Iran April 2004

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Iran April 2004 IRAN COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Iran Country Report April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of Document 1.1 - 1.7 2 Geography 2.1 - 2.2 3 Economy 3.1 - 3.9 4 History 4.1 Pre - 1979 4.2 - 4.3 1979 - 1989 4.4 - 4.9 1990 - 1996 4.10 - 4.13 1997 - 1999 4.14 - 4.20 2000 4.21 - 4.28 2001 to Current 4.29 - 4.37 Student Unrest - June 2003 4.38 - 4.42 Parliamentary Elections - February 2004 4.43 - 4.45 5 State Structures The Constitution 5.1 Citizenship and Nationality 5.2 - 5.4 Political System 5.5 - 5.9 Political Parties 5.10 - 5.15 Judiciary 5.16 - 5.34 Court Documentation 5.35 - 5.37 Legal Rights and Detention 5.38 - 5.42 Death Penalty 5.43 - 5.45 Internal Security 5.46 - 5.52 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.53 - 5.58 Military Service 5.59 - 5.61 Medical Services 5.62 Drugs 5.63 Drug Addiction 5.64 - 5.65 Psychiatric Treatment 5.66 - 5.68 HIV/AIDS 5.69 - 5.71 People with Disabilities 5.72 Educational System 5.73 - 5.76 6 Human Rights 6.A Human Rights issues General 6.1 - 6.18 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.19 - 6.28 Press Law 6.29 - 6.48 Internet and Satellite 6.49 - 6.53 Freedom of Religion 6.54 - 6.60 Legal Framework 6.61 - 6.62 Sunni Muslims 6.63 Christians 6.64 - 6.68 Apostasy/Conversions 6.69 - 6.72 Jews 6.73 - 6.78 Zoroastrians 6.79 - 6.80 Sabeans (Mandeans) 6.81 Baha'is 6.82 - 6.95 Freedom of Assembly and Association 6.96 - 6.103 Employment Rights 6.104 - 6.109 People Trafficking 6.110 Freedom of Movement 6.111 - 6.119 Refugees in Iran 6.120 - 6.126 Iran Country Report April 2004 6.B Human Rights - Specific Groups Ethnic minority groups 6.127 Kurds 6.128 - 6.131 Arabs 6.132 - 6.139 Baluchis 6.140 - 6.141 Azeris 6.142 - 6.144 Women 6.145 - 6.160 The Hijab 6.161 - 6.163 Marriage 6.164 - 5.165 Mehriyeh 6.166 - 6.168 Divorce 6.169 - 6.173 Abortion 6.174 - 6.175 Children 6.176 - 6.179 Child Care Arrangements 6.180 - 6.183 Homosexuals/Transsexuals 6.184 - 6.194 Political Dissent 6.195 - 6.200 Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK or MKO) 6.201 - 6.203 Rastakhiz Party and Monarchists 6.204 - 6.206 Savak 6.207 Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI) 6.208 - 6.210 Komala 6.211 6.C Human Rights - Other Issues Adultery 6.212 - 6.218 Illegal Drugs Situation 6.219 - 6.227 Exiles/Dissidents outside Iran 6.228 - 6.232 Annexes Chronology of Events Annex A Annex B Political Organisations Annex C Prominent People Annex D List of Source Material Back to Contents 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This Country Report has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, for use by Home Office officials involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The Report provides general background information about the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. It is not a detailed or comprehensive survey. 1.2 The Report is compiled from a wide range of recognised sources and does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. All information in the Report is attributed, throughout the text, to original source material, which has been made available to those working in the asylum / human rights determination process. The Report aims to provide only a brief summary of the source material quoted. For a more detailed account, the relevant source documents should be examined directly. Iran Country Report April 2004 1.3 The information contained in this Country Report is, by its nature, limited to information that we have been able to identify from various well-recognised sources. The contents of this Report are not exhaustive and the absence of information under any particular heading does not imply that any analysis or judgement has been exercised to exclude that information, but simply that relevant information on the subject has not been identified from the sources that have been consulted. Equally, the information included in the Reports should not be taken to imply anything beyond what is actually stated. 1.4 The great majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. Copies of other source documents, such as those provided by government offices, may be provided upon request. 1.5 All sources have been checked for currency, and as far as can be ascertained, contain information which remained relevant at the time this Report was issued. Some source documents have been included because they contain relevant information not available in more recent documents. 1.6 This Country Report and the accompanying source material are publicly disclosable. Where sources identified in this Report are available in electronic form the relevant link has been included. The date that the relevant link was accessed in preparing the report is also included. Paper copies of the source documents have been distributed to nominated officers within IND. 1.7 It is intended to revise this Report on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. Information contained in Country Reports is inevitably overtaken by events that occur between the 6 monthly publications. Caseworkers are informed of such changes in country conditions by means of Country Information Bulletins. Back to Contents 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1. The Jomhoori e Islami e Iran (Islamic Republic of Iran, Persia until 1935) lies in western Asia, and is bounded on the north by the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, by Turkey and Iraq to the west, by the Persian Arabian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman to the south, and by Pakistan and Afghanistan to the east. It has an area of 1.6 to 1.7 million square km. (635,000 to 636,000 sq.mi.) [1a](pg423) [4j](pg1) The climate is one of extremes. It is a land of desert and mountain and is in the main semi-arid with, by contrast, a sub tropical climate in the north and northwest along parts of the Caspian coast. [1a](pg361) This is a result of the considerable rainfall that falls in these areas. The Caspian coast has a hot and humid climate and this region is by far the most densely populated. [1a](pg361) The capital city is Teheran, with an estimated population of 12 -15 million. [26d] The towns of Mashad, Esfahan, Tabriz and Shiraz each have populations of 1 - 3 million; the total Iran Country Report April 2004 population of Iran is an estimated 66 million (2001 estimate). [1a](pg423) [4j] 9pg1) [36] 2.2. The principal language is Farsi Persian and Persian dialects, spoken by about 50 per cent of the population. 27 per cent of the population are Turkic- speaking, Kurdish, Arab, Lur, Baloch, Turkish and others less than 25%. [1b](pg2102) [4j](pg1) The national flag comprises three unequal horizontal stripes of green, white and red, with the emblem of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the stylised word Allah centrally positioned in red and the inscription “God is Great” on the red and green stripes. [1b](pg2102) For further information on geography, refer to Europa Yearbook, source [1a][1b] 3. ECONOMY 3.1. Pre - Revolutionary Iran‘s economic development was rapid. Traditionally an agricultural society, in 1961 Iran initiated a series of economic, social and administrative reforms (that became known as the Shah's White Revolution) [1a](pg361). The core of this program was land reform. By the 1970s, Iran had achieved significant industrialisation and economic modernisation, however the pace of growth had started to slow by the late 70s. [4j](pg4). Increased central control, a result of the Revolution in 1979, disruption caused by the Iran/Iraq war and a general decline in oil prices in late 1985, contributed detrimentally to the economy. [1a](pg391] [4j](pg4) 3.2. In March 1989, Khomeini approved President Rafsanjani’s 5-year plan for economic development. [4j](pg4) Since then Iran’s five-year economic plans have emphasised a gradual move towards a market orientated economy and the development of the private sector. The third five-year plan, which came into force in March 2000, commits the Government to an ambitious programme of liberalisation, diversification and privatisation and the creation of 3.8m new jobs by 2005. The resolution of Iran's external debt problems have eased the policymaking environment, and facilitated the unification of the exchange rate at the start of 2002, but significant political obstacles to rapid reform remain. [24a] However a lack of consensus on the privatisation drive has resulted in delay. [5ad] 3.3. Today, Iran’s economy is a mixture of central planning, state ownership of oil and other large enterprises, village agriculture and small scale businesses. [1a](pg391) [4j](pg4) [24a] It has been stated by an Iranian official [21aah] that the unemployment rate is 15 per cent nationwide whilst the International Money Fund (IMF) and the CIA Fact Book for 2003 has put it as high as 16 per cent. [5af] [44] However figures quoted in the US State Department country report for 2002 released in April 2003 have estimated unemployment to be between 20 and 25 percent, and inflation at approximately 18 to 20 percent.
Recommended publications
  • IRAN April 2000
    COUNTRY ASSESSMENT - IRAN April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment will be placed on the Internet (http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to the following organisations: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE Medical Foundation for the care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.6 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.2
    [Show full text]
  • The Caucasus Globalization
    Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 1 THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION INSTITUTE OF STRATEGIC STUDIES OF THE CAUCASUS THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies Conflicts in the Caucasus: History, Present, and Prospects for Resolution Special Issue Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 CA&CC Press® SWEDEN 2 Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 FOUNDEDTHE CAUCASUS AND& GLOBALIZATION PUBLISHED BY INSTITUTE OF STRATEGIC STUDIES OF THE CAUCASUS Registration number: M-770 Ministry of Justice of Azerbaijan Republic PUBLISHING HOUSE CA&CC Press® Sweden Registration number: 556699-5964 Registration number of the journal: 1218 Editorial Council Eldar Chairman of the Editorial Council (Baku) ISMAILOV Tel/fax: (994 12) 497 12 22 E-mail: [email protected] Kenan Executive Secretary (Baku) ALLAHVERDIEV Tel: (994 – 12) 596 11 73 E-mail: [email protected] Azer represents the journal in Russia (Moscow) SAFAROV Tel: (7 495) 937 77 27 E-mail: [email protected] Nodar represents the journal in Georgia (Tbilisi) KHADURI Tel: (995 32) 99 59 67 E-mail: [email protected] Ayca represents the journal in Turkey (Ankara) ERGUN Tel: (+90 312) 210 59 96 E-mail: [email protected] Editorial Board Nazim Editor-in-Chief (Azerbaijan) MUZAFFARLI Tel: (994 – 12) 510 32 52 E-mail: [email protected] (IMANOV) Vladimer Deputy Editor-in-Chief (Georgia) PAPAVA Tel: (995 – 32) 24 35 55 E-mail: [email protected] Akif Deputy Editor-in-Chief (Azerbaijan) ABDULLAEV Tel: (994 – 12) 596 11 73 E-mail: [email protected] Volume 6 IssueMembers 2 2012 of Editorial Board: 3 THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION Zaza D.Sc.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
    IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations.
    [Show full text]
  • Full Issue File
    Biannual of Research Institute for Strategic Strategic for Institute Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs 31 Vol. 11. No.1. Winter&Spring2020 Advisory Board Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed, Kamal Kharazi, Ali Akbar Velayati, Ahmad Vahidi, Saeed Jalili, Publisher Ali Shamkhanim, Hosein Amirabdolahian, Ali Bagheri Institute for Strategic Research Editorial Board Expediency Council Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour Director Professor, School of International Relations Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed Gulshan Dietl Associate Professor, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University Imam Hossein University Mohammad Marandi Professor, University of Tehran Jamshid Momtaz Editor-in-Chief Professor, University of Tehran Seyed Mohammad Kazem Mohammad Javad Zarif Sajjadpour Associate Professor, School of World Studies Professor of School of Mohiaddin Mesbahi International Relations Professor, Florida International University Hosein Salimi Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Secretary of advisory board Seyed Jalal Dehghani Mohammad Nazari Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Naser Hadian Director of Executive Affairs Assistant professor, University of Tehran Hadi Gholamnia Vitaly Naumkin Professor, Moscow State University Copyediting Hassan Hoseini Zeinab Ghasemi Tari Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Mohammad Ali Shirkhani Layout and Graphics Najmeh Ghaderi Professor, University of Tehran Foad Izadi Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA) achieved the highest scientific ISSN: 2008-8221 grade from the Ministry of Science,
    [Show full text]
  • The Iranian Petroleum & Energy Club
    In the Name of God Proceedings of Iranian Petroleum & Energy Club Congress IPEC 2018 IRIB International Conference Center 16- 18 October 2018 Book Title: Collection of Speeches by the 4th Petroleum & Energy Congress Organization Name: Iranian Petroleum and Energy Club Publisher: Institute of Rooyesh Rahbord Tosee Aria Circulation: 1000 Volumes Pages Number: 412 Print Size: Vaziri Publication Date: June 2019 Editor: Mohammad Sadegh Azimifar Typography and Cover Design: Elaheh Lotfi CopyRight by: (Institute of Rooyesh Rahbord Tosee Aria) The 4th Iranian Petroleum & Energy Club Congress & Exhibition Organizer: The Iranian Petroleum & Energy Club Introduction Iranian Petroleum & Energy Club aims to promote efficiency and sustainable growth in Iranian energy sector by providing demand led policy advice based on professional experience and frontier research. As a professional and nonprofit association, we facilitate knowledge transfer to hundreds of energy executives and young entrepreneurs which help them better understand the financial and management issues that shape the current energy environment in Iran. In collaboration with our network of professional executives, leading academics and field experts, we provide impartial and evidence-based policy recommendations for decision-makers in the energy sector; recommendations which have been successful in addressing some of the most entrenched challenges of Iranian energy sector. We follow out our missions by forming specific workgroups to perform needed researches and to provide specific and general consultancy to these sections and provide strategy, solutions and also to hold strategic meetings, conferences and congresses. We fit to evaluate the issues from a strategic view, to observe, track and to analyze important and influential events in national, regional and global levels.
    [Show full text]
  • Disintegration of Iranian National Front: Causes and Motives
    World Journal of Islamic History and Civilization, 2 (4): 237-245, 2012 ISSN 2225-0883 © IDOSI Publications, 2012 DOI: 10.5829/idosi.wjihc.2012.2.4.2406 Disintegration of Iranian National Front: Causes and Motives 11Masoumeh Banitalebi, Kamaruzaman Yusoff and 2Zahra Khajeh Department of Political History, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia School of Language Studies and Linguistics, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia Abstract: National Front was a unique self-motivated political process whose main goal was considered as observing Iranians certain rights, manipulating free elections and preventing foreign forces from their negative influence on national benefit and interests and running regulations. This front was formed in 1949 by the leader of Dr. Mosaddeq. It was the most significant front against dictatorship and colonialism.1949 until 1979 the National Front was formed within four periods of times. The causes of National Front frustration can be accounted as weakness of organization and ideology, mistakes made by its leadership and different branches with the National Front. What were the reasons that National Front leaders could not pursue the same aim and it failed to form a coherent party? And it could not unite the political parties, unions, national communities and social groups? Why did not they learn anything from Mosaddeq’s failure and after 25 years, Bakhtiar experienced the same failure? The main purpose of this paper will be introducing the National Front’s leaders and their aims and that all these leaders followed the same route to achieve the countries benefits. Through a variety of mottos, Shah, U.S and Britain were not eager to give the National Front the power.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Events in Iran, April 2004*
    Chronology of Events in Iran, April 2004* April 2 Home-made bomb shatters windows in Zahedan. (Agence France Presse / AFP) A home-made bomb blew up at night in a central square of the city of Zahedan, shattering windows but causing no casualties. April 4 Iran's Sunni population protest over book. (Iranian newspaper Jomhuri-ye Eslami) The Truth About the Penetration in the Religion , by Yaqubeddin Rastegar Juybari, led to protests by a number of Sunni inhabitants of Piranshahr and in Sunni-inhabited areas of West Azarbayjan Province. In this book, the sanctities of the Sunnis are insulted and the union between the Shiites and Sunnis is disapproved. In a statement, the Sunni clergy of Piranshahr have requested that the author of this book be punished. It is said that 20,000 copies of this book were distributed during the Nowruz holidays in the Sunni-inhabited areas of West Azarbayjan Province. In a meeting with the Sunni clergy of that region, the governor of Piranshahr has promised to follow up the case with the Kurd deputies in the Islamic Consultative Majlis and to ask the Minister of Islamic Culture and Guidance to provide explanations in this regard. April 6 Security fears prompt UNHCR to halt refugee convoys from Iran to south Iraq. (AFP) The UN refugeee agency froze weekly convoys carrying refugees from Iran to southern Iraq due to heightened fears of hijacking as the war-torn country spiralled into a third day of bloodshed. Earlier in the day, a convoy of 208 refugees was stopped just inside the Iranian border and told to wait for the situation in Iraq to improve and transport beyond the port city of Basra to become available.
    [Show full text]
  • Evaluation of the Social Reasons for Defeating Political Parties in Iran Between the Years of 1942-1954
    EVALUATION OF THE SOCIAL REASONS FOR DEFEATING POLITICAL PARTIES IN IRAN BETWEEN THE YEARS OF 1942-1954 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Mottov of $t|iIos;opIip IN SOCIOLOGY BY Naser Haghi Ghareh Darvishlou UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF Dr. Mohammad Akram DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL WORK ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (IIMOIA) 2012 -S5LM9 Political parties appeared on the scene when actions of an erstwhile political system attained a point of complexity that needed the introduction of a new political setup. Usually, political parties emerge when different classes of society become aware of their own interests, and the people of a country want the right to take part in political issues. The nineteenth century was an important phase in Iranian history, wherein political, social and economic corruption were the most obvious problem that Iranians faced. Tremendous increases of such problems have been the reason for the occurrence of all revolutions and reforms in Iran. With the allied occupation of Iran and the exile of Reza Shah, social chaos increased in the 1940s. Also, as a resuU of the Second World War, and because of the lack of a steady government, the country was led to anarchy. This problem offended Iranians more when they became aware of the degree and speed of development in the western countries. When Iranian intellectuals came into direct contact with western countries, they tried to regenerate the political structure of their own country to bring about political stability. After Reza Shah, especially between 1942 and 1954, there came a unique historical opportimity for Iranian elites to form a democratic political structure, whereas during the reign of Reza Shah, political parties and other active groups had been inactive.
    [Show full text]
  • A Zizekian Attempt to Find a Way Into Iranian Progressive Reformism Through a Comparative Analysis of the Figures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani
    ISSN 1751-8229 Volume Fifteen, Number Two A Zizekian Attempt to Find a Way into Iranian Progressive Reformism through a Comparative Analysis of the Figures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani Ali Mehraein, Independent Scholar, Islamic Republic of Iran Abstract: The problem which is both created and tackled by this article is that although it advocates the Iranian progressive reformism as the most preferable political force in Iran, it simply does not find reformists’ own formulation of their “competitive advantage” convincing enough. Thus, to provide an argument for Iranian progressive reformism this article not only strives to explain one of the latest Iranian reformists’ mistakes (their stance on the assassination of Qassem Soleimani) through the Lacanian concept of imaginary identification as elaborated upon by Slavoj Zizek, but also to illuminate precisely at formulation of what that mistake was an attempt. In doing so, it conducts a comparative analysis of the funeral processions for General Qassem Soleimani in 2020 and for Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and then proceeds to draw some perhaps neglected points from the moment of the Islamic revolution of 1979 as well as from the period of Khomeini’s leadership. However, far from being just a more elaborated explanation of Iranian reformism, an attempted reformulation like this of Iranian progressive reformism hopes to pave the way for creating new spaces for political act in Iran. Key Words: Iranian progressive reformism, Slavoj Zizek, Ayatollah Khomeini, Qassem Soleimani, imaginary identification, political act. 1 The background: from Iranian fuel protests in mid-November 2019 to Soleimani’s funeral procession in January 2020 The assassination of commander of Quds Force General Qassem Soleimani in a US drone attack ordered by former US President Donald J Trump on 3 January 2020 happened against a backdrop of Iranian people reeling from a bloody suppression in mid-November 2019 of a nationwide protest against the abrupt rise of fuel price.
    [Show full text]
  • Asadi Zeidabadi P 2019.PDF
    The Perspectives of Iranian Feminists and Women Activists on their Political Identity and Priorities Pardis Asadi Zeidabadi A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Geography, Politics and Sociology Newcastle University August 2019 Abstract This thesis seeks to explore the perspectives of women involved in feminist and women’s activism in Iran on important aspects of their political identity and priorities. This study draws on forty seven one to one semi-structured interviews with Iranian feminists and women activists, through an explanatory approach. It engages with the participants’ perspectives on key concepts and issues such as feminism, women’s rights, gender equality and democracy. Participants of this study include a spectrum of women with different beliefs and strategies: secular feminists, religious reformists and religious conservative women. As Iran is a country that has a difficult context for gender politics, Iranian feminists and women activists apply different approaches to seek to improve the status of women. Key findings include: (1) Approaches to being a feminist and supporting feminism relate both to participants’ beliefs, but also the strategies they apply to advocate women’s rights. (2) There were important differences and similarities in what participants understood by gender equality and what aspects of equality they prioritised. (3) Working towards greater democracy was important to all participants, but there were important differences in their views over whether democracy should be secular or Islamic and how far Iran was from being a ‘full’ democracy. This research contributes to the existing literature by considering a variety of feminists’ and women activists’ views about the terms feminist and feminism, their approaches to gain gender equality and also their views about democracy and its possibilities in Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
    MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Role of State Identity in Foreign Policy Decision-Making
    The London School of Economics and Political Science UNDERSTANDING THE ROLE OF STATE IDENTITY IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING The Rise and Demise of Saudi–Iranian Rapprochement (1997–2009) ADEL ALTORAIFI A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, October 2012 1 To Mom and Dad—for everything. 2 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. The final word count of this thesis, including titles, footnotes and in-text citations, is 105,889 words. 3 ABSTRACT The objective of the thesis is to study the concept of state identity and its role in foreign policy decision-making through a constructivist analysis, with particular focus on the Saudi–Iranian rapprochement of 1997. While there has been a recent growth in the study of ideational factors and their effects on foreign policy in the Gulf, state identity remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies literature, despite its importance and manifestation in the region’s foreign policy discourses. The aim is to challenge purely realist and power-based explanations that have dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern foreign policy—and in particular, the examination of Saudi–Iranian relations.
    [Show full text]