DOCSLIB.ORG

Iran's Persian Gulf Policy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Iran's Persian Gulf Policy IRAN’S PERSIAN GULF POLICY This book discusses the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the states of the Persian Gulf from 1979 to 1998. It covers the perceptions Iranians and Arabs have of each other, Islamic revolutionary ideology, the Iran–Iraq war, the Gulf Crisis, the election of President Khatami and finally the role of external powers, such as the United States, in the region. Iran’s foreign policy has been more ideology based in the past but has become increasingly pragmatic. Today, Iran’s Persian Gulf policy does not differ greatly from that under the Shah. By tracing the policy over the past two decades, including a large number of interviews, the book helps to anticipate the relationship between Iran and the Gulf states. Christin Marschall completed her MPhil in Modern Middle Eastern Studies at St Antony’s College, Oxford, and received her PhD in History and Middle Eastern Studies from Harvard University. She lives in London and travels frequently to Iran and the Arab world. The mightiest of the princes of the world Came to the least considered of his courtiers; Sat down upon the fountain’s marble edge, One hand amid the goldfish in the pool; And thereupon a colloquy took place That I commend to all the chroniclers To show how violent great hearts can lose Their bitterness and find the honeycomb. ‘The Gift of Harun al-Rashid’, W.B. Yeats IRAN’S PERSIAN GULF POLICY From Khomeini to Khatami Christin Marschall TO TIM First published 2003 by RoutledgeCurzon 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group © 2003 Christin Marschall All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Marschall, Christin, 1966– Iran’s Persian Gulf policy: from Khomeini to Khatami/ Christin Marschall. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Persian Gulf Region – Foreign relations – Iran. 2. Iran – Foreign relations – Persian Gulf Region. 3. Iran – Foreign relations – 1979–1997. 4. Iran – Foreign relations – 1997– I. Title. DS326.M315 2003 327.55′009′048 – dc21 2002031694 ISBN 0-203-41792-5 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-41941-3 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0–415–29780–X (Print Edition) CONTENTS Acknowledgements vii Note on transliteration x Introduction 1 1 Foundations of Iran’s Persian Gulf policy 3 Iran’s history in the Persian Gulf 3 The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran 10 Conclusion 24 2 Impact of the Islamic revolution 25 Export of revolution 26 The hajj and ideological rivalry with Saudi Arabia 45 Conclusion 60 3 The 1980s: impact of the Iran–Iraq war 62 From the Provisional Government to the outbreak of war, 1979–1980 62 Relations during the Iran–Iraq war, 1980–1988 69 Conclusion 98 4 The 1990s: Gulf Crisis, islands dispute and President Khatami 100 Relations in view of the Gulf Crisis, 1989–1992 101 The Abu Musa crisis and its impact on Iranian–Gulf relations 121 Developments in the relationship under President Khatami 142 Conclusion 148 v CONTENTS 5 Regional security co-operation 149 The Iranian idea of collective security in the Persian Gulf 150 The compromise solution: confidence-building and bilateral co-operation in all fields with eventual security co-operation 166 Conclusion 177 6 External factors 179 The United States in the 1980s: from Carter to Reagan and Bush 179 The United States in the 1990s 186 The Europeans and the Persian Gulf 195 The effects of the external factors on Iran’s relations with the Gulf states 198 Conclusion 200 Conclusion 201 Note on sources 207 Interviews 208 Notes 211 Bibliography 249 Index 268 vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work could not have been written without the tremendous help and kindness of many people. Above all I would like to thank Roger Owen at Harvard and Mohiaddin Mesbahi at Florida International University without whose constant advice and support this work could not have been completed. As this is a study of contemporary history – and more importantly of a politically sensitive subject – I would like to express my sincere appreciation to all those who kindly gave me interviews and openly discussed their views on Iranian–Gulf relations. Many did not hesitate to spend several hours explaining the complex situation in the Persian Gulf, and to intro- duce me to their friends and colleagues. Their names are recorded in the section preceding the Bibliography. I am most grateful to many more I was privileged to meet. These include many high-ranking officials, diplomats, academics and journalists who asked not to be mentioned by name. Without their insight I could not have accomplished this work. The research for this study was conducted in many countries and I should like to thank people in the order of my travels, and will give the posts they held at the time. The journey began in the United States. Gary Sick and Larry Potter of Gulf2000 provided me with useful names and addresses in Iran and the Gulf countries for which I owe them gratitude. I am equally indebted to the Bahraini Ambassador to the United States in Washington DC, H.E. Muhammad Abdul Ghaffar, the Omani Ambassador, H.E. Abdullah M. al-Dhahab, the Kuwaiti Ambassador, H.E. Muhammad S. al-Sabah, the Iranian Ambassador to the United Nations in New York, H.E. Kamal Kharrazi, and the Representative of the Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS) at the Iranian UN Mission, Seyyed Muhammad Kazem Sajjadpour. Without their support I would not have been able to conduct my primary research. I first travelled to Bahrain, where I met with great kindness and hospi- tality. I am thankful to Omar al-Hassan of London and the staff at his Gulf Centre for Strategic Studies in Manama. From there I went to Kuwait where I owe a special debt of gratitude to various people. Mohammed Abou Ali arranged for introductions to several vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS officials in Kuwait. I thank him and his colleagues at al-Shall. I also deeply appreciated the help of the staff at the Kuwaiti National Assembly who provided me with numerous Arabic documents and newspaper articles. I then travelled to Oman. Here, as everywhere else, I was overwhelmed by the warmth and friendliness of everybody. Harith al-Ghassany and Asya Lamky welcomed me into their house and I would particularly like to express my gratitude to Ali Lamky. I would also like to thank H.E. Ahmed Yusuf al-Harthy, Chief of the Arabian Affairs Department at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for his help in organising my interviews at the Foreign Ministry. I am grateful to H.E. Saif Bin Hashil Al Maskery, Undersecretary for Tourism, Ministry of Commerce and Industry, for his support. My last stop in the Southern Gulf was the UAE. Again, I am deeply grateful to many. Jan Stransky had introduced me to Paul Huygelen of al-Ain, for whose support I owe special appreciation. I am equally grateful to Mona Kamar at the United States Information Service in Abu Dhabi. Frauke Heard-Bey kindly let me use her archives at the Centre for Documentation and Research, and Jamal S. al-Suwaidi did not only spend time discussing UAE–Iranian relations, but also provided me with useful material from the Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research. I am also indebted to Marion Abbas, H.E. Dr Andrzej Kapiszewski, Ambassador of the Republic of Poland and to various diplomats in Abu Dhabi and Dubai at the German and American Embassies. My final destination was Iran. Here, too, people welcomed me with extreme kindness and support. I am indebted to H.E. Ali Khorram, Senior Advisor to H.E. Ali Akbar Velayati, as well as H.E. Baqer Asadi and H.E. Mr Izadi at the Foreign Ministry. H.E. Abbas Maleki, Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs, offered me his views and also provided me with indispens- able Foreign Ministry and IPIS publications. Sir John Moberly and Edmund Herzig introduced me to Sohrab Shahabi, the Chairman of the Scientific Council of the Institute for Political and International Studies. IPIS, the Foreign Ministry’s research institute, assisted in organising interviews and access to archives. I thankfully acknowledge the support of its Director, Ahmad Hajihosseini, as well as Abbas Haghighat, Head of the Persian Gulf and Middle East Research Center. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Farideh Farhi, Jalil Roshandel, Maryam Daftari, Zahra Taheri and Farnaz Amini for all their help. Special thanks go to Hadi Semati and Nasser Hadian at Tehran University. I am particularly grateful to Mahmood Sariolghalam of the National University, who gave me his insight and organised many of my interviews. I would also like to thank Said Hajjarian, Deputy for Political Studies at the Center for Strategic Studies, and his colleague, Mr Bakhshian, for their kind assistance. I am equally grateful to Ittilaat newspaper archives for their patience and help. viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should like to thank the Center for Middle Eastern Studies and Harvard University Graduate School of Arts and Science for their generous financial support which enabled me to conduct this research in the first place.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Full Issue File
    Biannual of Research Institute for Strategic Strategic for Institute Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs 31 Vol. 11. No.1. Winter&Spring2020 Advisory Board Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed, Kamal Kharazi, Ali Akbar Velayati, Ahmad Vahidi, Saeed Jalili, Publisher Ali Shamkhanim, Hosein Amirabdolahian, Ali Bagheri Institute for Strategic Research Editorial Board Expediency Council Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour Director Professor, School of International Relations Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed Gulshan Dietl Associate Professor, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University Imam Hossein University Mohammad Marandi Professor, University of Tehran Jamshid Momtaz Editor-in-Chief Professor, University of Tehran Seyed Mohammad Kazem Mohammad Javad Zarif Sajjadpour Associate Professor, School of World Studies Professor of School of Mohiaddin Mesbahi International Relations Professor, Florida International University Hosein Salimi Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Secretary of advisory board Seyed Jalal Dehghani Mohammad Nazari Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Naser Hadian Director of Executive Affairs Assistant professor, University of Tehran Hadi Gholamnia Vitaly Naumkin Professor, Moscow State University Copyediting Hassan Hoseini Zeinab Ghasemi Tari Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Mohammad Ali Shirkhani Layout and Graphics Najmeh Ghaderi Professor, University of Tehran Foad Izadi Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA) achieved the highest scientific ISSN: 2008-8221 grade from the Ministry of Science,
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Role of State Identity in Foreign Policy Decision-Making
    The London School of Economics and Political Science UNDERSTANDING THE ROLE OF STATE IDENTITY IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING The Rise and Demise of Saudi–Iranian Rapprochement (1997–2009) ADEL ALTORAIFI A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, October 2012 1 To Mom and Dad—for everything. 2 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. The final word count of this thesis, including titles, footnotes and in-text citations, is 105,889 words. 3 ABSTRACT The objective of the thesis is to study the concept of state identity and its role in foreign policy decision-making through a constructivist analysis, with particular focus on the Saudi–Iranian rapprochement of 1997. While there has been a recent growth in the study of ideational factors and their effects on foreign policy in the Gulf, state identity remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies literature, despite its importance and manifestation in the region’s foreign policy discourses. The aim is to challenge purely realist and power-based explanations that have dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern foreign policy—and in particular, the examination of Saudi–Iranian relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran Case File (April 2019)
    IRAN CASE FILE July 2020 RASANAH International Institute for Iranian Studies, Al-Takhassusi St. Sahafah, Riyadh Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. P.O. Box: 12275 | Zip code: 11473 Contact us [email protected] +966112166696 The Executive Summary .............................................................4 Internal Affairs .........................................................................7 The Ideological File ......................................................................... 8 I. Supporters of Velayat-e Faqih and the Call to End the US Presence in Iraq .......................................................................... 8 II. Coronavirus Amid Muharram Gatherings in Najaf ............................ 9 The Political File ............................................................................12 I. The Bill to Hold Rouhani Accountable and the Conservatives’ Call for Him to Be Deposed .......................................12 II. The Supreme Leader Saves Rouhani From Interrogation and Rejects His Ouster .....................................................13 The Economic File ..........................................................................16 I. History of Economic Relations Between Iran and China .....................16 II. The Nature and Provisions of the 25-year Partnership Agreement ..... 17 III. Prospects of the Long Term Iranian-Chinese Partnership .................18 The Military File............................................................................ 20 Arab Affairs ............................................................................25
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's New Narrative: the Regime Is Not in A
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3434 Iran’s New Narrative: The Regime Is Not in a Hurry, But Washington Should Be by Omer Carmi Feb 11, 2021 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Omer Carmi Omer Carmi was a 2017 military fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis By steadily implementing parliament’s anti-JCPOA law and making public statements about “cornered cats” and “closing windows,” Tehran has sought to give Washington a sense of urgency, but this approach could be a double- edged sword. n January 8, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei explained that Iran is not “in a hurry” for Washington to return O to the nuclear deal, and that if sanctions are not lifted beforehand, then a U.S. return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action “may even be detrimental” to the Islamic Republic. He further hardened this stance in a February 7 speech, refuting proposals for any sequencing mechanism in which both countries make incremental moves back to the JCPOA. Instead, he emphasized that after Washington agrees to remove sanctions, Iran “will check if [they] have truly been lifted,” and only then resume its nuclear commitments. President Hassan Rouhani fell in with this narrative three days later, declaring that he supports “negotiations with enemies” in the framework of the Islamic Republic’s national interests, and noting that Tehran will fulfill its commitments once the United States and other parties implement theirs. These remarks are just part of a broader regime campaign to show Washington that Iran will not arrive at the negotiating table from a position of weakness, but rather with clear unity of purpose.
    [Show full text]
  • STRANGER THAN (SCIENCE) FICTION the Unpredicted Shrinking 2021 April of Ursula Von Der Leyen E
    EUR PE Diplomatic IRANIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION Looming uncertainties… concerns…dangers COCAINE AND CASTANETS Spain’s rôle in the international drugs trade STRANGER THAN (SCIENCE) FICTION The unpredicted shrinking 2021 April of Ursula von der Leyen E 3 BRUSSELS - PARIS - GENEVA - MONACO EUROPEDIPLOMATIC IN THIS ISSUE n JABS, JOBS, AND JACKASSES The few successes and many failures of the EU Covid vaccination programme .........................................................................................................................................................................................................................p.5 n STRANGER THAN (SCIENCE) FICTION 5 The unpredicted shrinking of Ursula von der Leyen .......................................................................p.12 n IRANIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION Looming uncertainties…concerns…dangers ......................................................................................................... p.18 n COCAINE AND CASTANETS 12 Spain’s rôle in the international drugs trade .................................................................................................p.28 n 20,000 TONNES UNDER THE SEA The growing use of narco-submarines in Europe .............................................................................. p.35 n NEWS IN BRIEF ....................................................................................................................................................................................................p.40 35 n POISONED ENTRAILS
    [Show full text]
  • Idden Rivalries Behind Iranian Foreign-Policy Making
    idden Rivalries behind Iranian Foreign-Policy Making: H The Case of Zarif’s Resignation The Background: Foreign-policy Circles of Power in the Islamic Republic Foreign Policy in the Rouhani Era: From Apex to Zenith The Present: Resignation and Back amid a Troublesome Presidential Chief of Staff Rajjab 1440 40 March 2019 2 © KFCRIS, 2019 ISSN: 1658-6972 Issue No. 40 - 25/3/2019 L.D. No: 1440/8472 Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 3 Hidden Rivalries behind Iranian Foreign-Policy Making: The Case of Zarif’s Resignation Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 4 Abstract Iran’s government and foreign policy have been thrust into turmoil by the sudden resignation from his post and subsequent reinstatement of foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. The unexpected development adds to the increasing difficulty of the Hassan Rouhani administration to avoid slipping into the classic “lame-duck” position of presidential tenures approaching their end. With little over two years remaining of his second and last mandate, Rouhani is increasingly hemmed in by a growing inability to direct the key levers of policy, particularly the economic and foreign-policy components, and has now been hit by a salvo of unexpected friendly fire. This article will provide the background to Zarif’s decision, the reasons behind its rescinding by Rouhani, and the consequences for the government and the rest of the establishment. Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 5 The Background: Foreign-policy Circles of Power in the Islamic Republic Since reaching the unmatched pinnacle In order to gain a better understanding of the of having successfully negotiated the Joint reasons that led to Zarif’s sudden departure, it is Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) of worth casting a brief glance at the institutional 2015 to the Supreme Leader’s satisfaction positioning of the foreign minister position in and approval, Javad Zarif’s tenure as foreign the Islamic Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Russian Conundrum
    Iran’s Russian Conundrum By Alex Vatanka Summary Following Russia’s decision in September 2015 to intervene militarily in the Syrian war, speculation has been rife in Washington that President Vladimir Putin’s ultimate end-goal is to eclipse America’s long-held dominance in the Middle East. To that end: Moscow needs regional allies that can abet its ambitions. At least in American eyes, no other state can be more useful to Russian machinations than the ardently anti-American Islamic Republic of Iran. Given the fluid state of geopolitics in the Middle East—defined by ongoing conflicts in a number of theaters and uncertainty among US partners and allies about Washington’s commitment to the region—the question of Iran as a conduit for Russian ascendency is both timely and proper. That said, Iran’s checkered history with the Russian Federation since 1991 informs that while Tehran and Moscow have common interests at times, the path toward a possible strategic partnership is bound to be long and arduous at best. Historical Context One might believe that Iran and Russia today enjoy a semblance of “strategic cooperation.” Defenders of such grand assertions most often point to the ongoing joint Iranian-Russian military campaign to keep Syria’s Bashar al-Assad in power. In reality, Russian and Iranian officials have labeled their bilateral relations “strategic” as early as the dawn of the 1990s. It was then, during the presidencies of Boris Yeltsin and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, when major defense and economic agreements were first announced. 1 In other words, those championing closer Iranian-Russian ties will argue that this so-called fraternity did not begin in Syria in 2015 but that it came to a climax in that Arab state’s civil war: at that point, Tehran and Moscow’s interests dovetailed to a great extent.
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Research Series
    University of Essex Legal Research Series Legal Status of the Child: Iran’s International Human Rights Obligations Lili Birnbaum, Hasret Cetinkaya, Elizabeth Harper June 2014 Executive Summary This legal research analysis belongs to a series of studies on human rights in Iran authored by the Human Rights in Iran Unit. The Human Rights in Iran Unit in the School of Law at the University of Essex focuses on the Islamic Republic of Iran’s compliance with international human rights law. Each study tackles a distinct topic to measure international obligations against domestic law and practice and to identify underlying or systemic problems. The Unit seeks to provide an accessible account of the breadth and complexity of violations in Iran from the standpoint of international law, which may serve scholars, practitioners and anyone concerned with human rights in Iran. This study considers the legal status of the child in the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the State’s obligations under international human rights law. The relevant treaties to which Iran is a State party are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). The analysis demonstrates that the Islamic Republic of Iran violates its obligations under international human rights law to adopt a child-rights approach in several ways: Minimum Age of Criminal Responsibility: The Iranian Penal Code sets the “age of maturity” as the basis of the minimum age of criminal responsibility, which results in a protection gap for girls between the ages of 9 and 18 and boys between 15 and 18.
    [Show full text]
  • I 79 the Effect of Economic and Social Processes on Iranian Foreign Policy
    The Effect of Economic and Social Processes on Iranian Foreign Policy Raz Zimmt During the Iranian presidential election campaign in the summer of 2013, candidate Hassan Rouhani stated that the centrifuges in the Iranian nuclear facilities should continue spinning, provided that the lives of the citizens and the economy move forward. This statement, which he repeated in a speech to students at Shahid Beheshti University in Tehran in December 2013,1 expressed Rouhani’s recognition that rescuing the Iranian economy from its deep crisis required the removal of the sanctions, even at the cost of compromising on his country’s nuclear policy. This is not the first time that internal constraints forced the Iranian leadership to adapt foreign policy to the changing circumstances at home. Following the 1979 Iranian revolution, Iranian foreign policy was recast on the basis of the revolutionary ideology and overall strategic goals. Nevertheless, since the revolution, the Iranian regime has demonstrated a large degree of pragmatism and willingness to deviate from its policy, even on matters of principle requiring a personal decision by the Supreme Leader. Among the considerations that have influenced foreign policy are social and economic processes underway in Iran in recent decades. Guidelines for Iranian Foreign Policy Since the Islamic Revolution, Iranian politics have been marked by ongoing tension between the political institutions elected by the public, including the President and the Majlis (parliament), and the unelected political institutions, Iran in a Changing Strategic Environment I 79 Meir Litvak, Emily B. Landau, and Ephraim Kam, Editors 80 I Raz Zimmt headed by the Supreme Leader.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal File
    Biannual of Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs Institute for Strategic 26 Research Vol. 8. No.2. Summer &Fall 2017 Advisory Board Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed, Kamal Kharazi, Ali Akbar Velayati, Ahmad Vahidi, Saeed Jalili, Publisher Ali Shamkhanim, Hosein Amirabdolahian Institute for Strategic Research Editorial Board Expediency Council Seyyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour Professor, University of Tehran Managing Director Gulshan Dietl Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University Associate Professor, Mohammad Marandi Imam Hossein University Professor, University of Tehran Jamshid Momtaz Professor, University of Tehran Editor-in-Chief Seyed Kazem Sajjadpour Mohammad Javad Zarif Professor of the University of Professor, School of International Relations Tehran Mohiaddin Mesbahi Professor, Florida International University Hosein Salimi Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Chairman of advisory board Seyed Jalal Dehghani Mohammad Nazari Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Naser Hadian Director of Executive Affairs Assistant professor, Universuty of Tehran Hadi Gholamnia Vitaly Naumkin Copyediting Professor, Moscow State University Zeinab Ghasemi Tari Hassan Hoseini Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Layout and Graphics Mohammad Ali Shirkhani Najmeh Ghaderi Professor, University of Tehran Foad Izadi Professor, University of Tehran Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA) achieved the highest ISSN: 2008-8221 scientific grade from the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology of Iran since 22 February 2012.Articles Published
    [Show full text]
  • Using Foreign Policy As a Tool for Spreading Ideology:The Case of Iran in Ghana (1979-2016)
    T.C SAKARYA UNIVERSITY MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE USING FOREIGN POLICY AS A TOOL FOR SPREADING IDEOLOGY:THE CASE OF IRAN IN GHANA (1979-2016) MASTER’S THESIS Mohammed HASHIRU Department: Middle Eastern Studies Thesis Advisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Othman ALI AUGUST – 2017 DECLARATION I declare that this thesis is written in accordance with the scientific code of ethics. It is the true reflection of data I collected and analyzed. No part of the thesis is presented as another thesis work at this university or any other university. All written and oral sources used in it are acknowledged and properly cited. Should any misinterpretation, misrepresentations or errors be found in this thesis, I hold myself accountable for it. Mohammed Hashiru / /2017 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT So many individuals have contributed in making this work a success. This little space will not be enough to acknowledge each and every one who helped in this study. However, names like Dr. Othman Ali (my supervisor), Associate Prof Murat Yeşiltaş, Ass. Prof Kerem Gümüş deserve a mentioning. My special gratitude goes to whole lecturers and non-teaching staff of the Middle East Institute. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECALARATION ....................................................................................................... i AKNOWLEGDEMENT……………………………………………………………….ii ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................... vi ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • IAEA Press Releases
    IAEA and Iran Agree on Action Plan Page 1 of 1 IAEA Press Releases Press Release 2004/02 IAEA and Iran Agree on Action Plan Vienna, 7 April 2004 | Emerging from a meeting in Teheran on 6 April, IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei said he was "satisfied" with the results of his meetings which included agreement on a joint action plan with a timetable to deal with outstanding issues regarding the verification of Iran's nuclear program. Dr. ElBaradei said that "this action plan includes a sequence of activities to be undertaken by Iran in coming weeks which will hopefully pave the way for progress. Among other things, Iran will provide to the IAEA by the end of April detailed information regarding aspects of its centrifuge program as well as its declaration under the Additional Protocol by mid-May." While in Iran, Dr. ElBaradei met with Mr. Golamreza Aghazadeh, President of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran; Dr. H. Rohani, Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council; Dr. Kamal Kharazi, Minister of Foreign Affairs and President Mohammad Khatami. Press Contacts Mark Gwozdecky Director and Spokesperson Division of Public Information [43-1] 2600-21270 [43] 664-154-6989 (mobile) [email protected] Melissa Fleming Alternate Spokesperson Div. of Public Information [43-1] 2600-21275 [43] 664-325-7376 (mobile) [email protected] About the IAEA The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) serves as the world's foremost intergovernmental forum for scientific and technical co-operation in the peaceful use of nuclear technology. Established as an autonomous organization under the United Nations (UN) in 1957, the IAEA carries out programmes to maximize the useful contribution of nuclear technology to society while verifying its peaceful use.
    [Show full text]