National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2000-12 National security imperatives and the neorealist state: Iran and realpolitik. Grogan, Michael S. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7744 ^U^£SCHOou DUDLEY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS NATIONAL SECURITY IMPERATIVES AND THE NEOREALIST STATE: IRAN AND REALPOLITIK by Michael S. Grogan December 2000 Thesis Co-Advisors: Ahmad Ghoreishi Glenn E. Robinson Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704- 0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202- 4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 2000 Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Title (Mix case letters) 5. FUNDING NUMBERS National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik 6. AUTHOR(S) Michael S. Grogan 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) I. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING / MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING / MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. Government. 12a. DISTRD3UTION / AVAILABILITY STATEMENT 12b. DISTRD3UTION CODE Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. A 13. ABSTRACT (maximum 200 words) This thesis argues that pragmatic, neorealist interests—reducing Iran's international isolation, opening avenues for economic cooperation and commercial exchange, restoring religious and cultural links, and safeguarding the mutually advantageous relationships with influential powers in the region—are the true foundations of Iranian national security and foreign policy decisionmaking. Iran's imperative has been—and still is—focused on the pragmatic national security interests of the nation-state model vice the ideological potential for spreading its brand of Islamic revolution abroad. The causes of these Islamic revolutionary groups, no matter how noble in the Iranian leaderships' eye, do not outweigh the more classic nation-state decisionmaking process that the Iranian government undergoes when it determines the best course of action on an issue of foreign policy and/or national security—or realpolitik. It is the neorealist approach which always wins out in national security matters of a state. Presented are four case studies of Iranian relations with Azerbaijan, Turkey, Israel, and four Persian Gulf States (the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia). What each reveals is an Islamic Iran whose policy decisions and actions compelled by the rational, state model of neorealism and not ideology. 14. SUBJECT TERMS 15. NUMBER OF Middle East, Persian Gulf, Iran, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Central Asia, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the PAGES libn -> r United Arab Emirates (UAE), Oman, Israel, Arab-Israeli Peace Process, Neorealism, Balance of Power, Alliances, National Security Policy 16. PRICE CODE 17. SECURITY CLASSIFICATION 18. SECURITY 19. SECURITY 20. LIMITATION OF REPORT CLASSIFICATION OF THIS CLASSD7ICATION OF OF ABSTRACT Unclassified PAGE ABSTRACT Unclassified Unclassified UL NSN 7540-01-280-5500 Standard Form 298 (Rev. 2-89) Prescribed by ANSI Std. 239-18 THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK 11 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited NATIONAL SECURITY IMPERATIVES AND THE NEOREALIST STATE: IRAN AND REALPOLITIK Michael S. Grogan Major, United States Marine Corps B.S., Pennsylvania State University, 1985 M.A., American Military University, 1995 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degrees of MASTER OF ARTS IN NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS and MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AND CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS from the NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL December 2000 2.000 fct&oz?-*' THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK DUDLEY KNOX LIBRARY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY CA 93943-5101 ABSTRACT This thesis argues that pragmatic, neorealist interests—reducing Iran's international isolation, opening avenues for economic cooperation and commercial exchange, restoring religious and cultural links, and safeguarding the mutually advantageous relationships with influential powers in the region—are the true foundations of Iranian national security and foreign policy decisionmaking. Iran's imperative has been—and still is—focused on the pragmatic national security interests of the nation-state model vice the ideological potential for spreading its brand of Islamic revolution abroad. The causes of these Islamic revolutionary groups, no matter how noble in the Iranian leaderships' eye, do not outweigh the more classic nation-state decisionmaking process that the Iranian government undergoes when it determines the best course of action on an issue of foreign policy and/or national security—or realpolitik. It is the neorealist approach which always wins out in national security matters of a state. Presented are four case studies of Iranian relations with Azerbaijan, Turkey, Israel, and four Persian Gulf States (the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia). What each reveals is an Islamic Iran whose policy decisions and actions compelled by the rational, state model of neorealism and not ideology. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK VI TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 1 A. IRAN & AZERBAIJAN 2 B. IRAN & TURKEY 3 C. IRAN & ISRAEL 4 D. IRAN & THE PERSIAN GULF STATES 5 H. NEOREALIST THEORY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 9 A. SIX ASSUMPTIONS OF NEOREALISM 11 m. THE IRANIAN PERSPECTIVE 15 A. IRAN'S SECURITY PERCEPTION 15 B. IRAN'S FOREIGN POLICY IMPERATIVES 18 1. Evolving Policy Strategies 19 2. The Islamic Revolution 25 C. THE CASE STUDY EVIDENCE 26 IV. IRAN & AZERBAIJAN RELATIONS CASE STUDY 29 A. BACKGROUND 29 1. Ancient Connections 30 2. The Imperialist Years 32 3. The Coming of the Iron Curtain 32 4. Demise of the Soviet Union 33 5. The First Years of Azerbaijan Independence 35 B. THE PERCEIVED THREAT FROM AZERBAIJAN 36 1. The APF: Fanning the Flames of Nationalism 38 a. Iran's Pragmatic Choice 40 2. Iran and the War in Nagorno-Karabakh 44 C. SUMMARY 50 V. IRAN & TURKEY RELATIONS CASE STUDY 51 A. BACKGROUND 51 vn . B. CENTRAL ASIA: IRAN, TURKEY, AND THE NEW "GREAT GAME" 56 1. Iranian Policy in Central Asia 58 2. Pan-Turnism Fears 60 3. Limits of Iranian Policy in Central Asia 62 4. Turkmenistan and Tajikistan 65 C. INTRIGUES AND COUNTER-INTRIGUES: AZERBAIJAN THROUGH A TURKISH LENS 67 1. Iran's View of the Threat 68 2. Iran's Perception of the Growing Pan-Turanic Threat 69 D. THE KURDISH QUESTION IN IRANIAN-TURKISH RELATIONS .. 72 1 Under the Shroud of War: Iranian Concerns with Turkish Intentions 75 2. Tehran's "Chameleon" Policy and the Abortion of a Kurdish State 78 3. Today's Iranian-Turkish Relations: The Kurdish Issue Remains 82 E. SUMMARY 84 VI. IRAN & ISRAEL REALTIONS CASE STUDY 87 A. BACKGROUND 87 B. THE IRAN-IRAQ WAR 90 1. The Iran-Contra Affair 90 2. Iran-Iraq War Cease-fire 95 C. THE EXISTENTIAL THREAT FROM ISRAEL 96 D. IRAN AND THE PEACE PROCESS 100 1. The Arab-Israeli Conflict and Iran 101 2. Terrorism and the Peace Process 105 3. Iran's Opposition to the Peace Process 106 E. BALANCE OF POWER QUESTIONS 107 1. Hezbollah and Iran's Involvement in Lebanon Ill 2. Iran's Possible Future Actions 113 a. Iran Could Do Nothing 115 b. Iran Could Derail the Process 116 F. SUMMARY 116 Vlll VII. IRAN & THE PERSIAN GULF STATES' RELATIONS CASE STUDY 1 19 A. BACKGROUND 119 B. IRAN & THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES RELATIONS 122 1. The Dispute Heats Up 124 2. Background of the Claims 125 a. The Shah Relieves the British 125 b. The Islamic Republic Takes Full Control 126 3. Today's Iranian-UAE Stalemate 130 4. The Strategic Value to Iran 133 5. Review of Relations 135 C. IRAN & BAHRAIN RELATIONS 136 1. Iranian Empathy with the Shi'a of Bahrain 136 2. Fears of a Pro-Iranian "Fifth Column" 141 3. Iranian Policy Logic vis-a-vis Bahrain 143 4. Review of Relations 144 D. IRAN & OMAN RELATIONS 145 1. Omani Security Perceptions 146 2. Iran and Oman: The Evolving Relationship 149 3. Review of Relations 152 E. IRAN & SAUDI ARABIA RELATIONS 153 1. Iran and the Character of Saudi Arabian Diplomacy 154 2. Historical Iran-Saudi Relations 156 3. The Dark Decade in Relations 157 4. 1990-1991 Gulf War: A Fresh Beginning for Iran 160 5. Post-Gulf War Relations 162 6. Tehran's "Charm Offensive": A Swift Shift in Tenor 164 a. The Year 1997 164 b. The Years 1998-99 166 c. The Year 2000 171 7. Structural Imperatives in Iran-Saudi Relations 172 8. Review of Relations 173 F. SUMMARY 174 VIII. CONCLUSION 175 A. THE CASE STUDIES 175 1. Iran and Azerbaijan 175 2. Iran and Turkey 176 3. Iran and Israel 177 IX 4. Iran and the Persian Gulf States 178 B. IRAN TODAY AND TOMORROW 180 C. SOME CLOSING THOUGHTS 181 LIST OF REFERENCES 185 INITIAL DISTRIBUTION LIST 209 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1. Map of Iran and its Surrounding Neighbor States 4 FIGURE 2. The Relationship of Neorealism to other State Theories 13 FIGURE 3. Iranian Provincial Jurisdictions Arrayed Against Neighbor States Illustrate Tehran's Sense Of Embattlement 16 FIGURE 4. Iran once Felt Removed from a Direct Israeli threat 108 FIGURE 5.
Recommended publications
  • Understanding the Role of State Identity in Foreign Policy Decision-Making
    The London School of Economics and Political Science UNDERSTANDING THE ROLE OF STATE IDENTITY IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING The Rise and Demise of Saudi–Iranian Rapprochement (1997–2009) ADEL ALTORAIFI A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, October 2012 1 To Mom and Dad—for everything. 2 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. The final word count of this thesis, including titles, footnotes and in-text citations, is 105,889 words. 3 ABSTRACT The objective of the thesis is to study the concept of state identity and its role in foreign policy decision-making through a constructivist analysis, with particular focus on the Saudi–Iranian rapprochement of 1997. While there has been a recent growth in the study of ideational factors and their effects on foreign policy in the Gulf, state identity remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies literature, despite its importance and manifestation in the region’s foreign policy discourses. The aim is to challenge purely realist and power-based explanations that have dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern foreign policy—and in particular, the examination of Saudi–Iranian relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Blood-Soaked Secrets Why Iran's 1988 Prison
    BLOOD-SOAKED SECRETS WHY IRAN’S 1988 PRISON MASSACRES ARE ONGOING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Collage of some of the victims of the mass prisoner killings of 1988 in Iran. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Amnesty International https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/9421/2018 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 METHODOLOGY 18 2.1 FRAMEWORK AND SCOPE 18 2.2 RESEARCH METHODS 18 2.2.1 TESTIMONIES 20 2.2.2 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE 22 2.2.3 AUDIOVISUAL EVIDENCE 23 2.2.4 COMMUNICATION WITH IRANIAN AUTHORITIES 24 2.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 25 BACKGROUND 26 3.1 PRE-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 26 3.2 POST-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 27 3.3 IRAN-IRAQ WAR 33 3.4 POLITICAL OPPOSITION GROUPS 33 3.4.1 PEOPLE’S MOJAHEDIN ORGANIZATION OF IRAN 33 3.4.2 FADAIYAN 34 3.4.3 TUDEH PARTY 35 3.4.4 KURDISH DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN 35 3.4.5 KOMALA 35 3.4.6 OTHER GROUPS 36 4.
    [Show full text]
  • Cultural Policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran
    Cultural Policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran Farideh Farhi* The following article was written by Farideh Farhi in connection with her participation in the conference entitled “Iran After 25 Years of Revolution: A Retrospective and a Look Ahead,” which was held at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on November 16-17, 2004. The opinions expressed here are those of the author and in no way represent the views or opinions of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. “We did not make the revolution for cheap melons; we made it for Islam.” These words, reportedly uttered by the leader of Iran’s Islamic revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, have been deemed as an announcement of the centrality of culture in post-revolutionary reorganization. Indeed there can be no doubt that the forceful post-revolutionary imposition of Islamic values and ways of living, as interpreted by the emerging Islamic mandarins, can be considered to be the most distinctive aspect of the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Through the attempted ideological fusion of culture and religion, the Islamic revolutionaries hoped, on the most manifest level, to make a statement about a new and unified set of values that was about to become important, explicitly rejecting what to them was also an integrated set of values revolving around the impact of westernization on Iranian life and cultural practices. They also aspired to claim cultural authenticity for their own practices and, on that basis, deny political participation to those whose everyday practices did not presumably match their own. As such, the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic from the beginning had both ideological and political components.
    [Show full text]
  • Cold War in the Islamic World Also by Dilip Hiro
    COLD WAR IN THE ISLAMIC WORLD ALSO BY DILIP HIRO Non-fiction The Age of Aspiration: Power, Wealth, and Conflict in Globalizing India (2016) The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between Indian and Pakistan (2015) Indians in a Globalizing World: Their Skewed Rise (2014) A Comprehensive Dictionary of the Middle East (2013) Apocalyptic Realm: Jihadists in South Asia (2012) After Empire: The Birth of a Multipolar World (2010) (Short-listed for Mirabaud Prize, Geneva, 2011) Inside Central Asia: A Political and Cultural History of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkey and Iran (2009) (On Financial Times’ List of Best History Books of the Year) Blood of the Earth: The Battle for the World’s Vanishing Oil Resources (2007) The Timeline History of India (2006) The Iranian Labyrinth: Journeys through Theocratic Iran and Its Furies (2005) Secrets and Lies: Operation ‘Iraqi Freedom’ and After (2004) (On Financial Times’ List of Best Politics and Religion Books of the Year) (Long-listed for the George Orwell Prize for Political Writing) The Essential Middle East: A Comprehensive Guide (2003) Iraq: In The Eye Of The Storm (2003) War Without End: The Rise of Islamist Terrorism and Global Response (2002) The Rough Guide History of India (2002) Neighbors, Not Friends: Iraq and Iran after the Gulf Wars (2001) Sharing the Promised Land: A Tale of Israelis and Palestinians (1999) Dictionary of the Middle East (1996) The Middle East (1996) Between Marx and Muhammad: The Changing Face of Central Asia (1995) Lebanon, Fire
    [Show full text]
  • The Historical, Legal and Political Dimensions of Iran`S Sovereignty Over the Tunbs and Abu Musa Islands
    J. Basic. Appl. Sci. Res., 3(11)347-352, 2013 ISSN 2090-4304 © 2013, TextRoad Publication Journal of Basic and Applied Scientific Research www.textroad.com The Historical, Legal and Political Dimensions of Iran`s Sovereignty Over the Tunbs and Abu Musa Islands Mirtayyeb Mussavi1, Aryanaz Sadat Mussavi2, Ahmad Bakhshayeshi3 1Ph D in political science, Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University. 2MA student, University of Tehran Kish International Campus 3Ph D full professor, Tehran University Received: September 19 2013 Accepted: October 22 2013 ABSTRACT The seven islands, Abu Musa, Tunb-e- Bozorg, Tunb - e- Koochak, Hengam, Qeshm, Larak and Hormuz as “a hypothetical arch, form a chain-like strategic line of Iran”. From the early 18th century some European countries, tried to dominate on Strait of Hormuz, and southern rim of the Persian Gulf. Great Britain imposed its guardianship system, by taking appropriate policy and exercising military power. In January 1968, Britain announced its decision to withdraw from Persian Gulf in 1971 and constituting a federation consist of Bahrain, Qatar and Trucial Emirates. Iran knowing itself the owner of Bahrain, could get back the Tunbs and Abu Musa islands , in return for recognizing independence of Bahrain and constituting of United Arab Emirates. Iraq, Libya, South Yemen and the UAE complained against Iran to the UNSC. By recommendation of an Arab country, the SC terminated the subject, so Iran’s sovereignty is taking proceeding so long, and its ownership is certain. KEY WORDS: Persian Gulf, Tunbs and Abu Musa Islands, Iran, UAE INTRODUCTION In 2005, the National Geographic Society and in 2012, the Google site, published fictitious names for Persian Gulf and some Iranian islands.
    [Show full text]
  • National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik
    ^U^£SCHOou DUDLEY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS NATIONAL SECURITY IMPERATIVES AND THE NEOREALIST STATE: IRAN AND REALPOLITIK by Michael S. Grogan December 2000 Thesis Co-Advisors: Ahmad Ghoreishi Glenn E. Robinson Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704- 0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202- 4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 2000 Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Title (Mix case letters) 5. FUNDING NUMBERS National Security Imperatives and the Neorealist State: Iran and Realpolitik 6. AUTHOR(S) Michael S. Grogan 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) I. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING / MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING / MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Maritime Security in the Middle East and North Africa: a Strategic Assessment
    MARITIME SECURITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA: A STRATEGIC ASSESSMENT By Robert M. Shelala II Research Analyst, Burke Chair in Strategy Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................ 3 Chapter I – A Brief Introduction to Maritime Security .................................................................. 4 Chapter II – The Suez Canal and the Growing Threat of Egyptian Terrorism ............................... 6 Background on the Canal ............................................................................................................ 6 The Threat of Terrorism .............................................................................................................. 8 Egyptian Maritime Security Capabilities .................................................................................. 13 Recommendations for Securing the Suez Canal ....................................................................... 17 Chapter III – The Gulf and Threats From Iran ............................................................................. 20 A Brief Introduction to the Gulf ................................................................................................ 20 Regional Tensions and Iranian Threats to Gulf Security .......................................................... 22 Escalation Drivers in Iranian Strategic Calculus......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Persian Gulf in the Light of Law of the Sea
    Prawo Morskie 2016, t. XXXII ISSN 0860-7338 DARIUSZ R. BUGAJSKI* THE PERSIAN GULF IN THE LIGHT OF LAW OF THE SEA INTRODUCTION The Persian Gulf or the Arabian Gulf (the name mainly used by the Arab nations)1 is a mediterranean semienclosed shallow sea which is a part of the Indi- an Ocean. Similarly to the Baltic Sea it is geologically very young, formed around 15,000 years ago. The Gulf is connected by the Strait of Hormuz with the Gulf of Oman and the large Arabian Sea. Eight states border the Gulf: Bahrain (the only insular state), Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The maximum width of the Persian Gulf is 338 km, and the length to its northern coast is nominally almost 1000 km. The surface area of the Gulf is approximately 251,000 km2, a mean depth of 50 m and maximum 90 m. Deeper * Captain Dariusz R. Bugajski, PhD, D.Sc., Vice-Rector for Education, Polish Naval Academy. He is specialized in international law, international security law and law of the sea, as well as inter- national humanitarian law, strategy and history. 1 The name “Persian Gulf” is historical and probably came into use at the time of Darius I (522–486 B.C.). In possibly every map printed before 1960 and in most modern international trea- ties, documents and maps, this body of water is known under the name “Persian Gulf”, reflecting traditional usage since the Greek geographers Strabo and Ptolemy, and the geopolitical realities of the time with the powerful Persian.
    [Show full text]
  • The Iranian Revolution at 30
    Viewpoints Special Edition The Iranian Revolution at 30 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org Cover photos, clockwise from the top left hand corner: Shahram Sharif photo; sajed.ir photo; sajed.ir photo; ? redo photo; sajed. ir photo; Maryam Ashoori photo; Zongo69 photo; UN photo; and [ john ] photo. 2 The Middle East Institute Viewpoints: The Iranian Revolution at 30 • www.mideasti.org Viewpoints Special Edition The Iranian Revolution at 30 The Middle East Institute Viewpoints: The Iranian Revolution at 30 • www.mideasti.org 3 Viewpoints: 1979 The year 1979 was among the most tumultuous, and important, in the history of the modern Middle East.
    [Show full text]
  • The Economic Geology of Iran Mineral Deposits and Natural Resources Springer Geology
    Springer Geology Mansour Ghorbani The Economic Geology of Iran Mineral Deposits and Natural Resources Springer Geology For further volumes: http://www.springer.com/series/10172 Mansour Ghorbani The Economic Geology of Iran Mineral Deposits and Natural Resources Mansour Ghorbani Faculty of Geoscience Shahid Beheshti University Tehran , Iran ISBN 978-94-007-5624-3 ISBN 978-94-007-5625-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-5625-0 Springer Dordrecht Heidelberg New York London Library of Congress Control Number: 2012951116 © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, speci fi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on micro fi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. Exempted from this legal reservation are brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis or material supplied speci fi cally for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work. Duplication of this publication or parts thereof is permitted only under the provisions of the Copyright Law of the Publisher’s location, in its current version, and permission for use must always be obtained from Springer. Permissions for use may be obtained through RightsLink at the Copyright Clearance Center. Violations are liable to prosecution under the respective Copyright Law. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Soft War: a New Episode in the Old Conflicts Between Iran and the United States
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Center for Global Communication Studies Iran Media Program (CGCS) 11-2013 Soft War: A New Episode in the Old Conflicts Between Iran and the United States Farzan Sabet Roozbeh Safshekan Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/iranmediaprogram Part of the Communication Commons, and the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Sabet, Farzan and Safshekan, Roozbeh. (2013). Soft War: A New Episode in the Old Conflicts Between Iran and the United States. Iran Media Program. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/iranmediaprogram/9 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/iranmediaprogram/9 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Soft War: A New Episode in the Old Conflicts Between Iran and the United States Abstract Soft war is ubiquitous today with the way the Islamic Republic of Iran characterizes its relationship with the West, and is a key concern of Iranian national security policy. Few, however, have seriously undertaken the task of defining what soft war is in concrete terms. This analysis proposes a definition of soft war grounded in Joseph Nye’s concept of ‘soft power’ and the history of Iran’s encounter with the West, particularly the United States. In this framework, soft war is the exercise of soft power by the United States on Iran, creating security challenges for the Islamic Republic and forcing the Republic to respond. This analysis not only explores the genealogy of this conflict and how it has unfolded under the Islamic Republic, but also attempts to assess the regime’s strategy in the soft war.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lessons of Modern
    IX. Phase Six: Expansion of the tanker war in the Gulf to include Western navies, while the land and air war of attrition continues: MARCH 1987 to DECEMBER 1987 9.0 The Increasing Importance of the War at Sea Important as the fighting around Basra was in shaping the future of the land war, developments in the Gulf were leading to a new major new phase of the war. January involved more Iraqi and Iranian attacks on Gulf targets than any previous month in the conflict. Iraq struck at Kharg Island, Iran's transloading facilities at Sirri, and Iran's shuttle tankers and oil facilities. These strikes did not make major cuts in Iran's oil exports, but they did force Iran sent another purchasing mission to Greece, London, and Norway to buy 15 more tankers. Iraqi aircraft continued to strike at tankers and the Iranian oil fields. They hit Iran's Cyrus and Norouz fields in late March and April, as well as the Ardeshir oil field, and they continued attacks on Iranian shipping to Sirri. Nevertheless, Iraq still did not score the kind of successes it had scored against Kharg and Iraq's tanker shuttle the previous year. Iran's exports remained relatively high. Figure 9.1 Patterns in Iraqi and Iranian Attacks on Gulf Shipping: 1984 to June 30, 1987 Month Iraqi Attacks Iranian Attacks Total Attacks Deaths Ship Loss 1984 36 18 54 49 32 1985 33 14 47 16 16 1986 October 1 3 4 - - November 9 2 11 - - December 5 0 5 - - Total 1986 66 41 107 88 30 1987 January 7 6 13 - - February 6 3 9 - - March 3 3 6 - - April 2 3 5 - - January-June 29 29 58 10 4 Source: Adapted from the Economist, April 25, 1987, p.
    [Show full text]