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Anglo-Iranian Dispute in 1951)
Studia Litteraria Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 2019, special issue, pp. 231–243 Volume in Honour of Professor Anna Krasnowolska doi:10.4467/20843933ST.19.037.10980 www.ejournals.eu/Studia-Litteraria JOLANTA SIERAKOWSKA-DYNDO University of Warsaw e-mail: [email protected] Polish Judge Defended the Iranian Stance (Anglo-Iranian Dispute in 1951) Abstract The nationalization of oil fields in Iran on 20 March 1951 turned into a conflict between the British and Iranian governments. It was a heavy blow for the oil company from Great Britain, which since the beginning of the 20th century was present in Iran (since 1933 under the name of Anglo-Persian Oil Company, the name was changed for Anglo-Iranian Oil Company). British government lodged a complaint against Iran with the International Court of Justice, and then on 22 June 1951 filed a further request for the interim measures of protection to be implemented until the dispute is resolved. Two of the judges of the International Court of Justice gave a dissenting opinion in this case, one of them was a Polish judge, Bohdan Winiarski. In his opinion, and also opinion of Egyptian judge Abdel Hamid Badawi Pasha, the British government was not a party to the contract because it was signed between the Ira- nian Government and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company not with the British Government. This opinion was accepted by the International Court of Justice in Hague. The positive verdict of the Court was a huge victory for Iran. Without doubt, the Polish judge, Bohdan Winiarski, contributed to it. -
Iran Hostage Crisis National Security Council, 1979 !
CRISIS COMMITTEES | 2014e IRAN HOSTAGE CRISIS NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, 1979 ! Dear Delegates, We are in the midst of the Iran Hostage Crisis, and there is no time to spare. Our situation is grave and desperate, and together we will find a solution into dealing with the recent events regarding the kidnapping of 52 Americans from the United States embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979. Indeed there are many sides to this issue, and debates will be tense. The dichotomy between the many people being represented in this committee will surely lead to many disputes and tough agreements. Can the situation remain diplomatic? Or will it lead to something else? It shall remain up to you. It is with great pleasure, as director of this committee, to welcome you to our 2014 UTMUN conference. My name is Stanley Treivus, and alongside our Crisis manager Meerah Haq, we look forward to this thrilling weekend of debate that awaits us. We are both first year students studying Political Science and International relations and this will be our first time being involved in UTMUN. This conference will appeal to all delegates, experienced or novice. And our hope is that you will leave this committee with not only profound knowledge on the subject, but with a better sense of communication and improved debating skills than you had before. The issues we will be discussing will surround the many topics that relate directly to the Iran Hostage Crisis. We will look at foreign relations between the United States and Iran shortly before and during the crisis. -
Iran's Presidential Surprise
18 2013 MARYAM RAHMANIAN/NEWSCOM/SIPAMARYAM Yes they could - Iran’s presidential surprise by Rouzbeh Parsi In case anyone had forgotten that Iranian presi- want to acknowledge that the revolution is over. dential elections have a propensity to surprise us, The splintered landscape on the right reflected a they were reminded over the weekend. Centrist- four-year long, acrimonious blame game among cum-reformist candidate Hassan Rouhani not only the ‘principlists’ that in effect begs the most funda- made a strong showing in the polls but managed mental of questions: what does principlism mean to obtain 50.7 per cent of the vote, thereby elimi- in today’s Iran? nating the need for a second round. The very high turnout, 72 per cent, has given him a clear man- The centrist/reformist part of the approved elector- date as well as confirming the vibrancy and neces- al spectrum proved to be not only more dynamic sity of the electoral process in Iranian politics. Four but also a much more in touch with the fatigue that years after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s traumatic and many Iranians feel after eight years of protracted controversial re-election, Iranian politics is slowly conservative domination. Thus Mohammad Reza undergoing a course correction - back to allowing Aref, the bona fide reformist, and Hassan Rouhani, for a broader domestic political spectrum. a centrist at heart, quickly became the catalysts of the simmering discontent among the electorate. In fact they both led - and were driven by - a large The electoral dynamics section of society that craved change and acted - in line with the resilient dynamics of Iran politics - as After the selection of officially approved candi- conduits for the expectations and demands from dates, the real campaigning began - with the dif- below. -
The Caucasus Globalization
Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 1 THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION INSTITUTE OF STRATEGIC STUDIES OF THE CAUCASUS THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies Conflicts in the Caucasus: History, Present, and Prospects for Resolution Special Issue Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 CA&CC Press® SWEDEN 2 Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 FOUNDEDTHE CAUCASUS AND& GLOBALIZATION PUBLISHED BY INSTITUTE OF STRATEGIC STUDIES OF THE CAUCASUS Registration number: M-770 Ministry of Justice of Azerbaijan Republic PUBLISHING HOUSE CA&CC Press® Sweden Registration number: 556699-5964 Registration number of the journal: 1218 Editorial Council Eldar Chairman of the Editorial Council (Baku) ISMAILOV Tel/fax: (994 12) 497 12 22 E-mail: [email protected] Kenan Executive Secretary (Baku) ALLAHVERDIEV Tel: (994 – 12) 596 11 73 E-mail: [email protected] Azer represents the journal in Russia (Moscow) SAFAROV Tel: (7 495) 937 77 27 E-mail: [email protected] Nodar represents the journal in Georgia (Tbilisi) KHADURI Tel: (995 32) 99 59 67 E-mail: [email protected] Ayca represents the journal in Turkey (Ankara) ERGUN Tel: (+90 312) 210 59 96 E-mail: [email protected] Editorial Board Nazim Editor-in-Chief (Azerbaijan) MUZAFFARLI Tel: (994 – 12) 510 32 52 E-mail: [email protected] (IMANOV) Vladimer Deputy Editor-in-Chief (Georgia) PAPAVA Tel: (995 – 32) 24 35 55 E-mail: [email protected] Akif Deputy Editor-in-Chief (Azerbaijan) ABDULLAEV Tel: (994 – 12) 596 11 73 E-mail: [email protected] Volume 6 IssueMembers 2 2012 of Editorial Board: 3 THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION Zaza D.Sc. -
Iran's Persian Gulf Policy
IRAN’S PERSIAN GULF POLICY This book discusses the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the states of the Persian Gulf from 1979 to 1998. It covers the perceptions Iranians and Arabs have of each other, Islamic revolutionary ideology, the Iran–Iraq war, the Gulf Crisis, the election of President Khatami and finally the role of external powers, such as the United States, in the region. Iran’s foreign policy has been more ideology based in the past but has become increasingly pragmatic. Today, Iran’s Persian Gulf policy does not differ greatly from that under the Shah. By tracing the policy over the past two decades, including a large number of interviews, the book helps to anticipate the relationship between Iran and the Gulf states. Christin Marschall completed her MPhil in Modern Middle Eastern Studies at St Antony’s College, Oxford, and received her PhD in History and Middle Eastern Studies from Harvard University. She lives in London and travels frequently to Iran and the Arab world. The mightiest of the princes of the world Came to the least considered of his courtiers; Sat down upon the fountain’s marble edge, One hand amid the goldfish in the pool; And thereupon a colloquy took place That I commend to all the chroniclers To show how violent great hearts can lose Their bitterness and find the honeycomb. ‘The Gift of Harun al-Rashid’, W.B. Yeats IRAN’S PERSIAN GULF POLICY From Khomeini to Khatami Christin Marschall TO TIM First published 2003 by RoutledgeCurzon 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. -
Biden, Congress Should Defend Terrorism Sanctions Imposed on Iran
Research memo Biden, Congress Should Defend Terrorism Sanctions Imposed on Iran By Richard Goldberg, Saeed Ghasseminejad, Behnam Ben Taleblu, Matthew Zweig, and Mark Dubowitz January 25, 2021 During a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing to consider Antony Blinken’s nomination for secretary of state, Blinken was asked whether he believed it is in America’s national security interest to lift terrorism sanctions currently imposed on Iran, including sanctions targeting Iran’s central bank, national oil company, financial sector, and energy sector. “I do not,” Blinken responded. “And I think there is nothing, as I see it, inconsistent with making sure that we are doing everything possible – including the toughest possible sanctions, to deal with Iranian support for terrorism.”1 Bipartisan support for terrorism sanctions targeting Iran goes back to 1984, when the United States first designated the Islamic Republic as a State Sponsor of Terrorism. Since then, every U.S. president2 – Republican or Democrat – and Congress have taken steps to reaffirm U.S. policy opposing Iran’s sponsorship of terrorism and tying sanctions relief to Iran’s cessation of terror-related activities. President Joe Biden has pledged to rejoin the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), if Iran returns to “strict compliance” with the agreement.3 Terrorism sanctions on Iran, however, should not be lifted, even if the Biden administration opts to return to the deal, unless and until Iran verifiably halts its sponsorship of terrorism. This memorandum provides an overview of Iran’s past and ongoing involvement in terrorism-related activities, a review of longstanding bipartisan congressional support for terrorism sanctions on Iran, and a list of terrorism sanctions currently imposed on Iran that should not be lifted. -
Resumes-RS-04 AB
Awards and Achievements • Winner of the Farabi International Festival (on Humanities And Islamic Studies), Third prize in education and psychology division (2012) • Outstanding Researcher at Tarbiat Modarres University (2012) • Winner of National Outstanding Thesis/Doctoral Dissertation Advisor Award by Academic Center for Education, Culture and Research (ACEVR) /Iran (2010) • Translator of the Worthy of Appreciation book on 8th National Quarterly Best Book award and 7th Annual Islamic Republic of Iran Best Book Award for the: Forms of Curriculum Inquiry (2009) • Outstanding Faculty Award at the Humanities Department of Tarbiat Modarres University (2009) • Outstanding Faculty Award, Ministry of Science, Research and Technology/Iran (2008) • Outstanding Faculty Award at Tarbiat Modarres University/Iran (2004) • Outstanding dissertation advisor award, 5th National Ferdowsi Festival, Ferdowsi University, Mashhad, Iran (2002) Publications I. Books 1. Mehrmohammadi, M.; Kian, M. (2018). Art Curriculum and Teaching in Education. Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 2. Mehrmohammadi, M. et al. (2014). Curriculum: Theories, Approaches and Perspectives (3rd Edicion). Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 3. Joseph, P. B. (2014). Cultures of Curriculum. Translated into Farsi by Mahmoud Mehrmohammadi. Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 4. Mehrmohammadi, M. et al. (2013). An introduction to Teaching in higher education; Towards Faculties as pedagogic researchers. Tehran: Tarbiat Modarres University Publishing. 5. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2013). Speculative Essays in Education. Tehran: Tarbiat Modarres University Publishing House. 6. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2008). Rethinking Teaching – Learning Process and Teacher Education, with Revisions. Tehran: Madrese Publishing House. 7. Mehrmohammadi, M. (Chief Editor) et al. (2008) Forms of Curriculum Inquiry (New Edition). Tehran: Translated into Farsi. SAMT Publishing House. 8. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2004). Arts Education as General Education. -
Possible Succession Scenarios in Iran
Possible Succession Scenarios In Iran by Erfan Fard BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 2,062, June 3, 2021 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: A presidential election will take place in Iran on June 18, and it is rumored that Ali Khamenei prefers one candidate above the others: Chief Justice Ebrahim Raisi. While Raisi has never belonged to the IRGC, his election would nevertheless represent a victory for the hardliners. Despite his lack of religious credentials, Raisi is also considered a serious contender to succeed Khamenei as Supreme Leader. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is the main economic, intelligence, and military power in Iran. While also very strong politically, the Corps has yet to assume full power in the political sphere. The upcoming presidential elections are highly portentous for both the IRGC and the house of Khamenei. Several IRCG commanders announced their desire to run for the presidency, but only one, Mohsen Rezaee—an individual with close ties to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—was approved as a candidate and placed on the ballot. There are widespread rumors that Khamenei prefers the current Chief Justice, Ebrahim Raisi, over Rezaee for the presidency of the Islamic Republic. Rezaee was a presidential candidate in the 2017 elections but lost to the current incumbent, Hassan Rouhani. Should Raisi triumph in June, his ascent to the presidency over Rezaee would not represent a setback to the IRGC, as he too is closely linked to the Corps. It is highly likely that Raisi will indeed become the next president of Iran. The presidency is not, however, the only pressing internal matter in the country. -
Examining 10 Warning Signs of Iran Nuclear Weapons
International Committee In Search of Justice (ISJ) President: Dr. Alejo Vidal-Quadras Rue d’Arlon 63, B-1040 Brussels Belgium Tel : +32 2 400 1071 [email protected] www.isjcommittee.com EXAMINING 10 WARNING SIGNS OF IRAN NUCLEAR WEAPONS DEVELOPMENT NOVEMBER 20,2014 Dr. Alejo Vidal Quadras, Former Vice‐President of European Parliament, Professor of Atomic and Nuclear Physics: “An objective, thoroughly researched report on the core issue of the nature of Iranian nuclear program and its status”. Bob Jospeh, Former US Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, Senior White House Security Council staff on weapons of mass destruction: “A critically important report at a critically important time”. John Bolton, former US Ambassador to the UN, former Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security: "A timely and well document report with alarming findings on Iran's nuclear program." Contents Executive summary Chapter 1: SPND (organ in charge of weaponization) Chapter 2: Procurement of dual purpose equipment and its possible use for military dimensions of nuclear program Chapter 3: Secret enrichment of uranium Chapter 4: Enrichment using laser technology Chapter 5: High explosives tests and trigger mechanism Chapter 6: Neutron initiator Chapter 7: Manufacturing uranium metal (uranium hemisphere) Chapter 8: Hydro-dynamic tests and explosion vessels at Parchin site Chapter 9: Research on nuclear warhead Chapter 10: Key scientists and researchers engaged in possible military dimensions of nuclear program International Committee In Search of Justice (ISJ) was initially formed in 2008 as an informal group of EU parliamentarians to seek justice for the Iranian democratic opposition. -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Iranwest Tensions and Mutual Demonization
A Crisis of Confidence Revisited: Iran-West Tensions and Mutual Demonization Behravesh, Maysam Published in: Asian Politics & Policy DOI: 10.1111/j.1943-0787.2011.01274.x 2011 Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Behravesh, M. (2011). A Crisis of Confidence Revisited: Iran-West Tensions and Mutual Demonization. Asian Politics & Policy, 3(3), 327-347. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2011.01274.x Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Download date: 02. Oct. 2021 A Crisis of Confidence Revisited: Iran-West Tensions and Mutual Demonization Maysam Behravesh Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran This article is a largely constructivist revisit to the crisis of confidence between Iran and the West. -
DEPARTMENT of the TREASURY Office Of
This document is scheduled to be published in the Federal Register on 11/17/2017 and available online at https://federalregister.gov/d/2017-24947, and on FDsys.gov DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY Office of Foreign Assets Control Notice of OFAC Sanctions Actions AGENCY: Office of Foreign Assets Control, Treasury. ACTION: Notice. SUMMARY: The U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is publishing the names of 41 persons whose property and interests in property are blocked pursuant to the Global Terrorism Sanctions Regulations, and whose entries on OFAC’s Specially Designated National and Blocked Persons List (SDN List) have been amended accordingly. All property and interests in property subject to U.S. jurisdiction of these persons are blocked, and U.S. persons are generally prohibited from engaging in transactions with them. DATES: See Supplementary Information section. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: OFAC: Associate Director for Global Targeting, tel.: 202-622-2420; Assistant Director for Sanctions Compliance & Evaluation, tel.: 202-622-2490; Assistant Director for Licensing, tel.: 202-622-2480; or the Department of the Treasury’s Office of the General Counsel: Office of the Chief Counsel (Foreign Assets Control), tel.: 202-622-2410. SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Electronic Availability The SDN List and additional information concerning OFAC sanctions programs are available on OFAC's Web site (www.treas.gov/ofac). Notice of OFAC Actions On June 6, 2003, OFAC issued the GTSR (68 FR 34196, June 6, 2003) to implement E.O. 13224. OFAC has amended the GTSR on several occasions. On August 2, 2017, the President signed into law the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, Public Law 115-44, Aug.