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National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2000-12 National security imperatives and the neorealist state: Iran and realpolitik. Grogan, Michael S. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7744 ^U^£SCHOou DUDLEY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS NATIONAL SECURITY IMPERATIVES AND THE NEOREALIST STATE: IRAN AND REALPOLITIK by Michael S. Grogan December 2000 Thesis Co-Advisors: Ahmad Ghoreishi Glenn E. Robinson Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704- 0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202- 4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 2000 Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Title (Mix case letters) 5. FUNDING NUMBERS National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik 6. AUTHOR(S) Michael S. Grogan 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) I. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING / MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING / MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. -
IRAN April 2000
COUNTRY ASSESSMENT - IRAN April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment will be placed on the Internet (http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to the following organisations: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE Medical Foundation for the care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.6 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.2 -
Understanding the Role of State Identity in Foreign Policy Decision-Making
The London School of Economics and Political Science UNDERSTANDING THE ROLE OF STATE IDENTITY IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING The Rise and Demise of Saudi–Iranian Rapprochement (1997–2009) ADEL ALTORAIFI A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, October 2012 1 To Mom and Dad—for everything. 2 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. The final word count of this thesis, including titles, footnotes and in-text citations, is 105,889 words. 3 ABSTRACT The objective of the thesis is to study the concept of state identity and its role in foreign policy decision-making through a constructivist analysis, with particular focus on the Saudi–Iranian rapprochement of 1997. While there has been a recent growth in the study of ideational factors and their effects on foreign policy in the Gulf, state identity remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies literature, despite its importance and manifestation in the region’s foreign policy discourses. The aim is to challenge purely realist and power-based explanations that have dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern foreign policy—and in particular, the examination of Saudi–Iranian relations. -
Iran, Country Information
Iran, Country Information COUNTRY ASSESSMENT - IRAN April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III HISTORY IV STATE STRUCTURES VA HUMAN RIGHTS - OVERVIEW VB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A - CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B - POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C - PROMINENT PEOPLE ANNEX D - REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1. This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2. The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum/human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3. The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4. It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1. The Islamic Republic of Iran Persia until 1935 lies in western Asia, and is bounded on the north by the file:///V|/vll/country/uk_cntry_assess/apr2003/0403_Iran.htm[10/21/2014 9:57:59 AM] Iran, Country Information Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, by Turkey and Iraq to the west, by the Persian Arabian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman to the south, and by Pakistan and Afghanistan to the east. -
Blood-Soaked Secrets Why Iran's 1988 Prison
BLOOD-SOAKED SECRETS WHY IRAN’S 1988 PRISON MASSACRES ARE ONGOING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Collage of some of the victims of the mass prisoner killings of 1988 in Iran. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Amnesty International https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/9421/2018 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 METHODOLOGY 18 2.1 FRAMEWORK AND SCOPE 18 2.2 RESEARCH METHODS 18 2.2.1 TESTIMONIES 20 2.2.2 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE 22 2.2.3 AUDIOVISUAL EVIDENCE 23 2.2.4 COMMUNICATION WITH IRANIAN AUTHORITIES 24 2.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 25 BACKGROUND 26 3.1 PRE-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 26 3.2 POST-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 27 3.3 IRAN-IRAQ WAR 33 3.4 POLITICAL OPPOSITION GROUPS 33 3.4.1 PEOPLE’S MOJAHEDIN ORGANIZATION OF IRAN 33 3.4.2 FADAIYAN 34 3.4.3 TUDEH PARTY 35 3.4.4 KURDISH DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN 35 3.4.5 KOMALA 35 3.4.6 OTHER GROUPS 36 4. -
Cultural Policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran
Cultural Policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran Farideh Farhi* The following article was written by Farideh Farhi in connection with her participation in the conference entitled “Iran After 25 Years of Revolution: A Retrospective and a Look Ahead,” which was held at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on November 16-17, 2004. The opinions expressed here are those of the author and in no way represent the views or opinions of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. “We did not make the revolution for cheap melons; we made it for Islam.” These words, reportedly uttered by the leader of Iran’s Islamic revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, have been deemed as an announcement of the centrality of culture in post-revolutionary reorganization. Indeed there can be no doubt that the forceful post-revolutionary imposition of Islamic values and ways of living, as interpreted by the emerging Islamic mandarins, can be considered to be the most distinctive aspect of the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Through the attempted ideological fusion of culture and religion, the Islamic revolutionaries hoped, on the most manifest level, to make a statement about a new and unified set of values that was about to become important, explicitly rejecting what to them was also an integrated set of values revolving around the impact of westernization on Iranian life and cultural practices. They also aspired to claim cultural authenticity for their own practices and, on that basis, deny political participation to those whose everyday practices did not presumably match their own. As such, the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic from the beginning had both ideological and political components. -
Directory of Iranian Officials :A Reference Aid /Directorate Of
Directorate 61 Intelligence y Directory of Iranian Officials A Reference Aid LDA 88-10162 (Supersedes LDA 88-10135) November 1988 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 with funding from University of Florida, George A. Smathers Libraries https ://arch i ve .org/detai Is/d i recto ryof i ran i 1 988was h Directory of Iranian Officials A Reference Aid Information available as of 25 November 1988 was used in the preparation of this publication. LDA 88-10162 (Supersedes LDA 88-10135) November 1988 Preface The Directory of Iranian Officials identifies individuals who hold positions in selected government, party, or other public organizations in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It also provides a guide to the internal structure of some of these organizations, and an explanation of their func- tions where necessary. Dates of Information. The date columns list the date an individual either assumed or was first identified in a position, and the date of his most recent identification in that position. Late dates are not included for members of the Islamic Consulative Assembly, on the assumption that the incumbents hold their positions for a specified term. Transliteration. The transliteration of organization and personal names from Farsi and Arabic follows Department of State guidelines, with minor revisions. Personal Names. Many Iranian surnames are hyphenated. Listings in this directory are by the first element of the surname, except where a figure is best known by the last element. Clerical Titles. Where an individual is known to be a Muslim -
The Six Presidents.Pdf
The Six Presidents Shaul Bakhash Iran‟s constitution vests ultimate authority in the supreme leader, but the presidency has developed into a powerful office. The last three presidents have each stamped his own personality and politics on social and economic life, domestic politics and foreign policy. Powerful presidents have also aroused powerful opposition. Presidential administrations have been characterized by factionalism between the president‟s party and his opponents. They have also been driven by tension over authority between the president and the supreme leader. The presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad seems a departure from the past. He is building up a power base among the same constituencies in the military, judiciary and security agencies that are the supreme leader‟s base of support. This trend, if sustained, has important future implications. Overview The Islamic Republic‟s initial constitution provided for a president with limited powers and a prime minister as head of the cabinet and government. The first president, Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, sought control of the government apparatus. But he faced fierce opposition from the clerical party, even as he dealt with revolutionary turmoil, the American hostage crisis and the Iran-Iraq War. He was impeached during his second year in office. Under Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the president took a back seat to the prime minister. Constitutional amendments in 1989 abolished the prime minister‟s post, creating a presidential system. The three presidents that followed each put his own distinct mark on the country. Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani moved foreign, economic and social policy in a more pragmatic direction. But in his second term, he lost the initiative to the supreme leader and conservatives. -
Cold War in the Islamic World Also by Dilip Hiro
COLD WAR IN THE ISLAMIC WORLD ALSO BY DILIP HIRO Non-fiction The Age of Aspiration: Power, Wealth, and Conflict in Globalizing India (2016) The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between Indian and Pakistan (2015) Indians in a Globalizing World: Their Skewed Rise (2014) A Comprehensive Dictionary of the Middle East (2013) Apocalyptic Realm: Jihadists in South Asia (2012) After Empire: The Birth of a Multipolar World (2010) (Short-listed for Mirabaud Prize, Geneva, 2011) Inside Central Asia: A Political and Cultural History of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkey and Iran (2009) (On Financial Times’ List of Best History Books of the Year) Blood of the Earth: The Battle for the World’s Vanishing Oil Resources (2007) The Timeline History of India (2006) The Iranian Labyrinth: Journeys through Theocratic Iran and Its Furies (2005) Secrets and Lies: Operation ‘Iraqi Freedom’ and After (2004) (On Financial Times’ List of Best Politics and Religion Books of the Year) (Long-listed for the George Orwell Prize for Political Writing) The Essential Middle East: A Comprehensive Guide (2003) Iraq: In The Eye Of The Storm (2003) War Without End: The Rise of Islamist Terrorism and Global Response (2002) The Rough Guide History of India (2002) Neighbors, Not Friends: Iraq and Iran after the Gulf Wars (2001) Sharing the Promised Land: A Tale of Israelis and Palestinians (1999) Dictionary of the Middle East (1996) The Middle East (1996) Between Marx and Muhammad: The Changing Face of Central Asia (1995) Lebanon, Fire -
National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik
^U^£SCHOou DUDLEY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS NATIONAL SECURITY IMPERATIVES AND THE NEOREALIST STATE: IRAN AND REALPOLITIK by Michael S. Grogan December 2000 Thesis Co-Advisors: Ahmad Ghoreishi Glenn E. Robinson Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704- 0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202- 4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 2000 Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Title (Mix case letters) 5. FUNDING NUMBERS National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik 6. AUTHOR(S) Michael S. Grogan 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) I. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING / MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING / MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
Morad Saghafi*
Why Iran Seems So Unpredictable Morad Saghafi* The following article was written by Morad Saghafi in connection with his participation in the conference entitled “Iran After 25 Years of Revolution: A Retrospective and a Look Ahead,” which was held at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on November 16-17, 2004. The opinions expressed here are those of the author and in no way represent the views or opinions of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. During its quarter-century of existence, the Islamic Republic of Iran has never ceased to surprise political analysts, and thus has given the impression that it is an unpredictable regime. The election of Mohammad Khatami as an “accidental President” of the Republic in 1997 was one of the best-known events in this never-ending set of astonishments.1 However, events like the unnoticed disempowerment of Ayatollah Montazeri, who once was the designated successor of Ayatollah Khomeini, and the survival of the regime after the death of its charismatic leader in 1989, could also be considered manifestations of the unpredictability of Iranian politics. This is not to mention Khatami’s second election, the very heavy turnout in his two electoral victories in 1997 and 2001, and the not-so-low participation in the seventh parliamentary (majles) elections in 2004. The question is thus: Why does Iran seem so unpredictable? I will try to point out some essential factors that in the last 25 years have prevented Iran’s political analysts from fully grasping the dynamism of Iran’s political life. Its political culture, institutions, and second constitution will be discussed, and some conclusions will be drawn. -
King and Karabell BS
k o No. 1 • April 2010 o l t Changing of the Guards: Iran’s Supreme u Leader Struggles to Control Military O By Ali Alfoneh n Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini controlled the Islamic Revolutionary r Guards Corps (IRGC) by assigning personal representatives and commissars to IRGC units and offices. Initially, e the system was dysfunctional because of multiple commissars and parallel control structures with overlapping t responsibilities, but at the beginning of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s rule, the commissars consolidated their positions and exerted enough power to help stymie political reforms. Today, the system is again weak, and, increas- s ingly, the commissars act more as spokesmen for the guards than as agents overseeing the IRGC and ensuring that a the supreme leader holds power over the IRGC. This change undermines Khamenei’s authority over the IRGC and has allowed the IRGC greater autonomy to the detriment of outsiders who would engage the regime. E On February 15, 2010, Secretary of State Hillary lapping responsibilities that often allowed the e Rodham Clinton made headlines with a com- IRGC to expand its power in ways that sometimes l ment that the IRGC was slowly taking over Iran. ran contrary to the supreme leader’s interests. d “We see that the government of Iran, the supreme Although the commissar system was dysfunc- leader, the president, the parliament is being sup- tional when he took over as supreme leader, d planted and that Iran is moving toward a military Khamenei managed to restore control over the i dictatorship,” Clinton told the U.S.-Islamic commissariat in the first years of his rule.