Examining 10 Warning Signs of Iran Nuclear Weapons
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Iran's Evolving Military Forces
CSIS_______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775-3270 To download further data: CSIS.ORG To contact author: [email protected] Iran's Evolving Military Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy July 2004 Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. Cordesman: Iran's Military forces 7/15/2004 Page ii Table of Contents I. IRAN AND THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE: THE “FOUR CORNERED” BALANCING ACT..........1 The Dynamics of the Gulf Military Balance ..........................................................................................................1 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE NORTH GULF ........................................................................................................................2 II. IRAN’S ERRATIC MILITARY MODERNIZATION.......................................................................................9 THE IRANIAN ARMY ...................................................................................................................................................9 THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTIONARY GUARDS CORPS (PASDARAN).................................................................................14 THE QUDS (QODS) FORCES ......................................................................................................................................15 THE BASIJ AND OTHER PARAMILITARY FORCES ......................................................................................................15 THE IRANIAN -
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. -
IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY the Islamic Republic of Iran
IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Islamic Republic of Iran is a constitutional, theocratic republic in which Shia Muslim clergy and political leaders vetted by the clergy dominate the key power structures. Government legitimacy is based on the twin pillars of popular sovereignty--albeit restricted--and the rule of the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution. The current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was chosen by a directly elected body of religious leaders, the Assembly of Experts, in 1989. Khamenei’s writ dominates the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. He directly controls the armed forces and indirectly controls internal security forces, the judiciary, and other key institutions. The legislative branch is the popularly elected 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, or Majlis. The unelected 12-member Guardian Council reviews all legislation the Majlis passes to ensure adherence to Islamic and constitutional principles; it also screens presidential and Majlis candidates for eligibility. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was reelected president in June 2009 in a multiparty election that was generally considered neither free nor fair. There were numerous instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control. Demonstrations by opposition groups, university students, and others increased during the first few months of the year, inspired in part by events of the Arab Spring. In February hundreds of protesters throughout the country staged rallies to show solidarity with protesters in Tunisia and Egypt. The government responded harshly to protesters and critics, arresting, torturing, and prosecuting them for their dissent. As part of its crackdown, the government increased its oppression of media and the arts, arresting and imprisoning dozens of journalists, bloggers, poets, actors, filmmakers, and artists throughout the year. -
Iranian Strategy in Syria
*SBOJBO4USBUFHZJO4ZSJB #:8JMM'VMUPO KPTFQIIPMMJEBZ 4BN8ZFS BKPJOUSFQPSUCZ"&*ŦT$SJUJDBM5ISFBUT1SPKFDUJ/45*565&'035)&456%:0'8"3 .BZ All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ©2013 by Institute for the Study of War and AEI’s Critical Threats Project Cover Image: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad, and Hezbollah’s Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah appear together on a poster in Damascus, Syria. Credit: Inter Press Service News Agency Iranian strategy in syria Will Fulton, Joseph Holliday, & Sam wyer May 2013 A joint Report by AEI’s critical threats project & Institute for the Study of War ABOUT US About the Authors Will Fulton is an Analyst and the IRGC Project Team Lead at the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute. Joseph Holliday is a Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War. Sam Wyer served as an Iraq Analyst at ISW from September 2012 until February 2013. The authors would like to thank Kim and Fred Kagan, Jessica Lewis, and Aaron Reese for their useful insights throughout the writing and editorial process, and Maggie Rackl for her expert work on formatting and producing this report. We would also like to thank our technology partners Praescient Analytics and Palantir Technologies for providing us with the means and support to do much of the research and analysis used in our work. About the Institute for the Study of War The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) is a non-partisan, non-profit, public policy research organization. ISW advances an informed understanding of military affairs through reliable research, trusted analysis, and innovative education. -
Design Characteristics of Iran's Ballistic and Cruise Missiles
Design Characteristics of Iran’s Ballistic and Cruise Missiles Last update: January 2013 Missile Nato or Type/ Length Diameter Payload Range (km) Accuracy ‐ Propellant Guidance Other Name System (m) (m) (kg)/warhead CEP (m) /Stages Artillery* Hasib/Fajr‐11* Rocket artillery (O) 0.83 0.107 6; HE 8.5 ‐ Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐12* Rocket artillery (O) 1.29 0.244 50; HE 10 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐23* Rocket artillery (O) 1.82 0.333 120; HE 11 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐14* Rocket artillery (O) 2.8 0.122 18.3; HE 21.5 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐25* Rocket artillery (O) 3.2 0.122 18.3; HE 30 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐36* Rocket artillery (O) 2 0.122 18.3; HE 18 Solid Spin stabilized Shahin‐17* Rocket artillery (O) 2.9 0.33 190; HE 13 Solid Spin stabilized Shahin‐28* Rocket artillery (O) 3.9 0.33 190; HE 20 Solid Spin stabilized Oghab9* Rocket artillery (O) 4.82 0.233 70; HE 40 Solid Spin stabilized Fajr‐310* Rocket artillery (O) 5.2 0.24 45; HE 45 Solid Spin stabilized Fajr‐511* Rocket artillery (O) 6.6 0.33 90; HE 75 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐112* Rocket artillery (O) 1.38 0.24 50; HE 10 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐213* Rocket artillery (O) 1.8 0.333 60; HE 11 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat‐614* Rocket artillery (O) 6.3 0.355 150; HE 100 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat15* Rocket artillery (O) 5.9 0.355 150; HE 120 Solid Spin stabilized Zelzal‐116* Iran‐130 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.61 500‐600; HE 100‐125 Solid Spin stabilized Zelzal‐1A17* Mushak‐120 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.61 500‐600; HE 160 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat‐1018* Mushak‐160 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.45 250; HE 150 Solid Spin stabilized Related content is available on the website for the Nuclear Threat Initiative, www.nti.org. -
Iran Dossier
30 November 2010 Last updated at 14:48 GMT Iran and EU agree new nuclear talks Iran's nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili is to travel to Geneva for the talks Iran has agreed to hold talks on its controversial nuclear programme, the European Union has said. The talks are to take place in Geneva on 6 and 7 December, said the EU's foreign policy chief, Baroness Ashton. They will be the first high-level direct talks with Iran on the nuclear issue since October 2009. Western powers fear Iran is seeking to develop nuclear weapons, but Tehran insists its uranium enrichment programme is peaceful and legal. Baroness Ashton's office said that meetings with Iranian chief nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili next week see the EU's foreign policy chief would lead a delegation of officials from the five permanent members of the UN Security Council - US, Russia, China, France and Britain - as well as Germany. "We've now received a response from the Iranian authorities in which they have said that Dr Jalili has accepted Catherine Ashton's proposal to meet in Geneva", a spokesman said on Tuesday. Western countries have called on Iran to stop all enrichment of uranium amid accusations that the country is pursuing a secret nuclear weapons programme. Iran's defiance has led to sanctions on the country, which says it uses nuclear technology only for peaceful purposes. As a member state of the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Iran says it has the right to enrich uranium to produce nuclear fuel. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad vowed on Tuesday that his country would not make "one iota" of concessions over its nuclear rights at the meetings in Geneva. -
COUNCIL REGULATION (EU) No 267/2012 of 23 March 2012 Concerning Restrictive Measures Against Iran and Repealing Regulation (EU) No 961/2010 (OJ L 88, 24.3.2012, P
02012R0267 — EN — 09.07.2019 — 026.002 — 1 This text is meant purely as a documentation tool and has no legal effect. The Union's institutions do not assume any liability for its contents. The authentic versions of the relevant acts, including their preambles, are those published in the Official Journal of the European Union and available in EUR-Lex. Those official texts are directly accessible through the links embedded in this document ►B COUNCIL REGULATION (EU) No 267/2012 of 23 March 2012 concerning restrictive measures against Iran and repealing Regulation (EU) No 961/2010 (OJ L 88, 24.3.2012, p. 1) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 350/2012 of 23 April 2012 L 110 17 24.4.2012 ►M2 Council Regulation (EU) No 708/2012 of 2 August 2012 L 208 1 3.8.2012 ►M3 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 709/2012 of 2 August 2012 L 208 2 3.8.2012 ►M4 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 945/2012 of 15 October L 282 16 16.10.2012 2012 ►M5 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 1016/2012 of 6 November L 307 5 7.11.2012 2012 ►M6 Council Regulation (EU) No 1067/2012 of 14 November 2012 L 318 1 15.11.2012 ►M7 Council Regulation (EU) No 1263/2012 of 21 December 2012 L 356 34 22.12.2012 ►M8 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 1264/2012 of 21 December L 356 55 22.12.2012 2012 ►M9 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 522/2013 of 6 June 2013 L 156 3 8.6.2013 ►M10 Council Regulation (EU) No 517/2013 of 13 May 2013 L 158 1 10.6.2013 ►M11 Council Regulation (EU) No 971/2013 of 10 October 2013 -
Biden, Congress Should Defend Terrorism Sanctions Imposed on Iran
Research memo Biden, Congress Should Defend Terrorism Sanctions Imposed on Iran By Richard Goldberg, Saeed Ghasseminejad, Behnam Ben Taleblu, Matthew Zweig, and Mark Dubowitz January 25, 2021 During a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing to consider Antony Blinken’s nomination for secretary of state, Blinken was asked whether he believed it is in America’s national security interest to lift terrorism sanctions currently imposed on Iran, including sanctions targeting Iran’s central bank, national oil company, financial sector, and energy sector. “I do not,” Blinken responded. “And I think there is nothing, as I see it, inconsistent with making sure that we are doing everything possible – including the toughest possible sanctions, to deal with Iranian support for terrorism.”1 Bipartisan support for terrorism sanctions targeting Iran goes back to 1984, when the United States first designated the Islamic Republic as a State Sponsor of Terrorism. Since then, every U.S. president2 – Republican or Democrat – and Congress have taken steps to reaffirm U.S. policy opposing Iran’s sponsorship of terrorism and tying sanctions relief to Iran’s cessation of terror-related activities. President Joe Biden has pledged to rejoin the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), if Iran returns to “strict compliance” with the agreement.3 Terrorism sanctions on Iran, however, should not be lifted, even if the Biden administration opts to return to the deal, unless and until Iran verifiably halts its sponsorship of terrorism. This memorandum provides an overview of Iran’s past and ongoing involvement in terrorism-related activities, a review of longstanding bipartisan congressional support for terrorism sanctions on Iran, and a list of terrorism sanctions currently imposed on Iran that should not be lifted. -
Resumes-RS-04 AB
Awards and Achievements • Winner of the Farabi International Festival (on Humanities And Islamic Studies), Third prize in education and psychology division (2012) • Outstanding Researcher at Tarbiat Modarres University (2012) • Winner of National Outstanding Thesis/Doctoral Dissertation Advisor Award by Academic Center for Education, Culture and Research (ACEVR) /Iran (2010) • Translator of the Worthy of Appreciation book on 8th National Quarterly Best Book award and 7th Annual Islamic Republic of Iran Best Book Award for the: Forms of Curriculum Inquiry (2009) • Outstanding Faculty Award at the Humanities Department of Tarbiat Modarres University (2009) • Outstanding Faculty Award, Ministry of Science, Research and Technology/Iran (2008) • Outstanding Faculty Award at Tarbiat Modarres University/Iran (2004) • Outstanding dissertation advisor award, 5th National Ferdowsi Festival, Ferdowsi University, Mashhad, Iran (2002) Publications I. Books 1. Mehrmohammadi, M.; Kian, M. (2018). Art Curriculum and Teaching in Education. Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 2. Mehrmohammadi, M. et al. (2014). Curriculum: Theories, Approaches and Perspectives (3rd Edicion). Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 3. Joseph, P. B. (2014). Cultures of Curriculum. Translated into Farsi by Mahmoud Mehrmohammadi. Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 4. Mehrmohammadi, M. et al. (2013). An introduction to Teaching in higher education; Towards Faculties as pedagogic researchers. Tehran: Tarbiat Modarres University Publishing. 5. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2013). Speculative Essays in Education. Tehran: Tarbiat Modarres University Publishing House. 6. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2008). Rethinking Teaching – Learning Process and Teacher Education, with Revisions. Tehran: Madrese Publishing House. 7. Mehrmohammadi, M. (Chief Editor) et al. (2008) Forms of Curriculum Inquiry (New Edition). Tehran: Translated into Farsi. SAMT Publishing House. 8. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2004). Arts Education as General Education. -
The European Position on the Nuclear Agreement: Its Significance and Future Scenarios
STUDY The European Position on the Nuclear Agreement: Its Significance and Future Scenarios ٢٠٢٠ July ١٦ Sulaiman Hussain Alwadai a researcher at the International Insti- (tute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah Contents Introduction ...........................................................................................................3 I. European and Iranian Motives for Signing the Nuclear Deal ...............5 II. The US Withdrawal and the European Pledges to Maintain the Nuclear Deal .......................................................................... 10 III. The Factors Causing a Shift in the European Position on Iran ....... 14 IV. The Diminishing Importance of the Nuclear Deal ...............................17 V. The European Position and the Future of the Nuclear Deal ..............19 Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 22 Introduction The nuclear deal has been a turning point in the course of Iranian-European relations. The governments of the European Troika (France, Germany and the UK) and their Iranian counterpart contributed significantly to concluding the agreement and reaching common ground. This was done in order for both parties to reap the political and economic benefits from lifting the UN sanctions on Iran. This was in addition to monitoring Iran’s nuclear program. When the Trump administration decided to pull out of the nuclear deal, the European parties clung to the deal and adopted a neutral position with regard to the recriminations between the two parties (the United States and Iran) to prevent the total collapse of the deal. The policies of Russia and China clash with those of the United States. As a result, they denounced the US pullout from the deal and rejected the sanctions imposed on Iran. Along with Iranian diplomatic efforts, the three The European Position on the Nuclear Agreement: Its Significance and Future Scenarios 3 parties seek to persuade the European countries to adopt a position which is in opposition to Trump’s unilateral policies. -
United Nations A/HRC/20/NGO/105
United Nations A/HRC/20/NGO/105 General Assembly Distr.: General 15 June 2012 English only Human Rights Council Twentieth session Agenda item 3 Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development Written statement* submitted by the Verein Sudwind Entwicklungspolitik, a non-governmental organization in special consultative status The Secretary-General has received the following written statement which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31. [5 June 2012] * This written statement is issued, unedited, in the language(s) received from the submitting non-governmental organization(s). GE.12-14079 A/HRC/20/NGO/105 The situation of higher education in the Islamic Republic of Iran Higher education is a prerequisite to achieve better living standards. Every year, more than 1 Million of Iranian high school graduates compete in an entrance exam for the Iranian national public universities, which if they are successful, will give them a vital criterion for future job opportunities. According to the Iranian Constitution, “The government must provide all citizens with free education up to secondary school, and must expand free higher education to the extent required by the country for attaining self-sufficiency.”Additional, such provisions are also required due to the Islamic Republic’s commitment to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and the UNESCO Convention against Discrimination in Education. However, students face serious barriers while studying at the universities. -
Full Issue File
Biannual of Research Institute for Strategic Strategic for Institute Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs 31 Vol. 11. No.1. Winter&Spring2020 Advisory Board Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed, Kamal Kharazi, Ali Akbar Velayati, Ahmad Vahidi, Saeed Jalili, Publisher Ali Shamkhanim, Hosein Amirabdolahian, Ali Bagheri Institute for Strategic Research Editorial Board Expediency Council Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour Director Professor, School of International Relations Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed Gulshan Dietl Associate Professor, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University Imam Hossein University Mohammad Marandi Professor, University of Tehran Jamshid Momtaz Editor-in-Chief Professor, University of Tehran Seyed Mohammad Kazem Mohammad Javad Zarif Sajjadpour Associate Professor, School of World Studies Professor of School of Mohiaddin Mesbahi International Relations Professor, Florida International University Hosein Salimi Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Secretary of advisory board Seyed Jalal Dehghani Mohammad Nazari Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Naser Hadian Director of Executive Affairs Assistant professor, University of Tehran Hadi Gholamnia Vitaly Naumkin Professor, Moscow State University Copyediting Hassan Hoseini Zeinab Ghasemi Tari Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Mohammad Ali Shirkhani Layout and Graphics Najmeh Ghaderi Professor, University of Tehran Foad Izadi Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA) achieved the highest scientific ISSN: 2008-8221 grade from the Ministry of Science,