Chronology of Events in Iran, December 2004*
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IRAN SUBMISSION TO THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE FOR THE 103RD SESSION OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE (17 OCTOBER – 4 NOVEMBER 2011) Amnesty International Publications First published in 2011 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Amnesty International Publications 2011 Index: MDE 13/081/2011 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. -
INSS Insight No. 1482, June 6, 2021 from Election to Selection: Iran's Path to a New President
INSS Insight No. 1482, June 6, 2021 From Election to Selection: Iran's Path to a New President Raz Zimmt The decision by Iran’s Guardian Council to disqualify the vast majority of the candidates in the coming presidential elections, including former speaker of the Majlis Ali Larijani, and Eshaq Jahangiri, First Vice-President under President Rouhani, in effect leaves the hardline cleric Ebrahim Raisi as the only candidate with real chances of winning the elections. This decision is another reflection of the regime's efforts to strengthen the conservative hegemony in the political elite, especially in advance of the struggle over the succession of Iran's leadership. The regime's blatant intervention in the election process indicates that it is determined to maintain conservative control of power centers even at the cost of further undermining public confidence, and that it estimates that it is capable of suppressing any possible protest. On May 25, 2021, following the screening of all the presidential candidates, Iran’s Guardian Council announced it had approved seven final candidates, out of the 592 candidates (including 40 women) who registered for the elections scheduled for June 18. That the vast majority of the candidates were disqualified came as no surprise. Since the beginning of the 1980s, only a few candidates have passed the screening process under the 12-member Guardian Council, half of whom are clerics appointed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and half of whom are jurists appointed by the Judiciary Chief and approved by the Majlis. This time too, it was expected that the Council would disqualify any candidate it saw as someone who might undermine conservative hegemony in Iranian politics. -
Iran Page 1 of 30
2008 Human Rights Report: Iran Page 1 of 30 2008 Human Rights Report: Iran* BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR 2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices February 25, 2009 The Islamic Republic of Iran, with a population of approximately 70 million, is a constitutional, theocratic republic in which Shia Muslim clergy dominate the key power structures. Government legitimacy is based on the twin pillars of popular sovereignty-–albeit restricted--and the rule of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution. The current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was not directly elected but chosen by a directly elected body of religious leaders, the Assembly of Experts, in 1989. Khamenei's writ dominated the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. He directly controlled the armed forces and indirectly controlled the internal security forces, the judiciary, and other key institutions. The legislative branch is the popularly elected 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, or Majles. An unelected 12-member Guardian Council reviewed all legislation passed by the Majles for adherence to Islamic and constitutional principles and also screened presidential and Majles candidates for eligibility. In 2005 hardline conservative Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad won the presidency in an election widely viewed by the international community as neither free nor fair. Civilian authorities did not fully maintain effective control of security forces. The government's poor human rights record worsened, and it continued to commit numerous serious abuses. The government severely limited citizens' right to change their government peacefully through free and fair elections. The government executed numerous persons for criminal convictions as juveniles and after unfair trials. -
The Path Dependent Nature of Factionalism in Post- Khomeini Iran
HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series The Path Dependent Nature of Factionalism in Post-Khomeini Iran Ariabarzan Mohammadi Number 13: December 2014 About the Author Dr Ariabarzan Mohammadi is a Visiting Research Fellow with teaching duties in the School of Government and International Affairs at Durham University for 2014-15. Disclaimer The views expressed in the HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the School or of Durham University. These wide ranging Research Working Papers are products of the scholarship under the auspices of the al-Sabah Programme and are disseminated in this early form to encourage debate on the important academic and policy issues of our time. Copyright belongs to the Author(s). Bibliographical references to the HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series should be as follows: Author(s), Paper Title (Durham, UK: al-Sabah Number, date). 2 | P a g e The Path Dependent Nature of Factionalism in Post- Khomeini Iran Dr Ariabarzan Mohammadi Abstract The main claim of this paper is that the anti-party system in Iran, or what is known as factionalism, is subject to a path dependent process. The political system in post- Khomeini Iran is not based on political parties. The authoritarian regime in Iran has not developed into a ruling party system as in Egypt under Mubarak. Instead, through its different stages of institutionalisation, the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) has gradually degenerated from what looked like a single party system during the ascendancy of the Islamic Republic Party (IRP) in the first and second Majlis (the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran), to an anti-party, factional system that has continued to the present. -
Kirk US Institute of Peace Speech
The Conviction of Our Own Convictions Remarks by Congressman Mark Kirk November 4, 2009 U.S. Institute of Peace Thank you for the warm welcome. I worked with the Institute for more than 20 years. Your efforts are critical to our foreign policy – and I thank you all for your commitment. And to the protestors gathered in Tehran, I say this: the American people stand with you in your fight for democracy. This is the 30th anniversary of the attack on our embassy in Iran. On November 4, 1979, Iranian militants raided the Embassy and took 53 Americans hostage – a siege that lasted 444 days and changed history. As we gather here today, 30 years later, we see an Iran rotting from the inside out – a regime trying to silence a people crying out for freedom. Today, the Islamic Republic of Iran looks much like other dictatorships of the 20th century. They wear a different uniform and speak a different language, but the repression rings familiar. In Iran, the basic human freedoms we take for granted in America do not exist. Men, women and children are rounded up in the middle of the night and sent to prisons, never to be heard from again. Some for their religion, others for their politics and others because they dare to stand for the human dignity of all mankind. /// According to Freedom House’s 2009 Report, “freedom of expression is severely limited in Iran. The government directly controls all television and radio broadcasting. Satellite dishes are illegal… “Press freedom remains extremely limited. The Ministry of Culture must approve publication -
Currents in Iranian Strategy Since 9/11 Conflict Studies Research Centre ISBN 1-905058-10-1 March 2005 05/13 Dr Babak Ganji
Conflict Studies Research Centre Middle East Series 05/13 Main Current in Iranian Strategy Since 9/11 Dr Babak Ganji Key Points There have been continuities and changes in Iranian foreign policy since 9/11. The main area of continuity has been the pursuit of detente with the EU and conservative Arab states. The main changes are new divisions between advocates of the pursuit of selective bandwagoning with the US on Afghanistan and Iraq and advocates of asymmetric strategies aimed at driving the US out of the region. Both strategies cut across the factional divisions in Iran. The most prominent advocates of selective bandwagoning include President Mohammad Khatami; the head of the Expediency Council Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani and the secretary of the Supreme National Security Council Hasan Rowhani. Advocates of selective bandwagoning appear to believe that by cooperating with the US on a number of important regional issues they can stave off US pressure on Iran's nuclear programme and continue the uranium enrichment process. Advocates of asymmetric strategies seem to believe that cooperation with terrorist organizations such as Al-Qa'idah, Hizballah, Islamic Jihad and Hamas will enable Iran to improve its geostrategic position and galvanize support for a strategy of driving the US out of the region. At a minimum, the asymmetric strategy is aimed at ensnaring the US in regional conflicts. The premise seems to be that such conflicts will undermine the legitimacy of US power and lead to Islamist uprisings against the US in key countries such as Iraq. Its most prominent advocates are the C-in-C of the Islamic Revolution Corps Maj-Gen Yahya Rahim-Safavi and his deputy Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr. -
The Revolutionary Courts in Iran: Legality and Political Manipulation
JOURNAL FOR IRANIAN STUDIES Specialized Studies A Peer-Reviewed Quarterly Periodical Journal Year 2, Issue8 , September 2018 ISSUED BY THE REVOLUTIONARY COURTS IN IRAN: LEGALITY AND POLITICAL MANIPULATION Motasem Seddiq Abdullah (Ph.D.) A researcher at the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) ollowing the victory of the French Revolution, the revo- Flutionaries established special courts, the Revolutionary Tribunal. The Tribunal tried and criminalized political offenders and anyone that defied the revolution, preventing its objectives and pillars from being consolidated. Many countries have followed France to consolidate their revolutions and coups by introducing a plethora of courts such as security courts, revolutionary courts, emergency courts, Islamic courts, people’s courts, exceptional courts, extraordinary courts, and others that have the same objective. These names came to distinguish them from specialized courts, that are assigned to handle certain crimes or prosecute certain categories of the accused.(1) Journal for Iranian Studies 17 A majority of revolutionary courts have a number of similarities. They lack basic legal rules for a fair trial. They do not grant the accused the right to defend himself or to appoint a lawyer to defend him. The trials are speedy and there is no detailed hearing of the offense nor the charge. The revolutionary courts aim to hasten trials for attaining two goals: first, to satisfy the thirst for revolutionary revenge, and second, to purge symbols, as well as, loyalists of the former re- gime who could resist the trajectory of the revolution.(2) This is the case with Iran’s revolutionary courts, that executed hundreds, particularly targeting former Shah officials, mostly senior offi- cials, officers and soldiers of the army and intelligence services. -
Civil-Military Relations, State Strategies and Presidential
Conflict Studies Research Centre Middle East Series 05/26 Civil-Military Relations, State Strategies & Presidential Elections in Iran Dr Babak Ganji Key Points The candidacy of Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, the former commander of the Law-Enforcement Force and Revolution Guards air force, has triggered major debate about civil-military relations in Iran. Opponents of the participation of former military commanders in politics have argued that it contravenes the late Ayatollah Khomeyni’s ruling that the military must not interefere in politics. Four of the presidential candidates: Qalibaf; former C-in-C of the Guards Mohsen Reza’i; former director of the state radio and television Ali Larijani and mayor of Tehran Ahmadinezhad have served as military commanders. However, it is Qalibaf’s candidacy which has been most controversial. Qalibaf has argued that reformism and fundamentalism are not necessarily incompatible. Qalibaf has expressed his preferences for "a mixed economy" and also sought to appeal to young religious people. The current head of the Expediency Council and former president Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani has sought to improve his chances in the elections by arguing that only he is capable of preventing the militarization of the Iranian political system. Rafsanjani has moved closer to "reformist" political figures and some reformist journalists have been arguing that a major realignment of factions in Iran is in the offing. It would be wrong to interpret this realignment in terms of "hard- liners" versus "pragmatists". Qalibaf has been trying to gain the hard- line conservative and radical votes. However, he has been vehemently opposed by the largest vigilante organization in the country, Ansar-e Hezbollah, which has accused Qalibaf and Rafsanjani's election headquarters of coordinating their strategies. -
The Islamic Republic of Iran: an Introduction
The Islamic Republic of Iran: An introduction RESEARCH PAPER 09/92 11 December 2009 2009 was a year of anniversaries for Iran: thirty years since the Islamic Revolution of 1979 toppled the Shah, twenty-one years since the end of its devastating conflict with Iraq, and twenty years since the death of the revolution’s iconic leader, Ayatollah Khomeini. Yet, for all its historical significance, 2009 emerged as a significant year in the history of the Islamic Republic in its own right. The disputed election, which saw the re-election of the radical, neo-conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as president amid widespread popular protests and accusations of vast electoral fraud, resulted in the most serious internal challenge to the regime’s authority since its foundation. 2009 was also a significant year in Iran’s foreign relations, with President Obama signalling a desire to engage the Islamic Republic in a new and constructive dialogue, particularly over its controversial nuclear programme, about which new revelations of clandestine development emerged in September 2009. In the thirty years since its establishment, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been the focus of sustained international attention. Despite the attention, however, it continues to defy easy characterisation. The Islamic Republic, with its factional politics and complex foreign relations remains enigmatic. This paper provides an introduction to the Islamic Republic, its politics, economy, foreign and defence policies, and nuclear programme. It examines the governmental structure -
'We Are Ordered to Crush You'
‘We are ordered to crush you’ ExpanDIng rEprEssIon oF DIssEnt In Iran amnesty international is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the universal declaration of human rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. first published in 2012 by amnesty international Ltd peter Benenson house 1 easton street London Wc1x 0dW united Kingdom © amnesty international 2012 index: Mde 13/002/2012 english original language: english printed by amnesty international, international secretariat, united Kingdom all rights reserved. this publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. the copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. for copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. to request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo : cars circle a protest in tehran called by opposition leaders in support of the people of egypt and tunisia, 14 february 2011. the protests were violently repressed by security forces, who killed at least two men and arrested hundreds. opposition leaders Mir hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi have been held in unofficial house arrest since making their call. -
Amnesty International Group 22 Pasadena/Caltech News
Amnesty International Group 22 Pasadena/Caltech News Volume XVII Number 7, July 2009 There is also an action in this newsletter UPCOMING EVENTS regarding the persecution in China of the Thursday, July 23, 7:30 PM. Monthly Meeting Uyghurs, a minority ethnic group in northwest Caltech Y is located off San Pasqual between China. Some of you may remember hearing Hill and Holliston, south side. You will see two Rebiya Kadeer, a Uyghur activist, leader, and curving walls forming a gate to a path-- our businesswoman, speak at an AI Regional building is just beyond. Help us plan future Conference in San Francisco about 5 years ago. actions on Sudan, the ‘War on Terror’, death She was arrested in the PRC 8-99 and was penalty and more. released 11-06. At one point, she was an AI Special Focus case. For info, see Tuesday August 11, 7:30 PM. Note change of http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rebiya_Kadeer venue. Letter writing meeting at Panera Bread coffee house, 3521 E. Foothill, Pasadena 91107 Con cariño, 626-351-8272. This informal gathering is a great Kathy way for newcomers to get acquainted with Amnesty. Sunday, August 16, 6:30 PM. Rights Readers ERITREA UPDATE Human Rights Book Discussion Group. Vroman’s Bookstore, 695 E. Colorado Blvd., Pasadena. Tricia Hepner, Amnesty International Country This month we read “Finding Nouf”, a mystery coordinator for Eritrea, participated in the Eritrea by Zoe Ferraris. Human Rights Symposium June 18-21 in Washington DC. Trish has not yet sent her Sunday, August 2, Monthly Movie Night. -
Iran's Internal Struggle to Define the Arab Spring Laila Taraghi University of Arkansas, Fayetteville
University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK Theses and Dissertations 5-2012 Competing for Relevance: Iran's Internal Struggle to Define the Arab Spring Laila Taraghi University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Taraghi, Laila, "Competing for Relevance: Iran's Internal Struggle to Define the Arab Spring" (2012). Theses and Dissertations. 430. http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd/430 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Competing for Relevance: Iran's Internal Struggle to Define the Arab Spring Competing for Relevance: Iran's Internal Struggle to Define the Arab Spring A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science By Laila Taraghi University of Oregon Clark Honors College Bachelor of International Studies, 2007 May 2012 University of Arkansas ABSTRACT In the wake of the recent revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, political figures in Iran have offered competing claims of inspiration for the protests now spreading through the broader MENA region. This paper aims to compare the discourse of regime leaders to that of opposition activists, each seeking to frame current events in the region as a reflection of their particular aspirations and competing worldviews. Benford and Snow's literature on challenges facing movement adherents embroiled in contested framing processes will be employed as a means of highlighting some of the various obstacles to political transformation in the case of Iran.