31ST ANNUAL HORACE MANN MODEL UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE OCTOBER 22, 2016 JCC: IRAN IRANIAN HOSTAGE CRISIS JAMES CHANG & MEHR SURI GEORGE LOEWENSON CHAIR MODERATORS TABLE OF CONTENTS LETTER FROM THE SECRETARIAT 3 LETTER FROM THE CHAIR 4 COMMITTEE BACKGROUND 5 COMMITTEE PROCEDURE 6 THE IRANIAN HOSTAGE CRISIS 9 OVERVIEW OF THE TOPIC 9 HISTORY 9 CURRENT SITUATION 14 POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS 17 QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER 18 POSITIONS 18 SOURCES 25 Horace Mann Model United Nations Conference 2 LETTER FROM THE SECRETARIAT Dahlia Krutkovich DEAR DELEGATES, Isabella Muti Henry Shapiro Secretaries-General Welcome to Horace Mann's 31st annual Model United Nations Daniel Frackman conference, HoMMUNC XXXI! Since 1985, HoMMUNC has Maya Klaris engaged the future leaders of the world in a day full of learning, Noah Shapiro Directors-General debate, and compromise. The conference brings together intellectually curious high school and middle school students to Charles Gay Zachary Gaynor contemplate and discuss serious global concerns. We are honored Ananya Kumar-Banarjee to have inherited the responsibility of preparing this event for Livia Mann over 1000 students that will participate in HoMMUNC XXXI. William Scherr Audrey Shapiro Benjamin Shapiro Regardless of your age or experience in Model UN, we challenge Senior Executive Board you to remain engaged in the discourse of your committees and Joshua Doolan truly involve yourself in the negotiation process. Each committee Jenna Freidus Samuel Harris is comprised of an eclectic group of delegates and will address Charles Hayman and important global concern. Take this opportunity to delve deep Valerie Maier Radhika Mehta into that problem: educate yourself think innovatively to create Evan Megibow the best solutions, and lead the committee to a resolution that Jada Yang Under-Secretaries- could better the world. -
2004 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 28, 2005
Iran Page 1 of 20 Iran Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2004 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 28, 2005 The Islamic Republic of Iran [note 1] is a constitutional, theocratic republic in which Shi'a Muslim clergy dominate the key power structures. Article Four of the Constitution states that "All laws and regulations…shall be based on Islamic principles." Government legitimacy is based on the twin pillars of popular sovereignty (Article Six) and the rule of the Supreme Jurisconsulate (Article Five). The unelected Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Ali Khamene'i, dominates a tricameral division of power among legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Khamene'i directly controls the armed forces and exercises indirect control over the internal security forces, the judiciary, and other key institutions. The executive branch was headed by President Mohammad Khatami, who won a second 4-year term in June 2001, with 77 percent of the popular vote in a multiparty election. The legislative branch featured a popularly elected 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, Majlis, which develops and passes legislation, and an unelected 12-member Council of Guardians, which reviews all legislation passed by the Majlis for adherence to Islamic and constitutional principles and also has the duty of screening Majlis candidates for eligibility. Conservative candidates won a majority of seats in the February Seventh Majlis election that was widely perceived as neither free nor fair, due to the Council of Guardians' exclusion of thousands of qualified candidates. The 34-member Expediency Council is empowered to resolve legislative impasses between the Council of Guardians and the Majlis. -
Perspectives on the 2009 Iranian Election
The anatomy of a crisis Perspectives on the 2009 Iranian election Issue 1, 2009 1 Created in November 2007 by students from the UK universities of Oxford, Leicester and Aberystwyth, e-International Relations (e-IR) is a hub of information and analysis on some of the key is- sues in international politics. As well as editorials contributed by students, leading academics and policy-makers, the website contains essays, diverse perspectives on global news, lecture podcasts, blogs written by some of the world’s top professors and the very latest jobs from academia, politics and international development. The pieces in this collection were published on e-International Relations during June 2009. Front page image by Hamed Saber edited and compiled by Stephen McGlinchey and Adam Groves 2 Contents 4 Introductory Notes 5 Iran’s Contested Election 10 Losing the battle for global opinion 12 Reading into Iran’s Quantum of Solace 14 Decisions Iranians should make and others should support 16 Why Iranians have to find their own course 18 The Iranian women’s rights movement and the election crisis 20 Defending the Revolution: human rights in post-election Iran 23 The 2009 Iranian elections: a nuclear timebomb? 26 Contributors 3 Introductory notes Stephen McGlinchey With the contested re-election of Mahmoud intensify Israeli fears that some kind of interven- Ahmadinejad on June 12th 2009 and the wide- tion was necessary for its own national security. spread protests that followed, domestic Iranian politics once again came to the fore internation- If reports are correct that the popular tide is ally. Not since the final days of the Shah, the turning against the regime in Iran, there is a Islamic revolution of 1979 and the ensuing hos- real danger that it will respond by pandering to tage crisis, had it occupied such a prime posi- populist fears in the country and enhancing its tion across the international political landscape. -
Download Information from the Internet
IRAN SUBMISSION TO THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE FOR THE 103RD SESSION OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE (17 OCTOBER – 4 NOVEMBER 2011) Amnesty International Publications First published in 2011 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Amnesty International Publications 2011 Index: MDE 13/081/2011 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. -
INSS Insight No. 1482, June 6, 2021 from Election to Selection: Iran's Path to a New President
INSS Insight No. 1482, June 6, 2021 From Election to Selection: Iran's Path to a New President Raz Zimmt The decision by Iran’s Guardian Council to disqualify the vast majority of the candidates in the coming presidential elections, including former speaker of the Majlis Ali Larijani, and Eshaq Jahangiri, First Vice-President under President Rouhani, in effect leaves the hardline cleric Ebrahim Raisi as the only candidate with real chances of winning the elections. This decision is another reflection of the regime's efforts to strengthen the conservative hegemony in the political elite, especially in advance of the struggle over the succession of Iran's leadership. The regime's blatant intervention in the election process indicates that it is determined to maintain conservative control of power centers even at the cost of further undermining public confidence, and that it estimates that it is capable of suppressing any possible protest. On May 25, 2021, following the screening of all the presidential candidates, Iran’s Guardian Council announced it had approved seven final candidates, out of the 592 candidates (including 40 women) who registered for the elections scheduled for June 18. That the vast majority of the candidates were disqualified came as no surprise. Since the beginning of the 1980s, only a few candidates have passed the screening process under the 12-member Guardian Council, half of whom are clerics appointed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and half of whom are jurists appointed by the Judiciary Chief and approved by the Majlis. This time too, it was expected that the Council would disqualify any candidate it saw as someone who might undermine conservative hegemony in Iranian politics. -
Leadership Divided? Nima Gerami
The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? NIMA GERAMI LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate NIMA GERAMI The Washington Institute for Near East Policy www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 134 | February 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Tehran newspaper headlines following signing of the Joint Plan of Action in Geneva. Design: 1000 Colors Contents Acknowledgments | v Executive Summary | vii 1. Introduction | 1 2. Limits on Iran’s Nuclear Debate: Secrecy and Self-Censorship | 3 3. Contextualizing Nuclear Decisionmaking: The Key Stakeholders | 9 4. The Political Landscape: Elite Factionalism and the Nuclear Debate | 19 5. Critical Junctures: Internal Divisions and Nuclear Policy Shifts | 31 6. Conclusion: Lessons Learned | 40 About the Author | 42 Figures Fig 1. Overview of Nuclear Decisionmaking in Iran | 11 Table 1. Formal Members of the Supreme National Security Council | 12 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, particularly Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, and Mehdi Khalaji, for their encouragement, insights, and support during the preparation of this study. -
The Candidate Screening in Iran's Parliamentary Elections, 1984-2012
OSIPP Discussion Paper: DP-2020-E-003 The Candidate Screening in Iran’s Parliamentary Elections, 1984-2012 April 23, 2020 Tomoyo Chisaka Ph.D. student, Osaka School of International Public Policy (OSIPP), Osaka University Research Fellow, the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science 【keywords】Iran’s parliamentary elections, candidate screening, the Guardian Council 【summary】 This discussion paper examines historical development of the candidate screening for Iran’s parliamentary elections from 1984 to 2012. Scholars have discussed disqualification of reformists by the Guardian Council, but little is known about to what extent the pattern of disqualification was consistent in the elections. Using various local newspapers, I identified who were disqualified at elections in a long period of time. The result shows that the Guardian Council gradually expanded the target of disqualification. In some cases even incumbents who were once allowed were later disqualified. The paper concludes that the Guardian Council played an important role in excluding those who challenge the Supreme Leader’s authority. Acknowledgment: This research was supported by JSPS KAKENHI (Grant Number 19J10368). I thank Professor Akihisa Matsuno for his guidance and comments. All errors are my own. The author's email address: [email protected] 1. Introduction1 This paper examines the Guardian Council's practice of candidate screening for parliamentary elections in Iran. Scholars have argued that candidates who seek political reform (reformists) tend to be disqualified by the Guardian Council, whose members are appointed by the Supreme Leader. Sarabi writes, for instance, “[T]he most controversial barriers are the requirement that candidates demonstrate a practical commitment to Islam and to the Islamic government and the constitutional power of the Guardian Council to supervise elections(Sarabi1994,95).” The question is to what extent the pattern of the candidate screening was consistent. -
Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy
Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs August 14, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32048 Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Since the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, a priority of U.S. policy has been to reduce the perceived threat posed by Iran to a broad range of U.S. interests, including the security of the Persian Gulf region. In 2014, a common adversary emerged in the form of the Islamic State organization, reducing gaps in U.S. and Iranian regional interests, although the two countries have often differing approaches over how to try to defeat the group. The finalization on July 14, 2015, of a “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (JCPOA) between Iran and six negotiating powers could enhance Iran’s ability to counter the United States and its allies in the region, but could also pave the way for cooperation to resolve some of the region’s several conflicts. During the 1980s and 1990s, U.S. officials identified Iran’s support for militant Middle East groups as a significant threat to U.S. interests and allies. A perceived potential threat from Iran’s nuclear program emerged in 2002, and the United States orchestrated broad international economic pressure on Iran to try to ensure that the program is verifiably confined to purely peaceful purposes. The international pressure contributed to the June 2013 election as president of Iran of the relatively moderate Hassan Rouhani, who campaigned as an advocate of ending Iran’s international isolation. -
Chronology of Events in Iran, December 2004*
Chronology of Events in Iran, December 2004* December 1 Iran releases two internet journalists. (ISNA) Two of those arrested for internet-related charges have been released. It was reported that Omid Me'marian and Shahram Rafi'zadeh were released on a 50m-tuman bail [approximately 58,000 dollars]. Agence France Presse (AFP) report of the same news on December 4: Four jailed Iranian reformist journalists, three of them recently released, have written letters of repentance, saying they were "brainwashed" by foreigners and "counter- revolutionaries". The Iranian press has carried the letters, allegedly written by imprisoned Javad Qolan Tamimi, Omid Memarian, Shahram Rafizadeh and Roozbeh Mir-Ebrahimi, freed in recent days, to the head of Iran's judiciary. "I was brainwashed by hardline elements to destroy the image of the regime by relating with counter- revolutionaries and talking to foreign radio," said the letter by Memarian, who maintained a controversial weblog. "I spread lies. As I was influenced and encouraged by the ones who have for years been wounding the Islamic regime," read a letter written by Rafizadeh. Tamimi, who worked for the Mardomsalari daily, wrote of his "abhorrence" of the head of the Iranian journalists association who tried to organise a demonstration on behalf of his jailed colleagues. He called for criminal proceedings to be initiated against "those who poison the atmosphere by ... supporting criminals like me". "If I committed this crime in another country, I would have been sentenced to death or life in solitary confinement, but under the indulgent Islamic system, people in charge of my case and prison officials are convinced that I converted honestly," he said. -
Mullahs, Guards, and Bonyads: an Exploration of Iranian Leadership
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Mullahs, Guards, and Bonyads An Exploration of Iranian Leadership Dynamics David E. -
Iran Page 1 of 30
2008 Human Rights Report: Iran Page 1 of 30 2008 Human Rights Report: Iran* BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR 2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices February 25, 2009 The Islamic Republic of Iran, with a population of approximately 70 million, is a constitutional, theocratic republic in which Shia Muslim clergy dominate the key power structures. Government legitimacy is based on the twin pillars of popular sovereignty-–albeit restricted--and the rule of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution. The current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was not directly elected but chosen by a directly elected body of religious leaders, the Assembly of Experts, in 1989. Khamenei's writ dominated the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. He directly controlled the armed forces and indirectly controlled the internal security forces, the judiciary, and other key institutions. The legislative branch is the popularly elected 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, or Majles. An unelected 12-member Guardian Council reviewed all legislation passed by the Majles for adherence to Islamic and constitutional principles and also screened presidential and Majles candidates for eligibility. In 2005 hardline conservative Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad won the presidency in an election widely viewed by the international community as neither free nor fair. Civilian authorities did not fully maintain effective control of security forces. The government's poor human rights record worsened, and it continued to commit numerous serious abuses. The government severely limited citizens' right to change their government peacefully through free and fair elections. The government executed numerous persons for criminal convictions as juveniles and after unfair trials. -
The Path Dependent Nature of Factionalism in Post- Khomeini Iran
HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series The Path Dependent Nature of Factionalism in Post-Khomeini Iran Ariabarzan Mohammadi Number 13: December 2014 About the Author Dr Ariabarzan Mohammadi is a Visiting Research Fellow with teaching duties in the School of Government and International Affairs at Durham University for 2014-15. Disclaimer The views expressed in the HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the School or of Durham University. These wide ranging Research Working Papers are products of the scholarship under the auspices of the al-Sabah Programme and are disseminated in this early form to encourage debate on the important academic and policy issues of our time. Copyright belongs to the Author(s). Bibliographical references to the HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series should be as follows: Author(s), Paper Title (Durham, UK: al-Sabah Number, date). 2 | P a g e The Path Dependent Nature of Factionalism in Post- Khomeini Iran Dr Ariabarzan Mohammadi Abstract The main claim of this paper is that the anti-party system in Iran, or what is known as factionalism, is subject to a path dependent process. The political system in post- Khomeini Iran is not based on political parties. The authoritarian regime in Iran has not developed into a ruling party system as in Egypt under Mubarak. Instead, through its different stages of institutionalisation, the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) has gradually degenerated from what looked like a single party system during the ascendancy of the Islamic Republic Party (IRP) in the first and second Majlis (the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran), to an anti-party, factional system that has continued to the present.