Memoirs of the museum

BRISBANE VOLUME 34 l March, 1994 Part 2

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS DAVID LAWRENCE

Lawrence, D. 1994:03 01: Customary exchange across Torres Strait Memoirs of the Queensland Museum 34(2):24l^46. Brisbane. ISSN 0079-8835.

Customary exchange across Torres Strait is examined through a study of documentary sources, oral history and museum collections. The study includes an analysis of the material culture of exchange illustrating (he variety of artefacts of subsistence, ornamentation and dress, recreation, ceremony and dance, and warfare The idea that customary exchange across Torres Strait was a system of fixed, formalised,

point-to-point trade routes is contested. This misconception, based on Haddon (1890, 1901-1935), McCarthy (1939) and Moore (1979), has arisen from reliance on historical documentary sources. By contrast, oral history from and coastal Papuans suggests that customary exchange was flexible and open, tied to changing social, political and cultural factors and operated within the framework of a dynamic Melancsian

economic system. Customary exchange is re-evaluated and the paths and patterns of exchange are restructured. Panems of customary exchange formed as a result of separate linkages between individuals and groups and served to distribute scarce resources between the Islander, Papuan and

Aboriginal peoples across f considerable geographical, ecological and cultural

diversity. Exchange is therefore interpreted in the context of the cultural and ecological discreteness of human groups within the Torres Strait region. This study also investigates the extent to which customary exchange exists in the contem- porary period and the implications of recent legal and administrative decisions such as the Torres Strait Treaty. Custnman exchange, oral history, Torres Strait, south coastal , inter-island trade.

David Lawrence, Material Culture Unit, James Cook University of North Queensland,

Townsi'ille, Queensland 48U . present address;- Great Barrier Reef Marine Park'Authority, P.O. Box 1379. Townsville, Queensland 48J0. 25 July 1992.

This study examines the material culture of GuineatPNG) and northern that is often customary exchange, across Torres Strait, within overlooked and regarded as being on the political the framework of a dynamic Melanesian ex- and cultural periphery. The Torres Strait/Fly ex- change system. Both indigenous and European tuary region is culturally diverse, and politically perceptions of customary exchange are presented divided and has been subjected to different pat- followed by assessment of the similarities and terns of colonial subjugation. However, cus- dtfferences. Misconceptions concerning the na- tomary exchange has served, along with mamagc lure of customary exchange in the Torres Strait and warfare in the pre-colonial period, to in- region have arisen fromthe continued reliance on legrate the region. This integration has enabled historical documentary sources. It will be shown the small scale communities of the region to that these sources may have distorted the true balance unequal resource allocation, for the es- eharacter of customary exchange across this sence of exchange is circulation of both materia) diverse region. Oral testimony from the Torres and non-material items. Strait Islander and Papuan people and examina- Historical sources recording contact with Is- tton of the objects of exchange, which are essen- landers commenced with a brief description of tially material evidence of customary exchange, outrigger canoes off by Luis Baes de are important elements. Tones in 1606 (Hilder,l980:76). Sustained con- Change in the customary exchange system may tact, following the voyages of William Bbgh in also be evidenced by changes to the material 1796 (Bbgh, 1976)and Matthew Flinders in 1802 culture of exchange. A further objective was to (Flinders, 1814), began in the mid-nineteenth determine how dynamic and repliant was cus- century with the scientific voyages of the survey lomary exchange in z region of Papua Nev, ships sent to chart a safe passage from the Memoirs OF THE Queensland Museum

Brisbane

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National Library of Australia card number ISSN 0079-8835 NOTE Papers published in this volume and in all previous volumes of the Memoirs of the Queensland Museum maybe reproduced for scientific research, individual study or other educational purposes. Properly acknowledged quotations may be made but queries regarding the republication of any papers should be addressed to the Editor in Chief. Copies of the journal can be purchased from the Queensland Museum Shop.

A Guide to Authors is displayed at the Queensland Museum web site

A Queensland Government Project Typeset at the Queensland Museum 242 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Australian colonies to the markets and ports of tion and commercial exploitation of the Torres India and Asia (Jukes, 1847; Macgillivray,1852; Strait, has served to alter the cultural and Allen & Corris,1977; Moore,1979). economic focus of the Islander people. Political Following missionary activity and estab- pressure imposed from outside resulted in the lishment of the London Missionary Society on enforcement of legal and quarantine regulations Damley Island in 1871, commercial fishing and across the Torres Strait which inhibited the free pearling began. European commercial activity movement of goods and people across the led to exploration of the Fly estuary and the SW Australian-PNG border. This had a detrimental coast of PNG by adventurers (Chester, 1870; D' effect on Islander-Papuan relations and, despite Albertis,1881) and missionaries (Macfarlane, the ratification of the Torres Strait Treaty in 1985, 1875/76; Gill, 1874a,b; Chalmers, 1903a,b; Bax- which formally recognized indigenous rights to ter-Riley, 1925). Colonial administration estab- free movement and exchange, the political, social lished at Mabudawan in 1891 and then at in and economic separation of Islanders and 1895, encouraged field officers (Jiear, 1904/05; Papuans is now almost complete. Beaver, 1920; Austen, 1925) to report ethno- Of the multitude of islands in Torres Strait, only graphic data so that the colonial government 16 are inhabited, although use of uninhabited could exercise control over the various ethnic islands, either permanently or temporarily, has groups inhabiting this isolated region. This rich occurred during recent time. source of historical documentary evidence may The SW coast of PNG extends from Parama be compared with oral evidence from indigenous Island in the east to the entrance of the Mai Kussa, peoples. opposite the island of Boigu. The most important work on the social, The triangular Fly estuary extends from Parama economic and cultural life of Torres Strait Is- Island in the south and Dibiri Island in the north- landers is by Haddon (1901-1935) who led the east to Somogi Island at the entrance of the Fly Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres River proper. The estuary contains c.40 large Straits in 1898. islands and numerous tidal islets. The largest The Finnish anthropologist and sociologist island in the estuary is Kiwai Island, the original Gunnar Landtman, a protege of Haddon, noted home of the Kiwai-speaking people, some of that extensive 'trade' had been carried on be- whom now dwell in coastal villages along the tween the Kiwai region and the Torres Strait northern (Manowetti) bank and the western Islands (Landtman, 1927: 213-216). He assumed (Dudi) bank of the Fly estuary. Kiwai-speaking a degree of resource specialization among people also live along the SW coast (Fig. 1). various ethnic groups inhabiting coastal and 'Western Province' refers to the political region riverine areas and collected oral evidence of of PNG immediately to the north of the Torres inter-ethnic relations, kinship connections and Strait and will be used in preference to the earlier population movements (Landtman, 1917) as well names: 'Western District' and 'Western Divisi- as artefacts which he documented and catalogued on'. himself (Landtman, 1933). Landtman (1927:215) Preliminary fieldwork involving two trips by could see no clear difference between 'actual small boat, principally to the commerce* and the 'exchange of friendly pres- of Moa, Badu, Boigu, Saibai, Dauan, Masig, Mer, ents' and remarked (Landtman, 1927:205) that Erub and Ugar, was undertaken in 1 984. This was , socially sponsored journeys, which originated followed by two extended periods of fieldwork, from gift exchange between visitor and host, as- during 1985, in PNG. The first trip, by boat, sumed, in most cases, the 'character of regular commenced in Buji, opposite Boigu, and was trading enterprises'. Both these points will re- completed at Kadawa, opposite Daru. The second quire further clarification. trip included journeys by canoe and on foot to Oral evidence of exchange relations, inter-eth- villages visited during the first trip. As well as an nic contact and coastal population movements inland walking trip from Masingara to Kulalae, I between Torres Strait Islanders and coastal also made a long trip on a hired double-outrigger Papuans has survived most strongly among the canoe from Kadawa into the Fly estuary. During coastal people of PNG. There are many historical this canoe journey, coastal Kiwai villages along and cultural reasons for this. The islands of the the Dudi bank, as well as villages on Kiwai Is- Torres Strait were, by the 1860s, home to many land, were visited. Fieldwork ended in Madiri in nationalities. The intermingling of people, as a the Fly estuary. A short trip by light plane was result of prolonged impact of colonial administra- also made to the inland village of Wipim. Wim MATERIAL CULTURE OF TOADE. TORRES STRAIT TO PNG 243

and lamega at the headwaters of the Onomo tion of circulation of goods and resources, it also River were reached by foot. Field research con- fulfilled a cultural role as a disseminator of ritual centrated on recording, on tape, oral testimonies and myths, and through kinship and 'trade of interaction, exchange and population move- partnership' relations, served to integrate scat 1 ments across the Torres Strait Oral evidence was tered communities. For these reasons "exchange first recorded in the vernacular language, this was is used in preference to the more common terms then replayed to the storyteller for possible altera- 'trade' or 'traffic'. Where 'trade', or 'trading* or tion or correction. A translation into English was 'traffic*, was used by an author this terminology then made in the presence of the storyteller using will remain, but will be marked by quotation local English-speaking men as translators. In marks. The terms "canoe trade" and 'canoe many cases this resulted in additional information traffic' (Landtman, 1927:213; Haddon.1904, being given by the storyteller and/or other lis- V:296. I908.VM86), were attempts to ir teners porate the concepts of exchange for canoes and 'Material culture* may be defined as 'the tan- exchange by means of canoes. gible phenomena ofa human society that are the purposiveproducts oflearnt patterns that are not GEOGRAPHY AND PREHISTORY OF THE tnstmcthe (Reynolds, 1 984a :4). REGION Material objects such as canoes, shells, drums, bows, arrows, masks, headdre- nines and The Torres Strait is defined (Joint Committee ornaments, moved across die Torres Strait often on Foreign Affairs and Defence,1976:xiii) as over considerable distances. Exchange in 'Generally thai area of sea and islands lying material goods was complemented by the move- pen Cape York and the Papuan coast ment of non-material items such as songs, dances bounded as follows: in the east by the northeast and rituals. Women, as willing partners in mar- extremity ofthe Great Barrier Reefarid thence in riage or as unwilling prizes of raiding and war- a northwesterly direction to include fare, also passed from one ethnic group to terminating at Brampton Point on the fty another. Exchange was facilitated by means of coast; in the west by Parliament Point on the canoes, the largest of which, the double-outrider Papuan coast; and thence south to IPS latitude sailing canoe, was the most important object of including Turn Cay and Cook, Merkara and customary exchange, Proudfoot Shoals.'

I shall contest the idea, long held, that cus- This reef-strewn passage between Cape York tomary exchange across the Torres Strait and Fly and southwest PNG. west of the , is estuary consisted of a complex system of fixed a little over 150 km wide but contains more than and linear trade-routes. 1 shall show that patterns 100 islands, coral reefs and cavs between 141* of customary exchange formed as a result of 15' and 144*20' E longitude and 9* 20* and 10° separate linkages between individuals and groups 45' S latitude (Fig. 1). and were subject to considerable change due to The Torres Strait is a shallow shelf, 10-1 5m external and internal factors. deep, along longitude 142° 15' E which ap- 'Exchange* is taken to mean the 'reciprocal proximates the position of the land bridge of traffic, exchange or movement of goods through intrusive igneous rocks that was drowned by peaceful human agency' (Renfrew, 1969:152) postglacial transgression. The bridge was and is a transaction involving two transactors and drowned during the early Holocene (8500-6500 two objects. The two transactors may be in- years B P. ). according to Barham & Harris ( 1983: dividuals or groups and the objects may be alike 531,536), if the postglacial transgression of the or unalike. Separation of commodity exchange continental shelf by the sea was completed in two which establishes quantitative relationships be- to three thousand years the present configuration tween the objects transacted' from gift exchange of islands would have been reached by 6000 R.P- which 'establishes personal qualitative relation- Torres Strait islands may be divided into four ships between the subjects transacting' (Gregory groups: an eastern group of high Pleistocene 1982:41) is difficult in Melanesian economic islands of basalt and tuffs; a central group of low relations. Ambiguity is the key to Melanesian carbonate sand islands; a western group of high economics for, as Gregory (1982: 1 16) observed: islands of Upper Carboniferous acid volcanic and

'A thing is now a gift, now a commodity, depend- granitic rocks, which form part of the prc- ing on the \ocial context of the transaction'. Mesozoic basement Cape York-Oriomo Ridge Exchange served not only the economic func- (Willmori, 1972:6); and a *top^ western group of 244 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

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FIG. 1. Map of Torres Strait, SW Coast of PNG and Fly estuary with local and English names for major islands. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRATT ?45

low mangrove mud and peat islands overlying Ync. Yam Island, the easternmost, has geographi- coralline platforms (BarhaTn& Harris. 19835 ? 3> cal characterisnes of the western group. Sixteen arc inhabited at present (Appendix The high, volcanic, eastern islands, Mer (Fig. The western pre-Mesozoie islands, Badu.Moa, 5), Erub, and Ugar have fertile, brownish soil and Mabuiag, Wayben (Fig. 2), Keriri. Muralag and steep well- vegetated slopes with some exposed Narupay have steep hill slopes and poor soils with rock. These islands show signs of deforestation broad plains of clay silt which turn to fine dust in and soil erosion Their wide reefs support a the dry season. The sandy, acidic soils are covered variety of sea life "including many sharks and rays. with patches of scrub and forest. The islands are Sea grass beds and dugongs are scarce but turtle* surrounded by mudflats, mangroves and fresh- are plentiful. water swamps. The surrounding seas and fringing The dominant climatic feature is the seasonal reefs support a variety of sea life, including alternation of wet (December-April) and dry dugong and turtle. (May-November) periods. The wet season ck The Mop* western islands, Saibai (Fig 3) and during the time of the north-west monsoon Boigu, are the alluvial accumulation of organic, whereas the dry season corresponds to the period intertidal and mangrove muds from PNG rivers of the south-east trade winds. deposited on red limestones. These islands, 2 Vegetation (Wtllmott, 19723) of the coastal 3m above Mean Sea Level, are fringed with region of PNG consists of grasslands, open mangroves and have broad interior swamps sub- savanna wx>odlands with patches of rainforest and ject to seasonal drying and flooding. Formerly, dense palm forests. The high western islands of parts of the higher internal lands were cultivated Torres Strait support sparse eucalypt forest and by the inhabitants in drained plots, and water was some areas of montane forest, while the eastern obtained from wells. Fish and crabs are plentiful, ne covered in dense grass, patches of but dugong and turtles are fewer than in clearer rainforest and coconut groves. The centra waters to the south. Dauan, with geographical lands, particularly east of Warrior Reef support characteristics of the western group* is also in- coarse grass, low scrub and coconut groves cluded in the 'top* western group. Savanna country contains a range of vegetation The centra) islands. Yam. Masig (Fig 4). War- types from grassland to dense woodlands, with a tuber and Puruma. are low sandy cays formed by more or less continuous ground layer of grasses wave action over platform reef limestone and are beneath or between trees (HarTisT98Q: 5) and "... generally 3-6m above Mean Sea Level, with the Intermediate Tropical or Savanna Zone can some patches of mangroves. Vegetation is scrub- be defined as that part ofthe tropical world that

.»' by but large areas of coconuts have been planted. experiences a dry season of 2.5 to 7.5 months .

Extensive fringing reefs contain abundant fish (Hams.l 980:3 1 "The Torres Strait islands and

FIG 2 Wayben I Thursday Is.) with Narupay (Horn Is.) in distance. (Photo: W. Gladstone) 246 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

FIG. 3. Saibai village, Saibai.

neighbouring coastal PNG are within this clas- Provinces. To the south, the Western Province sification. and Australia share a political border in the Torres The Western Province of PNG is the largest but Strait. most sparsely populated district in the country. It Most of the Western Province is a vast lowland is bordered on the west by Irian Jaya, on the north area with high mountains only in the north and by West (Sanduan) province and on the northwest. The Oriomo Plateau extends west northeast by the Southern Highlands and Gulf from the mouth of the Fly River to the Irian Jaya

FIG. 4. Masig (Yorke Is.) village. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 247

FIG. 5. Mer (Murray Is.) village. border, being defined in the north by the Fly River seasons (Fig. 7). Shallow coastal waters are and in the south by a narrow coastal plain. The muddy and contain reefs, mudbanks and coastal plain is featureless (Fig. 6), except for the sandbars. The mouths of the Fly and Bamu Rivers hill at Mabudawan (59m). The plains are flooded consist of numerous channels separating low is- during the wet and desiccated during the dry. The lands which are mostly uninhabited tidal swamps. Bensbach, Morehead, Pahoturi, Binaturi, and The Fly River contains many obstacles to naviga- Oriomo Rivers are widely spaced and slow flow- tion. Constantly changing shoals and floating tree ing. Tidal inlets of the Wassi Kussa and Mai trunks in muddy waters plague river journeys. Kussa create Strachan Island. Rapid rise and fall of floodwaters and an unpre- The coastal plain, in places less than 3km wide, dictable tidal bore in the lower Fly River, espe- and 3m above Mean Sea Level is subject to cially during new and full moons at the southeast seasonal and tidal flooding, the narrow sandy season, are also hazards to the inhabitants. beach being the only dry part in some heavy wet Soil on the Oriomo Plateau is generally poor.

feai^fem

FIG. 6. Kadawa village, PNG. Daru Is. in left background. 248 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

FIG. 7. Wabuda, Fly estuary, PNG. Small fishing village located on sandy point and on the coastal plain is poorly drained and dinate dacite or delienite welded tuff, ag- clayey. However, some good gardening soil ex- glomerate, rhyolite, andesite and volcanic breccia ists along the narrow beach ridges and inland (Willmott, 1973:102). Postdating these is the Per- along rivers and swamps (Fig. 8). mian Badu Granite, exposed on the islands of the Vegetation inland in is 0° PNG generally savanna western side of the Torres Strait north of 1 30*S grasslands similar to Cape York. The coastal and west of 142° 50'E and in the hill at swamps contain nipa palm, mangrove and sago Mabudawan. Lapping onto these Palaeozoic palm and are bordered by areas of dense wood- rocks from the south are Mesozoic sediments of lands. the Carpentaria Basin. Cape York and southwest PNG are joined by a In the area south of the Fly River, Mesozoic pre-Mesozoic basement ridge, known as the Cape sediments are overlain by Cainozoic limestones, York-Oriomo Ridge, which extends from Cape and Pliocene and Pleistocene mudstones, York to Mabudawan on the PNG coast (Willmott, sandstones and gravels (Whitaker & Willmott, I973;Willmottetal..l969;Whitaker&Willmott 1969:535). River alluvium, sand, dune sand and 1969). These Carboniferous-Permian volcanic sand cays are exposed along the southwest coast. rocks arc mostly rhyolile welded luffs, subor- Pleistocene ash cones (now tuffs) in the eastern CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 249

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FIG. 8. Map of SW Coast, PNG. part of Torres Strait belong to the Maer Volcanics the Shelf would have caused subsistence dwellers and form the islands of Mer, Erub, Ugar, and Daru to move to the higher land or back up the river and Bramble Cay. courses towards PNG or Australia. Assumptions the Sahul Shelf linking to Land bridged PNG based on studies of early sites are that humans Australia, across Torres Strait and the Arafura have been in the PNG and Australian area since Sea, between 80000-10000 years B.P. the Pleistocene (see Bell wood, 1979:62). Prior to (Bellwood,1979:37). The full evidence of human the breach, the Torres Strait region formed a settlement in the area now under the sea between plateau which separated fluvial systems draining Australia and PNG is unknown. The last land bridge between Australia and was westward into the Arafura Sea basin and eastward 19X3: across Torres Strait, and when this was breached, to the Coral Sea basin (Barham & Harris > many islands were left in the gap (Golson, 1972: 543), 379). Hypothetical reconstructions of Torres Strait The breach was dated at 8000 B.P. (White & prehistory have been outlined by Golson (1972), CTConnell, 1982: 171) or between 6500 and 8000 Vanderwal (1973), Moore (1979), and Barham & B.P. (Bellwood,1979:62). Thus, 4000-5000 by Harris (1983) and archaeological investigations B.P., Torres Strait had come close to its present are continuing (Harris, Barham & Ghaleb,1985). configuration. The shallow seabed, gently in- Any hypothesis regarding prehistoric events in clined to the west, would have been formed by the Torres Strait region that might have led to the small rivers and swamps draining from the north and south. Meandering rivers and numerous ethnographic situation as found at first European swamps would have provided subsistence for contact must draw on the findings of other dis-

human groups (Moore, 1979:308). Flooding of ciplines (Moore, 1 979:308). 250 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

LANGUAGE AND CULTURAL GROUPS At present, western islands language is spoken in three different ways: pure language (Yagar- Yagar); Ap-ne-Ap or 'Half and Half that is, a B ased on the work of Ray & Haddon ( 1 893 ) and mixture of and Yagar-Yagar; Ray (1907) Torres Strait has been considered a and Modern Laggus, a simplified form of Yagar- linguistic barrier between PNG and Australia. Yagar used mainly by younger people in the However, linguistic influences appear to have western islands (Bani, 1976: 3). crossed in both directions. Ray & Haddon (1893: In the classification of the linguistic patterns of 494-496) stated that the Miriam (now Meriam- the Torres Strait region it is important to note a mer) language was spoken on Mer, Erub and northward Australian linguistic influence was Ugar. Saibai language (now called KaJa Lagaw followed by a southward Papuan linguistic in- Ya) was spoken on western islands from Cape fluence (Wurm, 1972:361). These influences to within a mile or of the Guinea York two New were not equal, for while Meriam contains some mainland (Ray & Haddon, 1893:464). Ray stated Kala Lagaw Ya loan words of Australian that the 'chief divisions of the tribe* in the western Aboriginal origin, there is negligible Australian islands were: Kauralaig on Muralug and Moa, Aboriginal influence on Meriam which contrasts Gumulaig on Badu and Mabuiag, Saibailaig on to the strong Papuan influence on the language Saibai, Dauan and Boigu, and Kulkalaig on Nagi, and dialects of the western Islanders. Tudu and Masig. Ray & Haddon (1893:465) also The position of language on the northern is- noted that between these groups the language lands of Boigu, Dauan and Saibai has not been varied with both dialectal and pronunciation dif- comprehensively studied. Laade (1970: 271) ferences. noted that Europeans as well as Islanders Meriam-mer belongs to the Papuan (non- regarded the Mabuiag dialect of Kala Lagaw Ya Austronesian) , the Eastern as the purest form of western islands language. Trans-Fly Family (of the subphylum level Trans- Although the Saibai people state that their lan- Fly Stock of the Trans-New Guinea Phylum). guage represents an older form, Laade (1970: Wurm (1972:349) stated that Meriam is struc- 271) stated that Saibai and Boigu were inhabited turally a typical Papuan language related to Bine, before the other western islands and Mabuiag was Gidra and Gizra. Its closest geographical settled by men who obtained women from Saibai proximity is to Southern Kiwai language and, and Boigu. Badu was then settled from Mabuiag, while structurally and lexically Gizra is the but at a later date. The central islands were in- closest linguistic relative of Meriam (Wurm, habited at the time as Boigu and Saibai 1972:348), the simplified phonology of the same by people who based their permanent settlement at Meriam language is the result of the strong in- Tudu and used the other islands on hunting and fluence of Southern Kiwai language (Fig. 9). Kala Lagaw Ya or Kala Lagau Langgus fishing expeditions. Laade (1970:272) therefore (Bani,1976) belongs to the Pama-Nyungan group suggested that the Mabuiag language was a com- of Australian languages (Bani, 1976:3). However, bination of Saibai language and the language of original settlers. dialect differences are still apparent. The so- the Tudu called Mabuiag dialect (Ray, 1907:6), spoken by Proto-Paman loan words in languages of the Badbulgal and Gumulgal of Badu and Mabuiag Eastern Trans-Fly Family indicates the influence and the Mabuygilgal of Mabuiag as well as the of Australian Aboriginal language in the eastern Italgal and Muwalgal of Moa, is now referred to Trans-Fly area. The predominance of proto- as Kala Lagaw Ya. The dialect of the Boigu, Paman loan words in Gizra suggests that the Dauan and Saibai Islanders (the Boeygulgal, influence postdates the splitting of Eastern Trans- Daewanalgal and Saybaylgal), referred to as Fly proto-languages into daughter languages. Saibai dialect (Ray & Haddon,1893) is now This is assumed to have taken place 3000—4000 termed Kalaw Kawaw Ya. Dialect differences B.P (Wurm,1972:360), indicating a spread also could be noted in the language variations northwards of Australian linguistic influence. spoken by the central Islanders (the Kulkalgal) of This was followed by a southward Papuan lin- Puruma, Yam, Warraber, Masig and on other guistic influence intoTorres Strait and Cape York islands only occasionally inhabited as well as in Peninsula, perhaps 1000 years later. Wurm the language of the Kawrareg of Muralag and the ( 1 972:362) suggested that Gizra and Meriam split other SW islands. from a common proto-language after the splitting All dialects were mutually intelligible and dif- of the original Eastern Trans-Fly proto-language fered only slightly in vocabulary and phonology. into daughter languages. Meriam thus shares a CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 251

= 1 vW r' X BAMU ESTUARY /

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1972, FIG 9 Language map of Torres Strait. Languages used in areas indicated are underlined. (Prom Wurm, 1973, 1975a,b; Shnukal, 1983, 1988) 252 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

number of words with Mabuiag which are speakers of the Kiwaian family, 9700 spoke the separate from the commonly shared words of Southern Kiwai variant, 1700 spoke Wabuda and Papuan and Australian origin. The original reason 4400 spoke Bamu Kiwai. Of the southern Kiwai for this movement south may have been the lin- speakers, Wurm claimed that the Coastal Kiwai guistic migrations assumed to have commenced dialects of Southern Coastal Kiwai comprised in the Markham Valley 5000 B.P., spreading to 1800 speakers, Eastern Coastal Kiwai 3000 the Trans-New Guinea Phylum languages speakers, Daru Kiwai 1000 speakers, Island through three-quarters of the New Guinea main- Kiwai 3500 speakers, Doumori 400, Wabadu land. The spread into the southern areas of New 1700 and Bamu Kiwai 4400 speakers. Southern Guinea may have taken place between 2000 to Coastal Kiwai, a subdialect of Coastal Kiwai, is 3000 B.P. This is supported by the suggestion that spoken in the villages of Mabudawan, Mawatta the ancestors of the present day Kiwai people, and Tureture, while Eastern Coastal Kiwai is who migrated down the Fly, were the carriers of spoken in the villages of Katatai, Kadawa and the Trans-New Guinea Phylum. Linguistic ele- Parama on the southwest coast, and Sui, Dawari, ments of these Phylum languages became super- Scverimabu and Koabu on the eastern bank of the imposed on the non-Trans-New Guinea Phylum Fly estuary (Wurm, 1973:234). languages of the Trans-Fly area as part of an- Island Kiwai is spoken in Saguare, Ipisia, cestral Kiwai influence (Wurm, 1972: 363). Samari, Iasa, Kubira, Doropo and Sepe; a variant 'Broken', also called 'Brokan* or Torres Strait being spoken in Aibinio. Wabuda is spoken in Kriol (Creole), originated from languages Wabuda Island, Wapi on Aibinio Island, and two brought to the islands by Pacific Islanders in the villages on Dibiri Island between the Fly and

1850s. Shnukal (1988) stated that Creole is pre- Bamu estuaries (Wurm ? 1973:236). Bamu Kiwai dominantly spoken: at on Cape York; is spoken in villages of the lower and, Erub and Mer in the eastern islands; Masig, in recent times, in the large Bamu villages on Puruma and Warraber in the central islands and and in the lower . Moa (St Pauls), Yam, and Ham- Kiwaian languages show strong links with the mond Island in the western islands. The number languages located in the Upper Fly River head- of first language speakers of Broken is probably waters (Wurm, 1973:252). This suggests that the about 2500-3000 but there are about 12000- original Kiwaian speakers migrated down the Fly 15000 second language speakers (Shnukal, River to the delta region, and thence along the 1988:3). Although negative concepts associated eastern and southern coasts of the Trans-Fly area with the use of Broken are common among some and north to the Bamu region. This migration

Islanders, as it is seen as 'Pidgin' or substandard moved further north where the original languages

English, it is a common language in daily life and were subject to linguistic changes when in contact on some local and regional radio programmes. with the older original languages. A similar English is the main administrative language on migration southward would explain linguistic Thursday Island and the language of instruction connections between Kiwai and Meriam (Wurm, in all Torres Strait island schools. 1973:253) and perhaps the slight influences of The languages spoken on the southwest coast Papuan language on the western islands. This of PNG are members of the Papuan (or non- southward migration began no more than 3000- Austronesian) language group belonging to the 4000 years ago (Wurm, 1973:255). Eastern Trans-Fly Family of the Trans-New Within the Kiwai language a number of dialect Guinea Phylum. Of these languages the Kiwai differences were first noted late last century. Ray family of languages has the largest number of & Haddon (1893:465) stated that specimens of speakers. The Kiwai family of languages consists language obtained from Mowat (Mawatta or of c. 7 distinct languages with 15 different com- Moatta) at the mouth of the Binaturi, Parama (or munalects of divergent dialect status located on Parem), and on Kiwai Island showed a variety of the coastal, near-coastal and insular areas of the dialectal differences. The use of Motu as a lingua Western Province (particularly the Fly estuary) franca has declined in post-colonial years and has and the Gulf Province (Wurm,1973:219). been replaced by English. English is used in Geographically, these languages extend from schools, government and administration Mabudawan across the Fly estuary as far as the throughout the Western Province. eastern bank of Era Bay in the Gulf Province (Fig. A common feature of all points and assump- 10). tions is that cross-cultural contact, internally Wurm (1973:225) stated that of the 22700 among Islanders, as well as externally between CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 253

FIG. 10. Language map of the SW coast and Fly estuary, PNG. Language names are underlined. (From Wurm &Hattori, 1981). Papuans, Islanders and Aborigines, has always Mutumu (Mutam) and Lewada. These people call existed. While the full extent of these patterns of themselves Magayam but are called Masam by language, migration and inter-regional move- their neighbours. The Pasuam speakers live in the ments is not well known, elements of specific villages at the headwaters of the cross-cultural contacts are mentioned in oral his- in the villages of Wim, Biambod, Sogare tories. (Sogale), Nanu, Ngao (Gnao) as well as Glabi, In the Oriomo-Bituri region linguistic affilia- Sebe and Kubuli, and are called Kawam by the tions extend inland from the southwest coast. The Bine (Watanabe, 1975:1, 76). The Bine speaking Gidra (Gidera) speaking people occupy the inland people living along the Binaturi River inhabit the villages of Rual, Kapal, Iamega, Wipim, Podare, villages of Bose, Giringarede, Masingara, Irupi, Gamaeve, Ume, Kuru, Zim, Peawa and Abam, as Drageli, and Kunini, while the Gizra people live well as the coastal village of Dorogori. They call in the villages of Waidoro, Kupere and Kulalae their own language Wipitungam. The Gidra live (Togo). The Agob speaking people live in the along the Oriomo River and in a cluster of vil lages small isolated villages of Sigabaduru, Ber and at the Oriomo headwaters. The term Gidra, mean- Buji, between the Pahoturi River and the Mai ing 'bush people', was originally given to these Kussa. As oral evidence shows, contact between people by their Bine speaking neighbours. Islanders and Papuans was first established by the To the north, at the headwaters of the Binaturi 'bush' people rather than the 'coast' people. River, are the Magayam speaking people living Language groups in the Oriomo-Bituri district in the villages of Sanguanso, Upiara, Tewara, are concentrated in close proximity to the larger 254 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

river systems. Villages are spread along the river by groups utilizing large double-outrigger sailing and interconnecting streams. Access between vil- canoes obtained from PNG. lages can be effected by walking through the bush Along the coast of PNG, from the Fly estuary and swamps as well as by small river canoe. to the Mai Kussa River, subsistence patterns Travel along the southwest coast and into the varied with geography and topography. Overall islands of the Torres Strait is facilitated by means slash and bum horticulture was combined with of large sailing canoes or large fiberglass hunting and fishing. The most common horticul- 'banana* boats. tural products were taro (Colocasia esculenta), Since early times, the canoe provided the Torres yams (Dioscorea sp.), bananas (Musa sp.), sugar- Strait island people, as well as the coastal cane {Saccharum officinarum), sweet potatoes Papuans, with their principal means of long dis- (Ipomoea batatas), and coconuts (Cocos nuci- tance maritime transport. It must be apparent, fera). Semi-domesticated sago (Metroxylon sp.) therefore, that across the Torres Strait the canoe provided much of the carbohydrate food base for within the pat- assumed paramount importance coastal and riverine Papuans (Fig. 1 1). tern of customary exchange between Islanders ''Traditional subsistence in the littoral wood- and Papuans. lands and swamps of the Papuan coastal zone appears to be based on limited horticulture, in- cluding the tending semi-wild species, on the POPULATION SUBSISTENCE of AND gathering wild plant products and shellfish, on PATTERNS of fishing and to a lesser extent turtling and dugong hunting, and on the hunting of wild pigs, wal- labies, other small marsupials, lizards, snakes, Subsistence systems varied along a gradient land birds and waterfowl '(Harris, 1 977 :45 1 ). The from north to south across the Torres Strait from reliance on horticulture in the Papuan lowlands the lowlands of Papua in the north to the western and on eastern Torres Strait islands contrasted islands of the Torres Strait in the south. with a reliance on foraging and hunting on SW In lowland Papua and the northern Torres Strait Torres Strait islands and on Cape York. islands mixed systems existed which blended Within this broad spectrum of subsistence pat- limited horticulture with foraging; in the southern terns, regional and local specialization could also Torres Strait islands and occur. Thus exploitation of marine resources on subsistence was almost completely non-horticul- Torres Strait islands, apart from its role in the tural and a wide range of wild plant and animal subsistence played an important part in resources was exploited (Harris, 1977:422, 1979, economy, social and ceremonial life. In order to exploit 1980). A subsistence gradient also existed across marine resources the Islanders and Papuans re- Torres Strait from east to west. Diversity of subsistence strategies across Tor- quired a sophisticated marine technology; this the large res Strait needs to be understood in terms of the included outrigger canoes, which could relationship between location, size and popula- remain at sea for long periods and hold large sea tion density of islands, and relationship of one animals such as dugongs and turtles (Fig. 12). island community to another. Along the Papuan coast, particularly in the The non-horticultural, subsistence pattern of riverine zone, the emphasis on horticulture was the western Torres Strait Islanders combined ex- also an indication of regional resource specializa- ploitation of bush plants with hunting and fishing. tion which encouraged the growth of settled com- Prior to European contact, social groups were munities. On swampy Fly estuary islands reliance organized into mobile, generally semi-per- on sago starch as a food staple was a regional manent, exogamous patricians and bands. In the resource specialization. eastern islands horticulture exploited the rich soil Across the whole of the region, where in- of the fertile high islands. The eastern Islanders digenous populations were supported in broad- were organized into exogamous villages and spectrum subsistence systems, with some hamlets divided into clan areas. In the regional resource specialization, the impact of northwestern low islands a combination of hor- population pressure may have been the key to the ticulture and wild food procurement was prac- development of more specialized subsistence pat- tised by social groups organized into permanent terns, either through the exploitation of crops or established villages divided into clan wards (Be- marine resources. ckett, 1972: 320-325). Sandy cays and islets of the Adoption and development of horticulture, par- central Torres Strait were intermittently inhabited ticularly in the eastern Torres Strait, may have CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 255

FIG. 1 1 . Woman washing sago pith. Sepe village, PNG. been related to increases in population resulting hunter-gatherer populations. Any migrant group from a more sedentary settlement pattern, internal attempting to impose itself upon the western is- migration of people, or emigration from PNG or land communities would have had to contend Australia (Harris,1977: 456). with long and well-established occupants exist- Horticulture may have been stimulated by the ing only in semi-permanent habitations of some emigration into the islands or by a gradual move relatively large but scarcely populated islands. towards resource specialization. Golson (1972: Thus, according to this hypothesis, the economic 384) stated that if, in the eastern islands, the base of the western islands remained virtually original hunter-gatherer groups had been isolated non-horticultural while the language of the by transgression of the sea during the flooding of western Islanders remained structurally akin to the Sahul Shelf, the population would have been the Paman languages of northern Australia. small. Any immigrant group, particularly from Golson's model emphasises the complexity of PNG, with sufficient maritime technology to regional subsistence patterns and that, within make the required sea crossings and a horticul- these patterns, a long term balance of resources tural economy on which a viable population could and populations could be maintained relative to be based, would be able to establish itself on the island size, availability of natural resources and islands with little or no opposition. Golson's as- relative geographical position. sumption was that the ethnographic evidence sup- Both the coastal Papuan and the Torres Strait ported this hypothesis. For example, eastern Islander communities were small-scale aceph- Islanders had a horticultural subsistence economy alous societies, separated by water barriers. Such and spoke a Papuan language, while in the societies were characterized by creation of artifi- western islands, the close network of inter-insular cial interdependencies by means of ritual and subsistence economies ensured the survival of the exchange which fostered intermittent co-opera- 256 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

r

FIG. 12. Ocean going canoe (motomoto) from Mabudawan village, PNG, sailing to Saibai village. tion where otherwise interrupted warfare and hos- Dauan and Saibai. It may also be shown that a tilities would have occurred. Throughout the fourth insular grouping could include the central region, there was a complex division of labour islands, particularly Yam, Tudu and Masig, and a which induced people to refrain from producing fifth grouping in the eastern islands would link goods and required them to import them instead. Mer, Erub and Ugar (Fig. 13). The last two groups Trade, warfare and marital exchange provided were not examined in detail by Harris. These interaction (Beckett, 1972:319). groupings correspond closely to the known lin- Harris (1979:84-102), examining pre-Euro- guistic affiliations of the Torres Strait Islanders. pean economy and population patterns of west- 'At the local, inter-community level contact was ern Torres Strait islands, stated that a direct frequent and informal; at the intermediate, inter- correlation could be found between inter-insular community scale it was less frequent and more variation in resource availability and the variation formal; and at the regional island-mainland level noted in assumed economic structures prior to it took the form of systematised trade'. (Harris, sustained European contact with Islanders in the 1979:85). mid-nineteenth century. Harris (1979:91) noted, Using references from the Brierly manuscripts in particular, that it was possible to draw general (see Moore, 1 974, 1 979, and Brierly, 1 849/50) and conclusions about community size and inter-in- Haddon (1890), Harris showed that subsistence sular variations in population density which re- economies of Badu and Mabuiag complemented lated directly to mid-nineteenth century patterns each other. Badu was well provided with wild of community organization and the structure of terrestrial food, while Mabuiag had access to rich socio-economic exchange in three inter-insular fishing grounds, including the most productive allied groupings in the western islands. The allied dugong hunting grounds in Torres Strait. Hor- groups were: the Muralag group, together with ticulture was more intensive on Mabuiag. Hor- Moa and Nagi; Badu and Mabuiag; and Boigu, ticultural and sea foods from Mabuiag were CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 257

5^-* BAMU ESTUARY r*^\~

DIBIRI

FLY ESTUARY

20 30

KILOMETRES

FIG 13. Insular allied groups for inter-marriage, raiding and exchange within the Torres Strait (from Harris, 1979). l=Muralag group. 2=Badu & Mabuiag. 3=Boigu, Saibai & Dauan. 4=Yam, Tudu, Masig. 5=Mer, Erub & Ugar. )

258 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

exchanged tor wild foods from Badu (Har- es and local diseases also served to limit populat- ris. 1979: 96-99). ion growth In the SW islands of Muralag and Moa which The statistics do emphasise, however, that the were subjected la strong seasonal variations and populauon groups on Torres Strait islands, prior could only support a semi-sedentary population. to the 1S40s, were relatively small groups, de- subsistence activities were mainly wild food pendent upon seasonal horticulture, hunting and procurement In contrast Nagi had a higher fishing. population density. Because Nagi was more fer- The creation of artificial interdependencies tile than the Muralag group, horticulture would through ritual and exchange of goods would have been more intensive. The people of Nagi therefore have been of vital importance in dntVt visited the Muralag people regularly, for social ing Islander and Papuan communities into per- and economic reasons, and brought with them manent co-operalion for social and economic bamboo knives* tobacco, fibres for clothing. Survival bows, arrows, mats, ornaments, food and canoes Of the western islands Nagi, Dauan and had the highest population densities and kvhidl in particular, they exchanged for wild Mahuiag inlands yams, and pcarlshell ornaments (Moore, 1979: on these horticulture was most developed L (Harris. 1 979 J 2). Nagi was associated with 301 ). A similar relationship existed between Muralag and Moa; Mabuiag with Badu. and the i&lands ul Dauan. Saihai and Boigu (Hams, Dauan with Saibai and Boigu. Thus, despite • 99-101), Dauan, having permanent water population and density fluctuations, these three and some gardening land, was more intensively insular allied groups functioned as separate socio- cultivated than either Saihai or Boigu. However. economic units and within the insular allied Saibai and Boigu provided sea foods and wild group, populauon figures and density patterns animals. This relationship was further compli- were basically similar. Harris (1979:92) sup- cated by the closenes* of Papua. posed ihat these identifiable regularities related Harris {1979:87-92:' supported his hypothesis directly to the seasonal pattern of subsistence and of insular allied island groups by examining es- to the pattern of exchange of goods which timated pre-European contact populations and operated across Torres Strait. population densities of western Torres Strait is- The complexity of the pce-contact patterns of lands. However, many discrepancies occur in ac- insular subsistence systems is shown in Harris's curate estimation of pre- and immediate model Inter-insular socio-economic ties main- prist contact populations of these islands (Beck- tained a balance between resources and popula- en, 1987:26foocnoteXsee Appendix B). This was tion which was profoundly disturbed after contact due. in part, to errors of estimation of movements with Europeans. Study of subsistence strategies mi-permanent populations, and the natural across Torres Strait by Harris ( 1 979: 1 03- 1 04 reluctance of many groups to make initial contact revealed * three insular communities with almost with Europeans. equal populations, linked by an exchange net-

Harris 1 1979:92) related die estimated popula- in manufactured floods bus dependent for tion to calculations of population density, and their basic subsistence on the complementary stated that a pre-European contact (c. 1840) exploitation of wildfoods and cultivated crops in population of 2870 for the western islands gave she physically contrasted islands of which each an overall population density of 3.7 persons/km^ minify consis&dSlt is possible to extend of 7.] or an avenue peopleVkm of island coast. Harris's model into an examination of subsis- stated that, in Beckett (1972:312; 1987:26) 1860t tence patterns for the eastern islands using histori- the estimated population for inhabited islands of cal population data- the Torres Strait was c. 4000-5000. By 1900 this Mer, Ugar and Erub constituted a similar in- had fallen to 2000, although by 1970 it had again sular allied community for the eastern Islanders risen to 8000. Chalmers (1887:318) reported thai were bound by a common language and, inhabit- epidemics of European diseases, such as small- ing the high fertile eastern islands with relatively pox, wiped out substantial numbers of Torres easy access to the marine resources, were united

Strait Islanders and Papuans on the adjoining i ilation from the western and central islands. coast during the lale 1860s. However, it needs to Figures from Hunt ( 1 899:5), Beckett (1972: 312),

he remembered that, although epidemics also oc- and Haddon 1 1935, 1:95. 190) show that prior to curred in coastal Papua during lhe 1850s to the 1871. Mer, with 700 persons and an area of 4.8 2 1870s (Oram.l977:92 i, warfare, seasonal famin- km* had 146 persons/km . The Mer. Dauan and . - '

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT

Waier group, with a population of 800, had a some degree of resou.-, whereas 2 density of 133 persons/km . Erub with 500, had in the island zone, u here population pressure on 2 100 persons/ km , and Ugar with 70. had 64 resources is likely to have been greatest 1 ."ins/km The eastern islands, with an es specialized syste/ns developed which focused to u mated population of 1270, had ! 16.5 persons/ tug degrees on the exploitation ofboth hor-

(Beckett ,1987: 1 13). This figure is higher ncuHural crops and marine resources. than that of the western islands. The eastern is- The underlying factor which facilitated ex- lands supported high populations on small, fertile change relations between the small Island com- islands where intensive horticulture was com- munities and coastal PNG during pre and early bined with exploitation of hch marine resources historical periods was the necessity to creai in a pattern of subsistence similar to that which uficial dependencies through marriage, exchange operated on the SW coast and Fly estuary. and warfare, to overcome, or mitigate against Mer had the highest population and population unequal distribution of natural resources. Contact density. Mer was also the principal island in with Europeans was also unequal and. as the which external] exchange was formally regulated historical documentary literature, supported by will hy one clan group, the Komet It would seem that oral testimony, show, introduction of high population density in small islands European trade goods into the exchange sy demanded large scale interdependence for ritual, led to the eventual disruption of the cusiomary marriage and external, as weli as internal ex- patterns change. Beckett ( 1 972: 323) suggested that it was the authority of the clan leaders, cxpre EUROPEAN PERCEPTIONS OF through control ol* the Malo-Bomai cult, that CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE united the separate village units of Mer. k may •- therefore, that population density was one Historical sources cannot be considered com-

; e ason for development of a highly regulated dan pletely authoritative because they result moslrj system which permitted the Komet clan control from superficial contacts between two groups uf Ol external exchange relations, particularly with people lacking clear understanding of Papuan groups on the mainland to the north, while other's cultural practices, beliefs and languages. permitting the Peibre clan control of internal ex From an era of colonial expansion they may have change between the eastern Islanders and the Eurocentric biases, or may exhibit racist senti- central Islanders ments, ignorance or misinformation. Population figures for the central islands of the Nevertheless much important information can

Torres Strait are not comprehensive. However* it be extracted from these historical sources The may be assumed thai the Yam and Tudu Island writings of missionaries, traders and colonial of- up maintained a higher population density ficials must also be approached with caution. than the other islands of the central group which Notwithstanding these problems, historical were Largely sand cays (Beckett, 1972:3 12; documentary sources yield much on the material Chester. 1870: 1,3). The Yam and Tudu Islanders culture Of Observable exchange patterns. Bonsti luted one people. Tudu was most likely only temporarily inhabited before the estab- HISTORY OF EUROPEAN CONTACT lishment of a pearling station there pnnr to 1870 WITH INDIGENOUS GROUPS IN THE (Chester, 1870). Yam was an important centre of TORRES STRAIT AND FLY ESTUARY. contact between Torres Strait Islanders and coa AND NOTES ON DOCUMENTARY

Idl Papuans well before European contact SOURCES Exchange of shell ornaments from Torres Strait lor canoe hulls from the Fly estuary was, until the Although Luu Baes de Torres passed Ihn introduction of European boats, the principal Torres Strait in 1606, it was not until the early transaction. nineteenth century, when expansion and s. Ethnographic evidence supports the idea that a ment of the Australian Colonics began in earnest, variety of subsistence economies operated across that inhabitants of the region began to attract the Torres Strait. As Harris (1977: 458) summarized, attention of Europeans. Interest was generated particularly with reference to the western Torres more as a result of the difficulties of passage Strait islands and Papuan coastal area west of through the reef-strewn waters and subsequent Daru. 'uborigmal populations weft sustained by shipwreck than from any real interest in the broad-spectrum systems whiff, incorporated peoples and cultures of Ton.-:- Strait. 260 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Edward Edwards, in HMS Pandora named in the industry was outside the Queensland Murray Island (Mer) in 1791 and noted ihe canoes Polynesian Labourers Act of 1868 and sub- of the eastern Islanders (Flinders, 1814, 1:xvi). sequent political moves were made by the William Bligh had passed through Torres Strait Queensland Government to secure the region in 1789 after the mutiny in RMSBotmty. In 1792, under its jurisdiction. in HMS Providence, he charted a wide course As late as 1877, Murray, Darnley, Saibai, through the Strait, naming Darnley Island (Erub). Dauan and Boigu were still under jurisdiction of He made detailed notes on his passage and his the Governor of Fiji and Western Pacific High contacts with local people (Bligh, 1976). Commission. Henry Marjoribanks Chester, Resi- Conflict occurred in 1793 on Darnley Island dent Magistrate on Thursday Island, and the then when the crews of the Honnuzzer and Chesterfield, Queensland Premier, John Douglas, actively under the command of Captains William Brampton sought control over these eastern and northern and Matthew Alt, destroyed huts and canoes at islands in an attempt to regulate the beche-de-mer Bikar village now known as Treacherous Bay and pearl-shelling industries and to control law- (Flinders,! 814,I:xxx-xxxvi). They destroyed 16 lessness in the Torres Strait. 50-70 (15-21m) foot canoes. In 1802, Flinders in In July 1871, the London Missionary Society the Investigator, sailed through the Strait, describ- under Samuel Macfarlane and A.W. Murray es- ing people and canoes (Flinders, 1814, II: 105-123). tablished a base on Darnley Island and from there

In 1 836, the Isabella , under Captain Lewis, was sent began a steady outward movement across the to search for survivors of the Charles Eaton; the Torres Strait islands and into PNG. narrative of this voyage contained some eth- The London Missionary Society used Pacific nographic material (Brockett,1836). Islanders, notably Samoans, Cook Islanders and Torres Strait, southern coastal PNG and north- Loyalty Islanders, as missionaries and evan- ern Australia were explored by the Fly and Bram- gelism was left to these Pacific Islander pastors. ble under Captain Blackwood in 1842-1846; As a result, Polynesian cultures were to have a evidence of the material culture of the peoples profound impact on customary practices of the encountered came from reports of these voyages Torres Strait people in the second half of the (Jukes,1847;Macgillivray,1852;Melville,1848). nineteenth century. Brierly (1849V50) who recorded the rescue of The history of the Christian missions in Torres Barbara Thompson, who had been shipwrecked Strait must be seen in terms of colonization at Cape York (Moore, 1979), added valuable eth- (Beckett, 1978a:209). Mission paternalism mir- nographic information. The journal of John rored economic and political paternalism of the Sweatman (Allen & Corris,1977), who served on white administration although Macfarlane recog- the Bramble (1845-1847), added cultural infor- nised the ability of the Islanders to make judge- mation from the first half of the nineteenth cen- ments about the missions because he believed that tury. The era of the surveying voyages, they welcomed the missionaries as protection 1837-1850, began a period of great social and against the uncertain actions of European and economic change in Torres Strait and the Fly Pacific Islander boat crews from pearling and estuary. beche-dc-mer stations (Beckett, 1978a:21 3). By After 1860, Torres Strait became a centre for the end of the nineteenth century most Islander commercial pearling and beche-de-mer fishing with communities were nominally Christian. The Ad- a labour force of Pacific Islanders, Australian ministrator of Papua, Sir William Macgregor, Aborigines and Europeans, as well as Torres Strait gave the London Missionary Society a sphere of Islanders. The Queensland colonial government influence from Milne Bay to Torres Strait which promoted interest in Torres Strait by establishing a was maintained until 1914, when it handed over settlement at Somerset, Port Albany, in 1864 to its activities to the Church of England. The only serve as a base for control over Torres Strait Is- exception was the Congregation of the Sacred landers and white adventurers living beyond Heart Mission at from 1885. colonial laws. In this climate the first major anthropological A colonial administrative centre at Cape York, study of the region was made by the Cambridge and on Thursday Island after 1 877, assisted explora- Anthropological Expedition of 1898 led by A.C. tion, missions and administration of Torres Strait. Haddon; it was a watershed in the history of The pearl-shelling industry was established on British anthropology (Urry, 1984:98). Haddon's

Warrior Island (Tudu) in 1 868 by Captain Banner methodological approach to ethnology reflected (Chester,! 870). Employment of Pacific Islanders his long concern with the processes of evolution CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 261

which he had derived from his earlier training in 1888). D'AIbertis acquired notoriety from his the biological sciences (Urry, 1982:77). Haddon account of his second trip up the Fly River in 1 876 undertook zoological research in Torres Strait in (D'AIberus,1881; Austen,1925). 1888 and published an ethnography of western Chester voyaged from Torres Strait into the Fly Islanders (Haddon, 1890). River in 1870. During a trip to the pearl-shelling Of the 6 volumes of reports (Haddon, 1901- station on Warrior Is. he collected a vocabulary 1935) II-VI, which dealt in detail with physiol- of 'New Guinea' words on Damley Is. which ogy, psychology, religion, sociology, linguistics appear to be mainly Kiwai language; he also and arts, were published between 1901 and 1912. referred to the frequency of contacts between Volume I on general ethnography was published Papuans and Islanders (Chester, 1870). 37 years after the field work; Haddon maintained British New Guinea government control regular correspondence with a number of people caused a decline in mission influence, especially in Torres Strait during the interval so that volume after Macfarlane' s retirement in 1886. When

I contains information not included in the earlier, Chalmers assumed responsibility for the mission more detailed, volumes. in the Western Province, he found it in a state of The philosophical dictum of expedition mem- collapse with posts abandoned, churches deserted bers that it was necessary to record all aspects of and demoralised teachers living in poverty and ill Torres Strait Islander culture was prompted by a health (Chalmers, 1887; Langmore,1978). He es- now discredited evolutionist premise that change tablished a base at Saguane, on Kiwai Is. but, was fundamentally destroying the 'traditional following the death of his wife in 1900, re-estab-

fabric' of indigenous societies and that it was lished the station on Daru Is. In 1901, Chalmers important for ethnographers to document these and his assistant Tomkins were killed at Goaribari cultures before their inevitable decline (Sil- Island, near the , and the mission to litoe, 1976: 13; Urry, 1982). the Kiwai floundered. Edward Baxter-Riley took Early European contact in the Western charge of the Fly estuary-Mawatta coast after Province of PNG may be described in terms of Chalmers. Based at Daru for 30 years, he re-es- establishment and decline of missions and reluc- tablished the Kiwai Mission and wrote extensive- tant growth of colonial administration. The first ly on the cultural life and language of the Kiwai European to settle in Papua was the Reverend (Baxter-Riley,1925). By 1895, Daru was ad- W.G. Lawes of the London Missionary Society ministrative and mission centre of Western who, in 1874, established a mission near Port Province following the closure of the government Moresby. residency at Mabudawan which had been estab-

In 1872, Pacific Islander teachers were landed lished in 1891 . Daru became harbour, water and at Katau (Mawatta), 48km NW of Darnley Island. fuel depot and a base for trade and commercial James Chalmers arrived in Papua in 1877 and exploitation of the Fly River and the Torres Strait. established a mission at Suau, off South Cape. While based at Daru, resident magistrates, such Conflict between Lawes, Chalmers and Macfar- as A.H. Jiear (1904/05) and Wilfred Beaver lane, on Dauan, over personal and professional (1920), made notable contributions to an under- matters led to 3 spheres of mission influence. standing of the cultures of Papuan people. They Several administrative changes occurred be- also reported on Papuan contacts with Torres- tween proclamation of the British Protectorate in Strait Islanders. 1884 and the 1908 Papuan Act of the Australian The most important anthropological study of Parliament which established the Australian Ter- the people of the S W coast was made by Gunnar ritory of Papua. Landtman, between 1910 and 1912 (Landtman, The impact of explorers, prospectors and 1917,1927, 1933). Landtman made a comprehen- traders, and uncontrolled labour recruitment on sive collection (Landtman, 1933) of the material village life led to extended British and Australian culture of the coastal and riverine peoples. His administration over Papua and the Torres Strait collection of more than 1 300 artefacts was placed islands in the late 19th century. Macfarlane, in the National Museum of Finland, Helsinki, in

Chester as well as the Italian adventurer D*- February 1913. It complements Haddon's Torres Albertis travelled up the Fly River in 1875 (Mac- Strait collection. farlane, 1875/76; Wilson, 1978; D'Albertis, Administrative control of SW Papua was ex- 1879). The Mai Kussa area was explored by tended from the permanent colonial administra- Octavius Stone and Macfarlane in 1875 (Stone, tive post at Daru. Police and colonial authority 1880) and by John Strachan in 1884 (Strachan, suppressed warfare and raiding, leading to 262 MEMOIRS OF TOE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

paci heal ion of the SW coast, Commerce was only make good bargains, hut were honest and readi ly partially successful with plantations established gave up what was agreedfor - ...'(Fig. 14).

only at Mibu Island, at Madiri near the mouth of Flinders ( 18 I4,l:xxiiij described the large the Fly, and at Dirtmu on the Bmatun River. The double-outrigger dugout canoes: 'Their canoes Fly estuary and SW coast never developed to any were aboutfift\ feet m length, ami appear to ha ve extent economically. Transportation and com- been hollowed out of a single tree, but the pieces munications remained undeveloped. The SW which form the gunwales, are planks sewed on coast of Western Province remains one o\' the with the fibres of the cocoa nut. and secured with most economically depressed regions of PNG pegs. The vessels are low, forward, hut rise abaft, having only small villages with low population. and. being narrow, are fated with an outrigger Today, these villages continue subsistence ac- on each side, to keep (hem steady. A raft, of tivities supplemented by small-scale cash crop- greater breadth than the canoe, extends over ping, market gardening and artisanal fishing, and about halfthe length; and upon this isfued a shed by remittances from kin working away from the or hut, thatched with palm leaves. These people, village. in short appeared to be dexterous sailors and x formidable warriors; and to be as much at case CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE PATTERNS AS In the water, as tn their canoes." (Fig. 15). RECORDED IN HISTORICAL On Oamlcy Is., Captains Brampton and Alt in SOURCES 1793 noted that men were rubbed with a reddish or hunit substance [ochre], and that cassowary or In 1770, off Possession Island near Cape York, emu feathers decorated a string of skulls and Captain James Cook sighted a party of men "nine hands in a hut (Flinders, 18 14,1: xxxiii, xxxvt).On of them were untied With such lam $s as Wt had Stephens Is., Brampton described an opossum been accustomed to see the tenth hud a bow, and which had probably been brought either from } a bundle ofarrows, which we had never seen in New Guinea, or Australia (Flinders, 1814, I: the possession of the natives of dtis country xxxviii). Brampton and Alt noted: 'The natives of Australia) fo»/<>/v/( Flinders.] 8 14.l:xv). the island came down in considerable numbers; I

' Edward Edwards in 1791 and William Bligh in and exchanged some hows and arrows, for kniVi S 1792 detailed the Size, quality and excellence of and other articles* (Flinders,! 814, I:xxxiii). canoes of the Islanders. Bligh (1976: log entry Hinders (1814.11:109) made detailed notes on Thursday 6lh September) remarked on the desire (he material culture of Torres Strait and noted the

>:t the Torres Strait Islanders for iton:*WMIe the eagerness to barter bows, arrows and food for Assistant was at Anchor severed Cannoes [sic] metal, particularly iron. went alongside her and traded their Bows and In 1822 Wilson! 1835:313) observed thai many Arrows for iron ofany kind They look care lo of the people

1 *r

FIG. 14. Torres Strait. The general order of sailing'. Sketch by George Tobin from Bligh (1976:146), showing Torres Strait Islanders offering exchange goods to passing vessels. '

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 263

Is ef- riindcr^ FIG. 15. View of Murrays , with the native* to barter,* Sketch by W.WestaJl from < 1K14, n.

facing 1 10), showing sailing canoes and canoes being paddled by Torres strait Islanders offering bows, shell. and either a small mat or tobacco pipe, to Darn ley, Warrior and other neighbouring is- they gave me the following list ofnames ofplaces lands and he praised their ability to sail their apparently in the order of their occurrence. canoes close to the wind (Wilson, 1835:309 foot- Samarree. Dodee. Keewai. Eemoree. Partem, note). Baeb, Keregetl Erro, Mowatt, Saibai, Dowar George Windsor Earl, a noted advocate of ...Oige, Katatai, Sowee, KaggQ Coer, BaigOi settlement in northern Australia and defender of these they said, were in Dowdee, expressing it as the scheme to establish an entrepot port at Port Samaree DoM'dee, Keewai Dowdee.' (Jukes,

ington in the Northern Territory wrote, in 1 847, 11:2 1 1 ). These names may be interpreted as-

1839, some notes on the indigenous peoples at 'Samaree' (Samari.Kiwai t.%.), 'Dodec (Dudi,(he Cape York:' The natives wen seen, hut we had no western bank of die Fly River delta), Keewai' communication with them. They did not appear (Kiwai Is): Eemaree* (Sumai of lmari village): to differ from (hose let the south- When passing TnrrcnV tParcm or Para ma Is.), 'Bach (Bobo 1 1 the N side of Hammonds Is. we saw an encamp- !s-): 'Karagcd (Kagaur); 'Erro fYam); Mowaf 1 menl of natnes in a small hay, from Which 1W0 (Old Mawaua), S.. Saibai}; Dowar

1 canoes pur off under sail, the people in them (Dauan), "Oige (Auti); 'Katatai' (Katatai vil- L holding up pieces of tortoise-shell and pearl- lage); 'Sowee' (Sui village); Kagga' (Kagar-'hc shell, but we did not heave to for them. These eastern part of Saibai); 'Baigoo' iBoigu), canoes, which were large and well managed, side 'Samaree (Samari, New Guinea | Dowdee' | )\ answered perfectly the description given by "Keewai Dowdee* (Kiwai, New Guinea jside]). Flinders of those of the islanders ofTorres Strait. 7 have, therefore, no doubt tlutt they an This renders it probable that the people we met quainted with a considerable extent of that pan lies with here were natives of some of those islands, \)f the south coast of New Guinea winch or perhaps even of the 5[outhJ coast of New immediately north ofthem, and that their general Guinea* who had COfne here to trade with the name tor the country is Dowdee ' (Jukes, 1X47 .11:

. ships passing I Reece ,1982:28). 211).

Jukes ( 1847) provided the most detailed ac- Jukes also noted that Papuans tn small single counts of contacts between Islanders and Papuans outrigger canoes understood Men am language during the nineteenth century. He gave an and resembled the people from Enib. Contacl analysis of contacts between Torres Strait Is- between Islanders on Eniband otherTorrcs Sliait landers and coastal Papuans at Darnley R on Islanders was recorded hy Jukes on his return to April 21,1845:7 enquired about places to the Darnley in June 1845. At the village of Keriam northward: they seemed to have no acquaintance he noticed two men from Warrior Js. and at Maed- with any such names as Papua or Arafoora, but ha (Med) he found ten or twelve large canoes frequently mentioned Dowdee .. fn this Dowdee drawn up on the beach, and a huge party of men 264 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

and women from Tudu and Dhamudh, and other Mamoose (headman) at Bikar, on Darnley Is. 4 islands to the westward, on a visit.(Jukes, 1847, Sweatman noted: ... several women sitting in a 1:292-293). row with mats before them on which were piled The Sweatman journals (Allen & Corris, coconuts, yams, shells, etc., much in the same 1977:24) reported that contacts with Islanders style as the Malays. Some of these mats are very from Masig, Tudu and Dhamudh were made on large and well-made and one of them was Erub. Sweatman stated: '... out ofabout 90 natives generally spread outfor us to sit down on when we met in York Bay in 1846 at least half were we got into a yarn with the natives.* (Allen & islanders, and in the same years we met their Corns, 1977:37). canoes as far south as Sir Charles Hardy *s Is- Brockett (1836), in his account of the rescue of lands [to the east of Cape Grenville]. '(Allen & the boys John Ireland and William D'Oyley (sur- Corris, 1977:24). He also supposed that the vivors of the Charles Eaton) at Murray Is., people of Cape York were connected with Is- recorded that John Ireland had accompanied the landers from Masig. Murray Islanders to New Guinea on a 'trading Sweatman remarked, while describing the trip'. His protectors on Murray Is. gave Ireland a bows, arrows and clubs of eastern Islanders, that canoe which was 'purchased at New Guinea ... 1 there were no reeds (for arrowshafts) on the is- for a large tomahawk and a bow and arrow lands so it was assumed that arrows were obtai ned (Ireland, 1839?: 51). The journey to New Guinea by barter from New Guinea (Allen & Cor- was made in 12 large canoes, each 60 feet (18m) ns, 1977:33). Although Darnley Islanders were in length, containing 10 to 16 men, women and competent in making their own bows from local children. The people collected as many shells as bamboo, Sweatman noted (Allen & Corris, they could; in return they hoped to obtain canoes, 1977:33) that bows in New Guinea were of a bows, arrows and feathers. Ireland's voyage was totally different construction. Stone heads for abruptly curtailed when his protector, fearing for clubs were a prized possession and Sweatman his safety on the Papuan coast, left him at Darnley thought they were obtained from New Guinea Is. (Ireland, 18397:80) (Fig. 16).

(Allen & Corris, 1 977:33). King (1837) wrote of this 'trading* journey and Following a detailed description of Islanders' noted that Murray Islanders obtained dogs from canoes Sweatman wrote: 'The canoes are pro- New Holland (Cape York) and/Their weapons curedfrom New Guinea, there being no trees on are spears, which they procure from the New the islands of sufficient size to make them, and Holland natives; clubs, headed with stone and appear to be pretty numerous, we saw 10 or 72 bows, and arrows; the latter they get from New together at Erub ../(Allen & Corris, 1977:35). Guinea ...'. In Sweatman's opinion, based on observations At Restoration Is. [Rock] near Cape Wey- by Jukes, Darnley people could travel long dis- mouth the Beagle anchored beside the island tances in their canoes. They maintained sustained where Stokes (1846, 11:256-257) made contact contact with New Guinea from where they with a party of Torres Strait Islanders who had procured canoes, arrows, clubs and feathers in hauled their double outrigger canoes up onto the return for shells which were highly prized by New beach. These Islanders recognised a Murray Is. Guinea people whose muddy shores had few or canoe from a drawing, in a copy of the narrative none of them. (Allen & Corris, 1977:36). of Flinders* voyage, and they spoke Meriam lan- An interesting point concerning the role of guage. The Torres Strait Islanders, Stokes (1846, 'name changing* in Islander custom was made by 11:441) noted, wanted to barter turtle shell for Sweatman (Allen & Corris, 1977:36). This prac- iron, carried bone tipped spears and had dugong tice, he maintained, ensured that the two people harpoons. who had 'adopted' each other's names main- Macgillivray (1852,11:4) commented on rela- tained a preferential position in all bartering tions between the peoples of Cape York, the transactions and formed a close personal relation- western Islanders and coastal Papuans: 'The ship which required the giving of presents and Kowraregas [Kawrareg] speak of New Guinea attention. Sweatman correctly assumed that per- under the name ofMuggi' (little) Dowdai, while sonal relationships formed the basis for all cus- to New Holland [Australia] they apply the term of tomary exchange transactions. KeV (large) Dowdai. Their knowledge of the Because of the regular contact between Is- former island has been acquired indirectly landers and the men of the Fly, an informal through the medium of intervening tribes. The market was established at the house of the New Guinea people are said to live chiefly on pigs CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 265

FIG. 16. Village on Erub (Darnley Is.). From a sketch by H.S. Melville (1848:pU7).

and sago; from them are obtained the cassowary The extent to which contact between friendly feathers used in their dances, and stone-headed peoples developed into regular exchange is clubs. They trade with the Gumulegas [Gumulgal recorded in Brierly's journal. He based his find- on Badu and Mabuiag], who exchange com- ings on an interview with Barbara Thompson modities with the Badulegas [Badhulgal on Badu] who lived with the Muralag people from 1844 to from whom the Kowrarega people [on Muralug, 1849. Moore (1979:301-306) detailed the exter- Moa and neighbouring islands] receive them. nal relations of the Kawrareg people of Muralag These last barter away to their northern neigh- and neighbouring islands, basing his study on bours spears, for bows, arrows, bamboo pipes, Brierly's journal. The Kawrareg maintained and knives, and small shell ornaments called regular contacts with the people of Moa, Badu, dibi-dibi. They have friendly relations with the and Mabuiag while other important exchange other islanders of Torres Strait, but are at enmity relationships were with the central Islanders of with all the mainland tribes except the Gudang Nagi (Moore, 1979:301). [who lived around the Cape York and Evans Bay Exchange between PNG and Cape York was area].' not direct but through a series of interrelated Not all relationships were friendly, for Macgil- exchanges. Mabuiag people maintained direct livray (1852,11:44-45) noted that a headman of exchange with coastal Papuans and with the Badu Kiriam [Keriam] village on Darnley Is. had been Islanders who forwarded items on to the western killed in New Guinea while on a visit in the Islanders on Muralag. Thus cassowary feathers, company of other Darnley Is. men. A stand of bird of paradise plumes and cone shells, ground sago palms at Mogor village was established with down to make breast pendants, found their way palms brought from New Guinea many years from PNG into the islands, while pearl-shell, prior to Macgillivray's visit and a small cuscus dugong harpoons, as well as spears and (Phalanger sp.), which one Islander had brought spearthrowers from Cape York, found their way across from Ugar, was also procured in Papua. north and into PNG (Moore, 1979:301). .

266 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

The other important exchange relationship for was modified by the addition of planks and the western Islanders was with the central Is- trimmed for sailing to Nagi (Fig 19). landers of Nagi. In exchange for pearlshell the Brierly (1862b:396) noted: 'The Prince of central islanders gave food, bamboo containers, Wales Islanders have no direct communication mats, bows, arrows, bamboo knives, fine lines of with New Guinea, but get ornaments, feathers coconut fibre, plaitwork and sago as well as and weapons through the Badus and other tribes, seasonal foods for planting, including tobacco, who obtain them eitherfrom New Guinea orfrom coconuts and bananas (Moore, 1979:203,301). islands immediately upon its coast and take back Many of these items, particularly mats, bows, in return from the Kowraregas [] the arrows and sago, originated in PNG, although shell of the largeflat oyster they call Marri [man Brierly's journal (Moore,1979:173) stated that or mai: pearl-shell], which is much valued by the the central Islanders made sago from palms people to the northfor making breast ornaments.* Gregory (Gregory Gregory, 1968: 101) wrote washed up on the islands. It would have been poor & that indigenous people of the Port Albany region sago after long immersion in seawater! The western Islanders obtained red and white on Cape York had made contact with European ochres from the Gudang of Cape York, although vessels using the Torres Strait passage and had acquainted with tobacco they Thompson stated (Moore, 1979:224) that ochre thus become which continued to smoke in bamboo pipes. saw from Saibai was 'prettier'. Stone-headed clubs He 'natives' with spears, bows and arrows and and drums from PNG also passed along exchange canoes, which were made from a hollowed out routes (Moore, 1979:303) (Fig.17). The Saibai single tree, stabilized with outriggers. people maintained social relationships with the Ethnographic details of exchange between Is- central Islanders (Moore, 1979:224). Moore landers and Australian Aborigines in Cape York (1979:301) stated that the principal centres along were recorded by Byerley (1867). Near New- the SW coast for the movement of exchange items castle Bay the Jardine party, who were moving were Saibai and Mawatta (Fig. 18). live-stock to Cape York, camped near three large Crew of the Rattlesnake sketched many fine canoes, the largest being about 28 feet (8.5 m) canoes at Evans Bay and the Brierly journal con- long and 30 inches (76 cm) wide cut from a single tains many useful ethnographic references to log. People from the canoes spent the night play- canoe construction, decoration and repair. One ing on two large drums procured either by barter section on the barter process described an ex- or by war from the Islanders who frequent the change, on Kudalag (Tuesday Islet No.l), be- coast (Byerley, 1867:68). Cape York people ex- tween some central Islanders and a western changed turtle shell, particularly the hawksbill Islander who had made a small canoe out of light turtle, with the Islanders who used them for wood washed up on the beach. masks and other ornaments (Byerley, 1867:82). 'After they [Central Islander] satfor about half 'communication between the islanders and the an hour here, the Kulkalgas, man and wife, went natives ofthe mainland is frequent, and the rapid down to the canoe and brought up a mat into the manner in which news is carried from tribe to women's camp and spread it. Ubi is called over tribe to great distances is astonishing. ' (Byerley, and he sits down on the mat and the man and his 1867:85). wife standing. First she gave two dibi-dibis Chester (1870:2), Police Magistrate at Somer- [conus shell breast pendants] to her husband, he set, recorded details of a visit to the Warrior Is. lays them Ubi, down before and then she hands (Tudu) pearling station: 'For weapons they have two ycgellies [coconut fibre fishing line, used for bows, arrows and stone clubs. Their canoes are sucker fish] - made by the Kulkalagas [Central similar to, but larger than those of the mainland Islanders] ofcoconutfibre and usedfor [catching] [Cape York]; they (as well as their weapons and warn [turtle]. He lays them down, then two or turtle spears) are obtained from New Guinea in three coconuts, lays them down, then a bundle of exchange for shells and the knives and tobacco, and then a sagooba marappi [bamboo tomahawks procuredfrom Europeans' tobacco pipe]. Now it is all put down, and then he As the Tudu Islanders were in frequent com- says to Ubi, "That's ail I've been able to get munication with coastal Papuans between Saibai together for this time. I will look out for more and Daru, Chester (1870:3) recommended their

when I go back again". And Ubi says, ... "Stop, use as interpreters in establishing contact with stop, there are plenty of things. The canoe is coastal Papua. small." (Moore, 1979:222-223). Then the canoe Chester was enthusiastic about the potential for CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 267

BAMU ESTUARY

WABUDA

tKTNN ^V °Vy7 ABAURA FLY ESTUARY

BINATURI V KADAWA 1 RIVER \ ^KATATAr r^-^/

c^P SAIBAI © UGAR ochre, drums, stone headed clubs, cassowary feathers, bird of paradise food, bamboo knives, sago, rf ERUB <> DHAMUDH plumes, coneshells bamboo water containers, tobacco, mats, bows, arrows, coconuts, 'bush' fibres, plaitwork, bananas STRAIT t^ GEBAR MASIG a TUDU ^ ZEGEY o YAM ^ MER AWRIDH DAUAR «o WA|ER <5 SASI PUHI IMA

o WARRABER

pearl-shells, dugong harpoons, spears, spearthrowers

MURALAG

10 20 30 40 50

KILOMETRES

AUSTRALIA \ J

FIG. 17. Patterns of customary exchange (Brierly, 1849/50; Moore, 1979). 268 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

MER WAIER

MURALAQ

10 20 30 40 50

KILOMETRES

AUSTRALIA \ ^

FIG. 18. Patterns of customary exchange (Moore,1979). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 269

FIG. 19. Canoe rigged for sail, Mabuiag, 1888. Mat sails were positioned in the bow and held by stays. A small platform was built across the outrigger booms. (Haddon, 1912JV:pl.26). commercial exploitation of the Torres Strait. His (Tureture). Maino carried a 'trade' tomahawk, a account, however, is of interest largely for the stone club, bamboo knife and a cane loop (for details of his ethnographic notes, particularly his holding human heads). Chester traded turkey red appended vocabulary of words collected from calico for taro, yams, coconuts and bananas. He Papuans resident for some time on Darnley. The noted 2 large canoes on the beach and the tracks vocabulary is Coastal Kiwai dialect although of 4 more. The houses, he observed, were the

Chester remarked that he thought that it must same as Fly estuary houses described by Jukes have been from 'eastward of Aird River/ It may and one longhouse was built parallel to the beach. be that Chester meant eastward to Aird River but European tradestore goods crossed Torres his summation that the dialect may be common Strait to Mawatta before permanent colonial ad- for over 150 miles (240km) of coast is a fair ministration on the Papuan coast and they were estimation of the distribution of the Kiwai lan- exchanged, circulating well inland. guage and its subsidiary dialects. Chester's peaceful reception by Kiwai villagers Chester, in September 1870, visited the SW at Mawatta stands in contrast to his remarks con- coast of PNG with Captain Banner, 2 interpreters cerning contact along the coast between Papuans from Warrior Is. station, 4 whites, and 20 Is- and Torres Strait fishermen. Growing lawless- landers and/or Pacific Islanders in 2 large whale ness in Torres Strait was a direct result of uncon- boats. The party landed at a small village of about trolled pearlshell, trochus and beche-de-mer 12 houses at the mouth of a river. Chester fisheries.

(1 870:2) noted that the man, 'Mino' (Maino), was The missionary Gill (1874b) remarked on 6 'Chief (sic), that the village was called 'Katau' pearl-shelling boats at Dauan. At midday a num- (present day Mawatta on the Binaturi River) and ber of Saibai Islanders in 'their splendid canoes that the nearby coastal village was 'TouraToura' (bought on New Guinea)* joined them on Dauan. 270 MEMOIRS OFTHE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

" ^^T7

shells

MER WAIER

dugong harpoons

MURALAG

10 20 30 40 50

I I I KILOMETRES

AUSTRALIA \ 3

FIG. 20. Patterns of customary exchange (Haddon, 1890). c

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 271

GUI (l«74k219) reported that the Saibai Is- movements of centra) ar#d western Islanders were landers spoke a dialect of the language of the curbed and new social structures created within nearby mainland people and that they understood the puritanical shadow of the church. The church the customs of their neighbours and maintained manipulated customary exchange and gift giving friendly relations with die Katau (Mawatta) and and became the chief benefactor (Beckett. Turcturc people. As Gill determined that the 1986:42). European trading companies and lira coastal people Opposite Saibai wcreaggre> ber getters were encouraged to establish posts on lie pn>posed bo sail u> Katau (Mawatta) on the the Papuan coast. Edward Beardmore establislKd Binotuh River. However, previous contact with himself at Mawatta village, originally called Maitm, tin- village headman at Mawattn Katau (Beardmore,1890: 459), and wrote: (Chester,! 870), would have determined Mawatta Canoes are made at Kiwai and Paramoa

.is a choice of contact on the coast for it appears [Parama] (Hampton Island) bus not, lam ass*. that mission teachers had previously visited in IheMaikusa [Mai Kussa] Baxter River ... Pay- Katau on canoes. Gill explored much of the ments ore made to suit die purchaser, sometimes Mawatta coast from Katau (Binaturi River! to in advance, but usually by three instalments of Panama Island and noted: 'The warriors of Tut shell ornaments (or in recent times of trade, such ITudul and Saibai unite with those of Katau as tobacco, tomahawks, and calico) The un- JMawatta] and Toroioram [Turcturc] in making adorned canoes, wuh bat a single flimsy out rig raids upon the inland tribes, for the sole pu ger. are transferred fnnn one village to another of obtaining heads. The skulls are carefully until the destination is reached; each parly prepared and traded with other tribe. fling the canoe being responsible for the retained as precious treasures bty thine who payment by the next. 77te builders, or rathe secured them: (GaU 876:207 >. Mrs out, usually deliver at \towat [\Iawall;i|, Moseley (1892:307) visited Cape York in from thence the canoe travels to Saibai then to IK74, on the Challenger, and wrote that Uie Mabruag [Mabuiag], znd from there to Badu, Aboriginal groups at Somerset used bamboo Moa, and ultimately say to Muralug [Muralag] or pjpes for smoking and that 'bamboos are W^ir In the case evasion [Nagi I of ofpayn;. procured by barter from the Murray Islanders row ensues between parties and the delinquent is who visit Cape York from lime u> time*. Moseley injured invisibly (by sorcery I in some way at the had Jukes' (1847) narrative and so was able to instigation of the sufferer. Tlie wooden harpoon document social and cultural changes as a result used in killing dugong and turtle is got and of a decade of European settlement at Somerset worked into shape about Mabruag [Mabuiag], after 1S64; Cape York [Somerset] is a sort of Moa and Badu and sent tn the same manner at emporium of savage weapons and ornaments. the canoes to New Guinea, via Saibai.* (Beard- pecuishei I--gathering vessels tome to Somerset more, 1890:464-465). with crews which they have picked up at all die Haddon met Beard more at Mawatta in 1888 islands in the neighbourhood, from New Guinea, and later published a paper in which be classified ivtd from all over the Pacific, and they bring trade as: *(1) Intra-insular trade; (2) Trade with Weapons and ornaments from all these places Daudai [Papua]; and (3) Trade with Cape York* with them. Moreover, the Murray Islanders visit (Haddon ,1 890:329}(Fig. 20). the port in thetr canoes, and bang bows and Because of their geographical location and arrows, drums and such things for barter' greater access to natural resources, certain vil- (Moseley, 1892:311). Water police at Somerset lages and islands possessed greater facil ities than acted as middlemen, obtaining these artefacts and others and were in a position to exchange dicir then selling them to crews and passengers on surplus production for scarce resources, thereby passing vessels and the surgeon of ihe Challenger dominating intra-insular trade. Haddon (1890: was paid 'a large New Guinea drum of ihe 339) wrote thai Muralag was the chief centre i'ot crocodile form" as a fee for service (Moseley, manufacture of dugong harpoons, although har- 1892:311). poons were also made on Moa, Badu and The missions assisted colonial administration Mabuiag. The finest examples of cone shell and illegal raiding on Torres Strait islands and the (Conus litteratus) came from Warrior Reef »ikJ SW coast from pearl-shelling stations was other reefs to the east, and consequently the umisi reduced. The introduction of European goods into prized examples came from Tudu and the eastern customary exchange increased. Islander com- islands such as Mer. The base of the cone shell munities re- formed around the church. Seasonal was made into a round shell ornament worn 272 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Papua, as were large, open- mouth and small cylindrical drums, cassowary feather headdresses and plumes of bird of paradise feathers. Bird of paradise plumes were obtained from the west

from Tugen pirates via Saibai' (Haddon, 1 890: 340). Other items obtained from Papua included canoes and sago. Shells were sent to Papua from the western islands, in relum for canoes. All large canoes in Torres Strait came from the Fly estuary (Haddon,! 890:341). principally Wabada village in the Barnu River where canoes were fitted with one outrigger. From here, they passed through the Kiwai and then to the Mawatta people and to Saibai. On Saibai, single outrigger canoes were re-rigged with two outriggers, a gun- wale was fitted and the bow decorated with feathers, shells and other ornaments. From Saibai, these decorated canoes found their way into the western islands. Haddon's (1890) assumptions about ethnog- raphy of the western Islanders concerning the nature of customary exchange were undoubtedly correct at the time. However, he was document- ing patterns of exchange at one point in the long history of contact between Islanders and Papuans. These patterns had changed since European con- tact, and were still changing. Haddon did not fully comprehend the significance of change on cul- tural and economic life of Islanders and Papuans. Another canoe trade route (Haddon, 1890:342) was from Mawatta direct to Tudu and then via the central islands and Nagi to Muralag and the western islands. Orders for canoes were sent Shell armlets FIG. 2! and shell pendant made from through contacts across the Torres Strait and Pendant is attached to a cord made from W

Yam and Nagi. Waisted drums were traded to the (1890:344) recorded that Maino on Tudu paid 1

western islands from Saibai (Haddon, 1 890:340). camphor wood chest full of trade items, includ- Arrows were imported from Papua, because ing: '7 bohs (i.e. pieces) of calico, 1 dozen shirrs, shafts were made from reeds which did not grow J dozen singlets, 1 dozen trousers, J dozen hand- in the western islands. Bows were imported from kerchiefs, 2 dozen tomahawks, I lb. tobacco, J CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 273

long fish spear, 2 fish lines, I dozen hooks and 2 1908, VI: 185). Sago, dried then wrapped in pearl slwlts' fa Ins wife from Mawatla. This banana leaves and bound in bundles encased by statement documents lhc process by which the base of the sago palm leaf, was obtained from

European tradestorc goods were being sub- Panama and Kiwai Islands. Olive shell neck i stituted for customary exchange items. This was were obtained from Nagi. Warraber and Awridh. to have a profound impact on exchange of shells and turtle-shell, Torres Strait pigeon and rccf- ft *r canoes. heron feathers were obtained from the central The Gudang people of Cape York exchanged islands (Haddon, 1935,1: 183). spears and throwing sticks with the Kawrareg The principal trade routes into the eastern Tor- into the western islands. Haddon (1890:341), res Strait islands, as recorded by Haddon (1908, referring to the Macgillivray narrative, noted that VI: 185), were Erub, Parama, Mibu to Kiwai Is. to other groups on Cape York were hostile the (for the purchase of canoes) t and Erub, Ugar, Kawrareg and that the western Islanders probably Dbamudh. Tudu, and Daru to Mawatta. and oc- had friendly relations with only one or two casionally to Turcture (Fig.23). While acknow- Australian Aboriginal groups. ledging his debt to John Bruce, schoolteacher and

Warfare severed friendly exchange relations; long-term resident on Murray Is. . for information when a Dauan woman was killed by Mabuiag regarding exchange relations in die eastern is- men, the trade of canoes to the western Islands lands, Haddon (1908.VJ: 186-187) stated that the was suspended (Haddon 1904. V3 16-317). Had- Komet clan were the 'traders in canoes' for the don (1904, V:297) noted this trade route ex- Murray Islanders. This is the first reference to a tended through the western islands to SaibaL then particular clan or group assuming the role of along the SW coast and into the Fly estuary. traders for external economic relations within Another route passed from the eastern island island communities of eastern Torres Strait. Al- Paramainto the Fly estuary (Fig. 22). The relative though this division of labour differed from value of exchange along each route is shown in Haddon's description of trade among the western

Tables 1 and 2. islanders he offered no explanation as to why it Payment for canoes was by baiter shells (Melo existed only in the eastern islands. amphora), conch shells [Syrinx aruanus) Haddon described trading t dug- ~(I935J:182-183) mig harpoons, and human mandibles. These relationships maintained by friendship ties were sent from Moa to Mabuiag to Saibai and which, once formed, were never broken. These Mawatta. Bailer shells, sent to Papua, were ex- ties were handed from father to son but by the changed for cassowary bone daggers, arrows, 1920s and 1930s, such ties were becoming dif- bamboo knives, and bamboo. Moa people ex- ficult to maintain because of government regula- ged small bamboo knives, threaded seeds tions limiting freedom of movement across ibe (Coir sp.) and large sections of bamboo with the national border. Muralug people who then exchanged them to The people ofTudu and Yam maintained close Ca pe York. Badu and Moa also sent human skulls association with coastal Papua and 'joined in the 10 Tudu in exchange for canoes. ceremonies at Mawatta' (Haddon,! 935,1:77). Haddon (1 908.VI: 185). analysing exchange in Mai no on Tudu had married a Papuan woman and [be eastern islands, stated that because they are other intermarriages were known. The men from geographically remote. Meriam speaking people Tudu did not travel to Cape York but Islanders were 'practically removed from intercourse' with from Badu and Moa sent human skulls to Tudu in the Aboriginal groups on Cape Yo«k. inti; exchange for canoes while ochre used on sular trade* was also not substantial although ceremonial occasions was obtained from Coco contact with the western islands was maintained nut Island [Puruma], Masig and Awridh. and also through the central islands. From the eastern is- from down the Queensland coast (Haddon, lands, shell ornaments such as armlets, pendants, 1935J:77). Haddon thought that Awridh was a necklaces, nose ornaments and pearlshell breast centre for inlra-insular exchange between eastern ornaments, along with turtle-shell and presents or and centra) Islanders: 'The Miriam-le came in food, were sent to Papua. In return. Islanders their canoes at certain seasons ofthe year bring- obtained cassowary feather headresses, plumes ing arm-shells which they exchanged for slants of bird of paradise feathers, dogs' teeth necklaces, for clubs, ochrefor painting themselves and their pigs' tusks, women's petticoats made from sago zogo [sacred] stones, turtle grease, and other palm bast, pandanus mats, canoes, drums, stone- products These articles were obtained fry the beaded clubs, and bows and arrows (Haddon, Aurid [Awridh] men as well as by those ofMasig, 274 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

DAUAR* WA , ER

dugong harpoons MURALAG

10 20 30 40 50

KILOMETRES

AUSTRALIA \ )

FIG. 22. Patterns of customary exchange (Haddon, 1904, V). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 275

WESTERN ISLANDS

MURALAG BADU HABUIAG SAIBAI MAWATTA FLY RIVER & TURETURE PEOPLE

4 pieces of iron 4 dugong harpoons 3 dugong harpoons- 1 dugong harpoon olive shell 20 bailer shells or pieces of iron 2 bailer shells necklaces shell ornaments

-4— canoe

Table 1. Equivalent values (Haddon, 1904,V:296-7).

Damut [DhamudhJ, and Paremar [Puruma], were thrown aside and the canoes exposed for when they visited the islands off the east coast of sale. Several ofmy crew arranged to have canoes, North Queensland, particularly the Sir Charles selected by them, sent to their homes, or keptfor Hardy group, and the Forbes Islands, whither them until they returned* (Chalmers, 1903b: 123). they resorted every south-east season to live for Human heads, taken in inter-group warfare, a while and to barter. The stone for making were often exchanged for canoes and, while pos- stone-headed clubs was obtainedfrom the Forbes session of skulls increased the social status of the Islands. Aurid and the other islands also traded owners, many were obtained by exchange rather with New Gw/rtea.'(Haddon,1935,I:88). than fighting. Chalmers (1903b:123) stated that However, because Haddon's chief informant, young men returned to Kiwai Is. from long stays Maino, was a central Islander, the composite at Mawatta or Tureture with skulls usually ob- picture of exchange patterns across Torres Strait tained through friends. Baxter-Riley (1925: 271) developed by Haddon emphasised the central wrote that men went from the Fly River to Ture- islands (Fig.24). There was no 'trading' centre in ture and Mawatta and purchased heads with Torres Strait and the Fly estuary. Perceptions of canoe hulls and other produce; the exchange rate exchange varied within each cultural group. The for a good canoe was two heads. composite picture of exchange created by Had- Jiear (1904/1905), when Resident Magistrate at don, based on information collected during the Daru, described the exchange of canoes for barter years between field research and publication has goods as the most important form of 'native distorted the true picture of customary exchange. trading' in the Western Province. He noted the

The missionary, James Chalmers ( 1 903b: 1 1 7), equivalent exchange value of large and small wrote that the Kiwai people of the Fly River:'... canoes, not only in terms of exchange objects but have canoes (pe) with one outrigger. These also in terms of European tradestore goods (Table canoes are chiefly got from Dibiri, on the main- 3). This information can be compared with land, near the mouth of the estuary, and on its Haddon's list of relative exchange values for eastern side. A few of the smaller ones are made canoes in Torres Strait. Jiear indicated that ex- by themselves. The large canoes obtained from change transactions were considerably more Dibiri are traded to Parama, Tureture, Kadawa complex than Haddon had described. Jiear noted and Mawata [Mawatta]; and they trade them to that a wider range of customary objects was ex- Saibai, Dauan, Boigu, Mabuiag, Badu, Moa, changed between coastal Kiwai and Bamu es- Prince of Wales, Waraber [Warraber], Damut tuary people. [Dhamudh], Masig, Stephens Is., Darnley, and Expeditions from the coastal Kiwai villages of Murray. In all these places, the single gives place Katatai, Mawatta, Parama, Tureture, and includ- to a double outrigger, with a platform in the ing Sui, went to Kiwai Island villages of Auti, centre, and a large amount ofornamentationfore and aft; these canoes are usedfor dugongfishing, and going long journeys'. for EASTERN ISLANDS Chalmers noted that large, good quality canoes DARNLEY STEPHENS FLY RIVER AREA were hollowed out at the left bank village near the MURRAY / /

of the Fly, presumably between Koabu and *• mouth 1 shell armlet — Balamula: 'Once I called there, and all along the 2/3 strings olive shells bank, were quite a hundred large canoes, covered with coconut leaves. My boat's crew were natives oflpisia and Saguane [on Kiwai Is.], and, as soon as those asliore saw them, the coconut leaves Table 2. Equivalent values (Haddon, 1908,VI:185). 276 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

BAMU ESTUARY

DIBIRI

FLY ESTUARY

^ BURU

•^ GEBAR shells, turtle- \ shell, garden\ MUKUVA » C»zeGEY canoes foods 1 «=> YAM — J MER ' v MABUIAG DAUAR°o WA|ER PURUMA <$ SASI OBADU

t MOA \ o WARRABER NAGI

9>WAYBE

£>MURI MURALAG -CAPE YORK

10 20 30 40 50

KILOMETRES

AUSTRALIA \ 3

FIG. 23. Patterns of customary exchange (Haddon, 1908, VI and 1935, 1). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 277

MER WAIER

10 20 30 40 50

1 1 1 I I j KILOMETRES

FIG, 24. Patterns of customary exchange (Haddon, 1935,1.)- .

278 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Iasa and Sumai, as well as the coastal village ot pandanus mat and 1 woman's fibre skirt for I

Daware. to obtain canoes at the exchange vahie bailer shell and I large trumpet shell. Kiwai Is of o«e large canoe, 30-65 feet (9-20m) for two landers exchanged sago for bow s and arrows at large conical armlets. One small canoe of about the rate of 1 bundle of sago for 26 arrows or I 12-30 feel (4-9m) could be obtained with oi>c bow. However, this exchange had been discon- melon shell, one dugong rib-bone and one full set tinued because bows and arrows had ceased to be of dog's teeth Canoes could be obtained for an of importance to Kiwai Islanders following equivalent amount of European trade goods. One pacification of the coastal and riverine peoples; large canoe could be had for 1 axe, 2 hail" axes, 1 ihev were used then onlv for occasional pig shool- tomahawk, 3 large knives, 1 pair of tnoust. ing'(Jiear,l904A)5:691 shirt, I woman's dress, 10 yards (9m) of calico, Coastal Kiwai people in Mawatta andTurcture and 1 pound (0.45kg) of tobacco. One small exchanged fish, turtle, dugong and shells for gar- canoe could be obtained for 1 tomahawk, I large den produce with their immediate inland neigh- knife, 2 yards (1.9m) of calico and 5 Slides of bours, especially the Masingara, Kunini. Dirimo tobacco. Only part payment was made upon and Irrmisi villages. Jiear believed that this ex- delivery of the canoe, the balance could extend change was declining due to the proximity of the over 5 years (Jiear, 1904/05:70). market in Dam and the fact that inland people had 'Canoe buying expeditions' were sertl from the so o ften been cheated by coastal groups He stated Kiwai Island villages of Agabata [Agoharo], that fishing for food bartering was usually under- Agaramuba [Agara Point], Doropodai [U'UwoJ, taken by the women and he gave, as some indica-

Gibu (Kubira], Ipisia. Kubira r Saguane and tion of the rates of exchange which favoured the

Wiorubi [Wapa'uraJ to lower Fly River villages coastal fisherman, the following list: 1, lOpounds

Of Baramura [Balamula], Demon, Pisarame [4.5kg) oFflsh for 1 large bunch of bananas; 2, 20

(Canoe Is]. Tailamato [Tirio],and Waripod-oro pounds [9kg] offish for 1 basket, about 60 pounds (Wariobodoro], where canoes were made. Ex- [27 kgj, of taro; 3, 10 pounds [4.5kg] of worst change value of 1 large canoe in the upper Fly quality dugong meat for a 60 pound [27kgJ basket estuarv was 3 large conical armlet shells and of taro; 4, I dugong calf for 2 large pigs. 5, I large 30-40* large cowrie shells (Jiear.l9W/05:70i. melon shell (used for making shell hoe-heads) for A small canoe could be obtained for 5 large 40 bunches of bananas and 10 baskets of taro. cowrie shells, and l string, c 3 yards long (2 7ft0i c-iimaiodal 400 pounds [lSOkgl (J*ear,1904A15: of small cowrie shells. In European trade goods, 70). Exchange values varied according to de-

] large C3IKM Could be obtained for 3 axes. 5 mand, although at the time J iear noted these trans- half-axes, 12 tomahawks, 6 large knives and 1 actions, the i mponance of conical armlet shells id medium sized armshel!. A small canoe could be exchange for canoes had not altered and demand obtained for I tomahawk, I large knife, 2 yards for arrnshells was greater than supply.

(0.9m) of calico. 10 sticks of tobacco and 1 half- The Finnish sociologist, Gunnar Landtinan string of cowrie shells (Jiear,l9P4,v ( 1927) concentrated his research on coastal and From the Dameratamu and Gesoa villages on riverine peoples from the Pahotun River east and Wabada Is., people obtained canoes from Bina, into the Fly region. Landlman did not accurately Damera Is., Maipani, Oropai. and Wabada vil- distinguish between linguistic and cultural

in the Bamu estuary where 1 large canoe groups in this region and referred to them all as exchanged for 2 armlet shells, 1 string of small 'Kiwai Papuans* Despite this simplification,

hells, ! pearKheli crescent, and 1 bailer Landlman" s data are essential to a study of the shell for use as a piibie cover and a small canoe ingc relationships between Papuans and exchanged for 2 pearlshell crescents, 2 bailer Torres Strait Islanders. He (1927:213) stated shells, and 1 half-siring of small cow ne shells A 'Since olden times on extensive trade has been large canoe could also be obtained for 9 i arri&l on between different parts of the Kiwai tomahawks, 14 large knives, and 6 shirts or 6 ;?, as weft as between these ami the islands singlets (Jiear, 1904/05:70 of Torres Strait*. From the inland region of Kiwai islanders paid in full for canoes obtained lai fPNG] bush* peoples supplied bird of from the lower Fly River As did Wabada Islanders plumes, cassowaries, parrots, objects with Bamu and north bank people (Jicar. made from cassowary bones, bows, arrows, gar- 1904/05:70). den foods and gamoda (Piper methysticum: Fly estuary people travelled to Mawatta and icava*). Kiwai Islanders provided canoes,

Tureturc to obtain shells. They exchanged l large garden foods, bows and arrows, mats, befts. s .

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 279

COASTAt KIWAr KIWAI ISLAND KJWAI ISLAND LOWER FLY RIVER WABADA ISLAND ESTUARY R:,M

ruSTOMARY EXCHANGE OBJECTS large canoe -4 large~canoe •< large Crinoe 2 shell armlets 3 armshells — 2 shell armlets —+

30/40 cowrie shells 1 string cowrie shells

1 pearl -shel I crescenl

1 bailer shell pubic cover

small canoe small canoe 4— smai l i:anoc- 1 melon snell 5 cowrie snell ->• 2 peari-sh*l 1 crescents I dugong rtb 3 vds small cowrie shells Z bailer sne-11 puoic cavers — 1 set dog's teeth * strina cowrie shells

EUROPEAN TRADE STORE GOODS

large canoe large canoe ,,....

1 axe 3 axes ». 9 tomahawks 2 half axes 5 half axes 14 large knives ? tomahawks )2 tomahawks 6 shirts or sinoJets 3 large knives 6 knives

t pr trousers 1 medium armshell

I shirt

I dress 10 yds ciW™

I lb tobacco

small canoe small canoe I —

I 1 tomahawk 1 tomahawk >

I knife 1 large knife Z yds ca 2 yds calico S sticks tcA to sticks tobacco i string cowrie shell

Table 5. Equivalent values i Jiean 1904/05:70). women's fibre petticoats, and feathers. Mawalta and cultural integration. Gift exchange estab- people supplied coconuts, shells, fish, dugong lished personal relationships between transac- meat, turtle meal, cassowary bones and dugong tions, whereas commodity exchange established hones (LandtmanJ927:2l4). Torres Strait Is- relationships between the objects transacted as landers supplied coastal people with stone axes, (Gregory v 1982:41). However, Landtman stated. 'Nowadays the StOUfi clubs j harpoon shafts, various kinds of [1927:216) [1910-12] shells, and dugong and turtle meal. canoe traffic has greatly decreased and very few Landtman emphasised canoes as the principal of the craft are sent any longer to Torres Straits'. items of exchange from Dibiri Is. and die This decline in canoe 'traffic* and subsequent River region, down into the Tones Strait islands. interruption to contacts between Islanders and Goods were exchanged over short distances be- Papuans were due to administrative regulations tween peoples who regarded each other as limiting travel. Macgregor (191 1:4) reported that friends; exchange relations mitigated against government regulations were responsible for this inter-group warfare and promoted peaceful rela- interruption: Formerly Murray Island had a tions. Landtman (1927:2 15) remarked that ex- brisk trade with the New Guinea coast from the change transactions, through intermediaries. Fly River westward. This was carried out direct- were maintained by trust and honesty, and fol- ly, but was conducted by a privileged tribe at lowed established rules of behaviour. Inter- Murray Island, through Darnley Island, and then mediaries regulated exchange and were required by Darnley through Warrior Island. In this to provide subsistence and gifts to those people tedious and round about way the Murray Is- transporting exchange articles (Landiman.1927: landers obtained their canoes from New Guinea, 2l5:Haddon,190S.Vl:IS6). and the Papuans obtained their shell ornaments,

Landtman (1927:215) failed to comprehend &c. But all that has been bn \ugh t to an end by the fullv ihe difference between gift and commodity Customs barrier that has been rigidly maintained exchange when he Staled: On the whole We find during the last half score of years between the that in the canoe traffic, as in any other form of Commonwealth and Papua. This rupture oj an-

barter, there is no clearly marked difference be- cient intercourse has been much felt at Murra\ tween actual commerce and the exchange of Island, and or other places in the Straits' friendly presents*, landtman did not recognise Beaver (1920:75), who spent 1 1 years in the that, in Melanesia, exchange reinforced social colonial administration, believed that Mawatta 280 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

acted as a trading and distribution centre on the verging Torres Strait and coastal Papuan ex- SW coast, and noted that Mawatta and Tureture change routes. McCarthy (1939:185-186) had people traded surplus fish and sea foods with personal communication with Leo Austen, a Masingara people for garden foods. Tureture patrol officer and resident magistrate in Daru traded with other inland villages such as Dirimu between 1919 and 1924; his first hand informa- and Jrimisi. Sago was brought from Kiwai Island tion adds to European perceptions of Torres Strait as this was not made at Mawatta; exchange was trade and supplements that provided by Jiear

1 bundle of sago fori bow and 20 arrows (Beaver, (1904/05). 1920: 76). From Torres Strait came shell armlets, Austen (McCarthy, 1939: 185) stated that the pearl-shell breast ornaments, dugong harpoons, Kiwai speaking villagers along the Mawatta to nose ornaments, and small pieces of iron. In Parama coast near Daru maintained trading links return, drums, arrows, bird of paradise plumes, with Saibai, Boigu and Dauan but that people of [cassowary?] feathers, boars' tusks, and sago these villages, notably Parama, Katatai, Tureture were sent to the islands. Beaver (1920:75) and Mawatta had kinship links not only with recorded that some pigment earths (ochre), bas- Saibai, Boigu and Dauan, but also with Yam and kets and woven armlets were imported from the Murray Is. (Fig.26). After establishment in 1891, Wassi Kussa region near Boigu. From the Fly the Kiwai-speaking village of Mabudawan, be- estuary pandanus mats, and women's fibre pet- came the centre of trade from Torres Strait and ticoats were traded for melon shells and conch other coastal villages. shells. Saibai, Dauan, and Boigu have limited garden- Canoes were the most important items of trade ing land and these Islanders obtained garden (Beaver, 1920:76). Mawatta and Tureture acted foods and nipa palm, for use in house thatching, as buyers for the islands but, as a rule, Saibai from the mainland. Canoes were obtained along obtained canoes from the Fly estuary via Mawatta the coast from the Fly River. The coastal people while the eastern Islanders obtained canoes via around Daru were the main agents in the move- Parama Island. Kiwai Islanders acted as middle- ment of canoes from Wabuda and the Bamu men in the trade of canoes between the principal estuary, and then into the Torres Strait. canoe building areas of Daumori, Pisarame Austen (McCarthy, 1939: 186) believed that (Canoe Is. near Lewada), Balamula, Taitiarato pearlshells and cowrie shells from Torres Strait (Tirio) on the southern bank of the Fly River were sent via villages on Daru as far east as mouth, and Wariabodoro (near Teopopo) on the Goaribari Is. north of the Bamu River, in part northern bank of the Fly estuary. Canoes from payment for canoes, although European tools, Dibiri, near the Bamu River delta, were traded particularly iron axes and knives, were also in through Wabuda. 'For a sixty feet [18m] canoe demand. McCarthy (1939:189) added that these three very large annshells and thirty large cow- shells eventually passed inland and up the Fly ries might be paid, for a small canoe five large River into the PNG highlands. In summarizing and a fathom [c. 2m string of shells] of small trade connections across Torres Strait, McCarthy cowries. European goods are now largely used in (1939:190) stated that trade routes from Cape the purchase price. One large canoe would cost, York passed through the western and central is- for example, three axes, five half-axes, a dozen lands into PNG via Saibai and Mawatta. A second totnahawks and one armshell ; indeed the latter route from eastern Cape York passed through the is an essential to the bargain' (Beaver, 1920: eastern islands and Parama to coastal Kiwai vil- 164-165). Beaver probably obtained some of his lages in the Fly estuary. Trade routes radiated information (Fig. 25) from sources such as Had- from Saibai and Mawatta, west along the coast to don (1904,1908) and Jiear (1904/05). Since the present Indonesian border, and east through Landtman contributed a chapter to Beaver's the Fly estuary to Dibiri. Trade routes moved book, and they both worked out of Daru between inland to the middle and upper Fly and Strickland 1910 and 1912, it is likely that they exchanged Rivers. 'A local inter-village bartering, and information and corresponded with each other. canoe trade between distant points, exists along McCarthy (1939:183-184) concluded his ex- the coast of Papua from the Fly estuary to far amination of 'trade connections' between Cape eastern New Guinea' (McCarthy, 1939:190) York and Torres Strait by repeating Haddon's (Fig.27). suppositions, reinforced by material obtained Gabey (1949), a Murray Islander, wrote that, in from Landtman. This argument was that Saibai former times, shells were the most valuable ex- and Mawatta were the principal centres for con- change item of Torres Strait Islanders. Armlet CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 281

^ MER * R £ WAIER PURUMA

dugong harpoons, fish, shell armlets, iron, pearl-shells, nose ornaments O WARRABER

£>MURI MURALAG '•CAPE YORK

10 20 30 40 50

KILOMETRES

FIG. 25. Patterns of customary exchange (Beaver, 1920). 282 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

UMUDA

DAUAROo WA|ER

NAG I

*<$.WAYBE pMUR\ MURALAG r CAPE YORK KINSHIPTIES

10 20 30 40 50

I I I I I j KILOMETRES

AUSTRALIA \ ^

RG. 26. Patterns of customary exchange (Austen in McCarthy, 1939). '

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 283

shells were used in negotiations for canoes, sago curtailed since about 1900 by the imposition of and women. They could only be worn by people customs regulations and had become a matter of of high status. A secondary use was as payment concern on Mer, although Hall (1957:17) for sorcery in putting another man to death. The remarked that contact between Papuans and Is- second most valuable shells, bailer shells (Melo landers was still much in evidence 50 years later. sp.), were found on reefs or obtained from central Haddon (1908,VI:186) first wrote of the inter- Islanders through exchange for food; they were nal structure of exchange relations in the eastern used as cooking utensils, for storage of water or islands that enabled control of external exchange for bailing water from canoes, and their flesh was to pass exclusively through the hands of one clan, eaten (Gabey, 1949:2). Clam shells (Tridacna sp.) the Komet. This differed significantly from other were used as rain water containers and the flesh islands. Only the Komet could obtain canoes

was also eaten. Bu shells (Syrinx sp.) were used from Papua for other Islanders and it was the as trumpets for signalling fighting or dancing. Komet clan who journeyed to New Guinea to Pearlshells (Pinctada sp.), mostly found in the conduct exchange on behalf of eastern Islanders. western islands, were used as ornaments. According to Laade (1969a: 36), the Komet, who Nautilus shells (Nautilus pompilius) were used as lived from Zaub to Larte on the NW beach side drinking containers and as artificial eyes for the of Mer, were known as 'front side people* or dead. Gabey (1949:3) stated that the best canoes people belonging to the water. came from Papua because of the lack of suitable The Komet were traders and fishermen (Laade, canoe timber on Torres Strait islands. However, 1969a:37); they exchanged fish for garden foods Murray Islanders made small canoes using local produced by other clans on Mer. The Komet-le cotton trees (possibly Bombax sp.). controlled trade, especially in canoes, with the Contact between Papuans and eastern Islanders Papuan coast from Murray, to Darnley, then was still evident in the late 1950s. Hall (1957:17) through Stephen Is. to Papua. Papuan canoes wrote: 'Canoesfrom the Papuan side come south came south late in the NW monsoon season with sago and those pencil thin sticks of tobacco (March/April); canoes, drums, bows and arrows,

... the older Torres Strait islanderprefers this type cassowary feathers and bird of paradise plumes of smoke, and he will trade pearl-shell, calico, returned with the commencement of SE trade fishhooks or any other item in the trade store for winds (May/June). these mo lasses- soaked, saltpetre-impregnated Laade (1969a:37) stated that Papuans also sticks oftobacco that burn slowly with a frightful brought 'arrow-proof "shirts" (bisi om)\ How- smell. ever, this should be interpreted as sago palm (bisi) Internal dynamics of the exchange system bast (ome) which, in former times, was used as which operated through the western islands have skirts by Torres Strait Islander women. The Mur- not been documented. Most attention centred on ray Islanders gave in exchange mostly shells and descriptions of movements of goods from place in particular armshells (Conus sp.). Laade

to place and on recording objects of exchange. In ( 1 969a: 37) wrote: ' The Komet-le were the sailors general, exchange took place between estab- and intermediaries travelling from Mer to lished exchange partners. Haddon (1904,V:296) Darnley or Stephens Islands to do trading. As wrote that exchange among western Islanders expert sailors, the Komet men were also experts was through known friends and relatives such in astronomy and meteorology'. While the l that: Ifa Muralug man wanted a canoe he would Komet-le regulated trade with Papua, Laade communicate with a relative at Moa who would (1969a:38-39) reported that they did not engage '. speak to a friend of his at Badu .. These links in inter-insular exchange with central Islanders. between kin and between friends, transcended This, apparently, was the special preserve of the linguistic and political divisions. Piebre or Dauer people who were fishermen and Dynamics of the exchange system of the east- lived on the sandy beach front of Murray Is. ern Islanders were described in more detail by facing SE. They hosted central Islanders, espe- Haddon (1908, VI:186), Macgregor (1911) and cially those from Yam, Puruma, Awridh, Nagi Laade (1969a, 1973). Macgregor (191 1:4) noted and Masig, who came regularly to Mer to obtain that people of Mer formerly conducted a brisk garden foods in exchange for shells, fish and

trade with coastal Papuans west of the Fly es- turtle meat. Laade ( 1 969a:39) stated that the stone tuary, and through a 'privileged tribe at Murray used in stone-headed clubs and adzes was im- Island', obtained canoes in exchange for shell ported from New Guinea but an informant of his ornaments. This exchange, he stated, had been from Puruma stated that Islanders from Warraber I

284 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

^TZT" BAMU ESTUARY

DIBIRI

UMUDA ABAURA

FLY ESTUARY

MER DAUAft*o WA|ER

MURALAG^

10 20 30 40 50

1 I I I I — KILOMETRES

FIG. 27. Patterns of customary exchange (McCarthy, 1939). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 285

and Pururna travelled as tar south as Lizard Is., giving was vital in preserving this communal cast of Cape York, to obtain clubstones. Central well-being. Internal dynamics of exchange Islanders were the trading link between the east- among eastern Islanders and coastal Papuans ern and western islands and Cape York. Thus were complementary. black (charcoal J, red and white 'paint' clays T)\e peoples of the Torres Strait Islands [and (ochres), arrows and Torres Strait pigeon feathers adjacent coasts] were neither politically united were traded from Cape York through Muri, NagL nor culturally homogeneous. ... Varied though

Gebar. Yam, Punumar Awridh. Dauar and Mer the\ were the communities of the Islands were Laade (1969a: 40), quoting Sam Passi, a former geared to one another through raiding, ritual and chairman of Mer. reported that the last major trade: (Beckett, 1972:308). ventral island trading expedition to the eastern Each Torres Strait community exploited islands was in 1919. natural resources in its own area but, through Haddon (I908.VH86) described the internal wiTa-msular exchange as far as PNG and Cape dynamics of exchanging armlet shells for canoes York, was able to exploit resources of a wider on Mer. First, a man who desired a canoe pres- region Patterns of exchange were S&l ented a member of the Komet clan with a shell availability of foodstuffs and marine resources armlet as part payment. Together with sup- and access to other communities. Canoes were plementary objects, such as shell ornaments and vital to survival of Torres Strait communities. food, which were used as payments for middle- Summarizing the pre-£ua>pean contact men, armlets were taken by the Komcl clan to change system, Beckett (1972:316) noted that Papua. Following the receipt of the armlet, the goods from Papua included canoe hulls, bows, canoe maker or vendor in Kiwai cut a long bam- arrows, drums, feathers and pigments while from boo pole attached to which were placed return Cape York came woods and red ochre. These gifts, silcb as dance objects, feathers and plumes. items circulated amongst the Torres Strait islands clogs' teeth necklaces, boars frisks hinges and together with garden foods, sea foods, harpoons, skirts, mats, bows and arrows, and other ex- shells and human beads. In former times, western change objects This pole, called in Menam a Islanders in particular, exchanged human heads setter /w, was sent to the canoe purchaser. The for canoes hut eastern Islanders traded shells canoe purchaser and ihe intermediary removed (notably Cotius sp.t for canoes (Fig.28). Beck- an) obligation to each other by cutting a cord. ett's statement < 1972:317) lhal Kiwai speaking This complex system of interlocking exchange people of coastal Papua may have preferred gar- relationships consolidated inter-group and intcr- dening to fishing, providing others supplied the island reiationshipi. turtle and dug do! accurate for the coastal Although exchange processes in the Fly estuary Kiwai are principally fishermen. He correctly and Papua were not specifically i that the key to patterns of exchan i described, Landtman (1927:214-215) noted thai Torres Strait was a division of labour and intermediaries in the exchange system received resource allocation that made exchange 3" articles as gifts and substituted other articles for economically and socially viable occupation. them. Payment for a canoe was made in instal- Integration of smalkeconomicaily independent ments and such payments continued over the life households was necessary for economic survival Of the canoe which acknowledged the continuing and. particularly in the eastern islands, this was good scrv ices ot the canoe. When the canoe was ! by large scale inlerdepc.ndence in ittt.al. destroyed or broken up, a final gift of a shell marriage and organisation of exchange (Beckett, armlet or dogs* teeth necklace, together with a 1972:323; 1987:1 15). Torres Strait communities portion of the old canoe, was sent to acknow le coexisted with limited, but necessary, inter- completion of the obligation (Landtman, I change. 214). Baldwin (J 976: 14) correctly stated the ob

The custom of intermediaries extracting por- live of exchange' 1 functionally, the tions o( the gifts exchanged and substituting other primary economic purpose of the Torres Strait gifts, but most notably food, emphasised codec- trade system jpas to distribute resources umtmg live community involvement in exchange. the diverse human habitats oftlie region. In other Canoes were collectively owned, collectively words, the system enabled goods plentiful in one used and required for collective well-being. locality to be exported to other localities where Maintaining the common good and strengthening those same goods were scarce and therefore inter-group relations through customary gift- Vdhtabte\ He emphatically stated that specific 286 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

^f-^V BAMU ESTUARY

DIBIRI

WABUDA PURUTU /^_^

C?" ABAURA

FLY ESTUARY

WAIER

y-^\BADU

*-^f MOA] o WARRABER pigments, feathers, drums, garden foods, sea foods and fish, harpoons, shells, human heads, canoes, bows, arrows, wood for harpoons and spears, red ochre

MURALAG

10 20 30 40 50

KILOMETRES

AUSTRALIA \ 3

FIG. 28. Patterns of customary exchange (Beckett, 1972). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 287

trade routes were recognized and that the formal Strait moving from a reliance on gardening to a structure of the trade system that operated in the reliance on foraging. Variations in the economies region involved hereditary trading partnerships of western island communities related to inter-is- and standardized exchange rates. He repeated the land differences in resource availability, patterns belief that villages such as Parama, Tureture and of community organization, socio-economic ex- Mawatta acted as coastal trading centres and he change and population densities (Harris, 1979: was convinced that western and central Islanders 84). 'At the local, Ultra-community scale contact served as middlemen in a long distance move- was frequent and informal; at the immediate, ment of goods between Australia and PNG and inter-community scale it was less frequent and that movement of dugong and turtle meat from more formalized; and at the regional island- Torres Strait into coastal and Fly estuary areas, mainland scale it took the form of systematized and movement of sago in the reverse direction, trade." (Harris, 1979:85). was based on the same habitat contrasts that Thus the long distance trade network spanned governed trade in ornaments, canoes and Torres Strait and allowed movement of products weapons (Baldwin, 1976:14-16). manufactured from resources obtained in dif- Baldwin (1976:16) speculated that eastern Is- ferent environments, either on the mainlands or landers were intimidated from making exchange the islands; these products constituted the prin- contacts with Cape York Aboriginal groups by cipal objects of exchange. headhunting practices of central and western Is- In the inter-island sphere the main objective of landers. There may have been other reasons for exchange was distribution of resources and, the lack of contact between eastern Islanders and within each insular allied group, one specific Cape York Aborigines. The eastern islands were island became the base for intensive horticulture relatively resource rich, and contact with Papuans (Harris,! 979:86). In the west, these islands were of the S W coast was considerably easier and more Dauan, Mabuiag and Nagi. Each practised inten- economically advantageous. Because eastern Is- sive horticulture and was, in the pre-European landers had been sighted as far south as Temple contact period, at a critical point in the long-dis- Bay, their contacts may have been with Aborig- tance trade network (Harris, 1979: 104). Exchange inal groups further south rather than those living therefore encouraged and stimulated horticulture at the tip of the peninsula. and the manufacture of items favoured in the Baldwin also speculated on the role of head- exchange system. This participation further hunting in Torres Strait: \.. the reason head-hunt- stimulated social and economic specialization ing was so popular among the Torres Strait during the nineteenth century (Harris, 1979: 105). islanders was not only because heads were valu- The model of inter-insular social and eco- able trade items in New Guinea, but also because nomic integration (Fig.29) developed by Harris such activity tended to discourage or eliminate (1979) provided a model of socio-economic competition in the trade system.* regularities which united indigenous economies

It was Baldwin's opinion that Cape York of the western islands during the mid-nineteenth

Aboriginal groups were unable to come into century. It emphasises the study of patterns of direct long-lasting contact with eastern Islanders exchange between integrated groups of islands. who practised extensive horticulture and that the Historical literature constructs a framework of Torres Strait, therefore, acted as a 'cultural filter', reference against which oral evidence, and an allowing certain cultural traits to pass from PNG hypothesis of interaction patterns. Historical into Australia via Cape York, while blocking the evidence provides invaluable details and descrip- movement of other cultural practices. He sup- tions of a wide variety of exchange items and it ported this argument with the example of the is from the historical literature that a full list of limited practice of horticultural activities through the material culture of the Torres Strait and Fly the western islands into Cape York (Baldwin, estuary 'canoe traffic' can be extracted. 1976:16). This argument neglects the relative Early European perceptions of indigenous ex- lack of fertility and seasonality of climate of the change in the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region, western islands and of Cape York that inhibits as extracted from historical documentary sour- horticulture. It also discounts the fact that Abo- ces, were based on observations, usually made at riginal people could make a considered choice of irregular intervals, by travellers, sailors, mis- lifestyle. sionaries and officials whose knowledge of the In the mid-nineteenth century there was a broad social and economic life of the people of the region north-south subsistence gradient across Torres was only superficial. 288 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

v^t bawu estuary

'dibiri

FLY ESTUARY

shells

^ MER DAUAR °o WA , ER

spoors throwing- sticks, shell, iron, dugong haipcons

MURALAG > INSULAR ALLIED GROUPS v I -^ NOTED BY HARRIS

10 20 30 40 50

KILOMETRES

FIG. 29. Patterns of customary exchange (Harris, 1979). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 289

The first contacts between Europeans and Is- present descriptions of a set, unchanging pattern landers resulted in the recording of specific instan- of relationships. ces of exchange, generally Islander artefacts being From historical sources some idea can be obtained for European iron and knives. Nineteenth gained of the full impact of economic and politi- century European perceptions emphasised an in- cal colonialization which saw the introduction of digenous desire for 'trade'. However, the European tradestore goods into the customary exchange visitors were unable to perceive the underlying system. Introduction of tradestore goods led to social constructs of the exchange process. The his- re-interpretation of the value of customary ex- items restructuring the torical record emphasised the seemingly commer- change and of exchange system. Patterns across Torres Strait cially oriented aspects of indigenous 'trading' of exchange and the Fly estuary altered because of internal and practices. It was not until the latter part of the external factors. Absorption of new material nineteenth century when detailed ethnographic goods and adaptation to changing social and cul- information was recorded during the scientific sur- tural circumstances emphasises the dynamic na- veying voyages of north Australia that the real ture of Melanesian exchange. nature of Islander, Papuan and Australian Aboriginal exchange relations were more fully described. THE ORAL TESTIMONY OF EXCHANGE The historical documentary literature has rein- forced the idea that customary exchange relations Oral testimony of exchange connections, pop- across the Torres Strait were part of a formalized ulation movements and inter-ethnic contacts of system of set 'trade routes'. This has led to an the people of the Torres Strait and Fly estuary interpretation of linkages, shown particularly in region was collected from the 'top' western, writings of McCarthy (1939), Moore (1974, 1979) central and eastern islands of Torres Strait, and and Baldwin (1976), that shows islands connected from Papuan people of the SW coast and Fly in extensive networks by single, fixed lines, indicat- estuary region of PNG. This oral evidence shows ing a formalized point-to-point movement of ex- a high degree of correlation with historical docu- change items extending from Australia to Papua ments such as Landtman (1917), the Annual New Guinea. Of course objects of exchange moved Reports on British New Guinea (1886/87- from island to island, as they moved from village to 1 905/06) and Papua ( 1 906/07-1 9 1 9/20) and Had- village, or camp to camp on the mainlands. How- don (1901-1935). ever, this interpretation presents a simplistic or The oral testimony illustrates the long and con- tinuous history of exchange and contact relations. generalized view of a set, inflexible and unchanging Kinship ties and inter-ethnic contacts extended system of customary exchange which is fundamen- throughout the Torres Strait and Fly estuary tally incorrect. In reality, as the oral evidence will region. Knowledge of these contacts is well known show, the customary exchange system was flexible and transmitted orally through the generations. and open, and tied to many social, political and Mythical and legendary culture heroes serve as cultural factors. It was also open to manipulation. cultural markers and the journeys and adventures Movement of exchange goods fluctuated according of these heroes established the legitimacy of to circumstances, changes in social and kinship present day contacts. Oral testimony of exchange networks, geographic conditions and community, relations provides details of the circulation and and even individual needs. Reliance on the histori- distribution of objects. Oral testimony also cal documentary sources alone presents a distorted demonstrates that traditions are shared between provides us with a static interpreta- impression and Islanders and Papuans in a region of complex tion of what is in reality a dynamic system. cultural and linguistic divisions and that these can be little doubt that the fundamental There traditions serve as cultural links between Is- nature of customary exchange, as presented by landers and Papuans. These links have only been writers such as Haddon (1904, 1908), Landtman broken by imposed divisions created by European (1927) and Jiear (1904/05), was recorded ac- political, religious and economic forces. curately. However, their interpretations represent Oral evidence seeks to present a 'people's the state of exchange relations as they were at a history' to balance the often prevalent and particular period in the social and economic his- dominant 'colonial' or Eurocentric history, for tory of the region. Distortion of reality has come ethnohistory concerns the relationship between from the re-interpreation of these writings over written records and the spoken traditions. My time and the assumptions that these writngs functional definition of ethnohistory incorporates .

.**> MEMOIRS OP THEQUFENS1 AND MUSEUM

historical documentation and oral evidence to evidenced from a study of the clhnohistorical study cultural change in non-European record. since European contact (Ruhan, 1981.39; Trig- The incorrect belief that cultures were static ger. i982:2). However, the ethnohistoncal prior to sustained European contact was based on

method also relies on archaeological and lifi the fab* premise that these cultures were 'sensi- tic evidence as well as comparative ethnology as tively attuned to a stable environment* (Trigger,. 1985:28). Yet evidence from archaeoio supplementary sources. : Elhnohistory has been used (MeBryde, 1978:2; sources (Irwin, 1978) as well as from oral narra- Dcning, 1966:25) to refer to the process of his- ti ve, suggests that changes occurred rapidly in the torical investigation of an ethnic group not pre-European contact period. Each culture needs generally studied in the past, based on documen- to be studied as part of the structural transforma- tion its past. Societies need to he inter- fcaiy, usually European, colonial sources. This of own preted as systems that interact not with their definition of ethnohistory is not used here. only The use otzn integrated method of cultural and own cultural environment but also with those hisiorical description, according to Valentine systems of their neighbours. Only then is it pos- sible to lake account of the full range of the (1960:2), may he termed elbrmhisiiwy and ii IS in processes which acted as catalysts to cultural that context that the term is used here. This differs change. from the more restricted definition that em- critical analysis in phasised historical documentation alone as the The importance of diachronic studies was stated by Evans-Pritchurd source for reconstruction of the contacts, move- (1962:47) who argued that anthropologists ments, cultural activities and locations of often uncritical in their use of documentary sour- pre literate groups. ces and made little attempt at reconstruction from While Tippett ( 1973:1 ) stated that ethnohisiory the historical records and the oral traditions. was basically a research technique, or a synthesis The relationship between the use of historical of methodologies used For considering cultural documentation, oral testimony and material cul- spatially as well as sequentially, Trigger

ture was examined by Hudson | ! 971: 123-126). (1985:25) argued that ethnohisiory attempted 'to He classified historical research in anthropology document the resilience and dynamism ofnative into four areas: studies of inferential history and peoples and their cultures from earliest material culture; historical research by archaeol- European contact to the present* The oral tes- ogy; various forms of research by social timony of exchange, contact and movement anthropologists; and research on folk history. across Torres Strait and Fly estuary region Lacey & Kolia (1975:9) described two broad presented in this chapter fully supports Trigger's types of oral evidence, underlining the value and view of the role of ethnohisiory. Tins testimony meaning of such evidence in a Melanesian com- illustrates the resilience and dynamism of in- munity: First, traditions of importance to a group digenous culture and serves to dispel the miscon- as a people, which link them with important an- ception thatsocalled traditional' cultures existed cestors and events in their past and which are in ideal state of equilibrium prior an harmony and owned by the people as a whole or by groups of to European contact. experts among them; and secondly, sources about The general European perception of pre-con- more recent events and experiences which are tact PNG culture was that 7/; she pre-contact shared with other villages and which come from period PNG societyfragmented into smalt, large- the spread of colonial life through this country ly selfsufficient population units, closely tied to [PNG]/ Lacey (1981.251) referred to the first as land and relative -md location. oral evidence of 'group or community traditions' There was little internal migration apart frmn These may be more generally referred to as myths movement on marriage, flight following warfare, and legends. The second type, 'oral sources about or other short distance mows. European inter- wider events', may be termed stories or narra- vention brought peace over wide areas, new ac- tives. tivities requiring labour, new means of travel, Legend may be described as non-historical new wants and new means of fulfilling those stories handed down through the generations but warn.' (Ward, 1980:121k popularly recognized as having some historical This perception, which reflects a generalized character. Myths may he regarded as narratives, view of pre-contact Melanesian society, neglects usually fictitious, involving supernatural persons, the internal resilience and dvnamUm thai is actions or events. Myths may also contain some .

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 291

generally recognized historical character. On ihe legends of the Torres Strait peoples have been

other hand, stories or narratives may be described collected bv Lawrie f 1970), Laade(l968. 1971). as accounts of recent important events or tell of and Beckett (1975, UK the experiences of celebrated persons from the The original settlers on the Murray Islands were less remote past. said to be Pop and Kod, who came from the Fly 'Myths* and legends' are used here to refer to River to the area of Zaub, the central part of the accounts of remote former times and/or super- present Mer village (Haddon, 1 908. VI: 19: ! 1 natural persons and events. "Story refers to ac- 1:103-104 & Laade, 1968:141-143). Another counts of the more recent past or the experiences version of this story states that three women from of known persons or celebrated recent events. It a shipwrecked fishing party swam ashore at Erub is important to recognize the functional dif- and Mer, These women were later seen by men ference between the tyro forms. from Papua who settled with them on these is- Use of oral testimonies poses complex lands where they were joined by other people problems Even Malinowski (1954) included in from the Papuan mainland. A similar story of the his work on the Trobriands details of magic and origin of the is also given in myths that he frankly did not fully comprehend. Haddon (1935, 1:102k As Laade (1968:142) Substantial collections of legends and fc myths, recorded: ... the two traditions concerning the stories die history have been collected in recent earliest settlers on the eastern islands tell of the t3 notably sponsored by organisations such of NG> first people coming from Sew Guinea, - noi : institute of PNG Studies and the Summer > more and nothing less* Institute Linguistics. difficulty of The for the Laade (1968:145) stated that Maida was the ethnographer lies not in the collection of such oral first Yam Islander but he also stated that other history, with the this but adequate assessing of oral traditions noted that the original inhabitants testimony as historical and ethnographic records of both Yam and Tudu caroe from the Binaturi (Laeey. 1981:257), River. The knowledge of this tradition WAS Oral traditions can change the past to suit the known by both the Bine-speaking people from present i.Gammage, 1981:115-117). No two the Binaturi region and by the Yam Island people. arc the same; eyewitness accounts emotions An early version of the story of Maida of Yam, prejudices colour interpretation and oral which documents the close relationship between evidence may therefore be inaccurate or biased. the people of Tudu and the people of Papua was Oral accounts of the past can be constantly altered collected bv W. Macfarlane (1928/29 and Had- or even reinterpreted for the stories can be don, 1935/1:81-83) from Maino of Yam Island changed or distoned in order to add credence to who learned it from his father, Kebisu (Appendix present reeds, such as land disputes, and can omit c>. details which are no longer considered relevant In this account, Amubalee ? a man trom a and traditions no longer considered useful and Dirimu village on the Binaturi River, fled from a Ittpy even be considered as dangerous. This is wild pig and sailed out into the Torres Strait to especially true with regard to issues such as sor- Tudu Here he met with other people who ex- cery which may cause dissension within a com- changed a woman with him and he remained nn munity or wider cultural group. But despite these Tudu and had a family there. In the meantime, his issues, oral testimonies are a reflection of in- wife in PNG had given birth and raised a son. This digenous values, when used with careful con- son, Uibalu. killed the wild pig and in doi' sideration. d up all the people from the villages of The most important use of oral evidence is to Peawa, Kuru. Jibu, Masingara, Itupi and Togo act lis a counterbalance to the inherent ethno- and who had been killed by this pig. Leaving his Eurocentric biases contained in the historical mother, Uibalu then set out to find his father, in documentary evidence. a canoe made from bamboo. He arrived at Tudu by sailing down Wapa Reef. Uibalu was reunited MYTHS AND LEGENDS OF CULTURE with his father and gave him food from PNG, HEROES including parts of the pig which he had killed. Uibalu returned to PNG after instructing his A number of myths and legends were collected father that after five days he was to come back to in the Torres Strait by Haddon in (898 (Haddon. Papua bringing many of the Tudu people. The 1901-1935 and 1928) and later, on the Papuan Tudu people came and made friends with the coastal *ide, by Landtman (1917). Myths and people living in the bush in Papua and aftei this 292 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

the Papuan people married with people from Laade ( 1 968: 1 50) believed that a series of state- Tudu and Yam. Maida, the great fighting leader ments concerning contact between Islanders and

of Yam, came from the family of the son of Papuans could be made from oral evidence :(1) Amubalee and a Tudu woman. The eastern Islanders* traditions tell of people This legend illustrates the closely established coming from the Fly River settling in the eastern exchange and marriage ties between the Yam and islands; (2) The Muralag and Daru traditions tell Tudu Islanders and the people living in the of the Hiamo-Hiamo people who fled into the riverine area of the SW coast prior to contact with Torres Strait away from warfare and Kiwai raid- Europeans. Other stories relating to the strength ing, settling in the western islands; (3) The Yam- of these ties are also told by the people living in Tudu and Papuan traditions tell that the central the Bine- and Gizra-speaking villages along the islands were settled by the Papuan peoples from Binaturi and Pahoturi Rivers. the Binaturi River area; (4) Saibai was settled by Laade (1968:142) recorded that the first settler two groups of people, one of which was probably on Saibai was Melawal who lived underground from the Pahoturi River region. in a bailer shell. Another man, named Budia, who The long history of contact between eastern and came from the direction of Boigu and moved western Islanders can also be noted in oral tradi- lived around in the shape of a willy-wagtail (Rhipidura tions. Gelam at Moa with his mother. After leucophrys), settled near Melawal's home on the quarrelling with his mother, he left Moa taking western side of Saibai. Two men, Nima and with him a dugong which he had fashioned from Puipui who were both 'bushmen' from Papua, canoe timber. After journeying via Nagi, War- raber and Puruma, he finally arrived at Mer. came from the eastern side to where Melawal and There the dugong turned into the hill now called Budia were living, in search of their lost sister. Gelam. Gelam, according to the story (Haddon, They later returned to Papua. Saibai originally 1908, VI:54), was the man who brought garden contained two settlements: one at Ait on the east- foods to Mer. ern side, and the other on the western side at the The origin of the Malo/Bomai cult, the prin- site of the present village of Saibai. According to cipal culture myth of the eastern Islanders, further Laade (1968:144), the people at Ait were 'bush emphasises contacts between Papuan and Is- people' from the Pahoturi River. Landtman lander peoples. According to this myth (Haddon, (1917: 148-152) sta ted that Nimo and Puipui, who 1908, VI:61), Bomai came from 'Tuger', the lived at Ait, travelled to the Mawatta area op- coastal area west of Boigu between the Wassi posite Daru Island where they obtained outrigger Kussa and the . By changing canoes which they brought back to Saibai. Two through various disguises, such as a turtle, men from Mabuiag came to Saibai and saw these dugong, porpoise, crayfish and a canoe, he even- new canoes and, after remodelling them by ad- tually reached Mer, having visited Boigu, Dauan, ding another outrigger, returned to Mabuiag. This Mabuiag, Badu, Moa, Nagi, Yam, Masig, Dauar, was the legendary origin of the traffic in canoes the Great Barrier Reef, and Waier. Haddon from the coast of Papua and the Fly estuary SW (1908, VI:40) also told of how men from the other to the islands the Torres Strait illustrates of and clan groups of the Meriam people, particularly the close relationship between the people of the the Omai, Daumer, Geregere, Begam, Wazwaz, 'top' western islands and the coastal riverine and Zagareb clans, all came from Tuger in canoes dwelling people of PNG. in the search for Bomai. Muralag and Moa were places of refuge of the George Ohshima (1983:6), using information Hiamo-Hiamo people from Daru who fled to the obtained by Kitaoji (1979), reported a slightly western islands to escape the frequent raids of the different route for the journey of Bomai, passing Kiwai people (Laade, 1968:145). The story of the from 'Tuger' to Boigu, Dauan, Mabuiag, flight of the Hiamo-Hiamo of Daru was recorded Muralag, Nagi, Warraber, Puruma, Awridh, by Landtman (1917:366-367) who also collected Masig and then to Mer. Lawrie (1970:326) stated two stories detailing early contacts between Yam that Bomai was the secret name for the cult. The and Tudu Islanders and the Papuans of the south- secular name, Malo, according to Lawrie 1 west coast (Landtman, 1 9 1 7 : 36 -364; 4 1 5-4 1 6). (1970:327) was derived from the Meriam word These stories tell of how the Yam Island people for the deep sea outside the reef, Malo. In western first obtained dugout canoes from Papua and how island language this was Malu. The notion of the contacts were maintained with Daru Islanders dual nature of the Bomai cult was brought by the despite attacks by the Kiwai people. men from Nagi, Yam and Masig who came in CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 293

search of Bomai/Malo. Thus the cult which ceremonies, were also part of die pattern of originated in the Morehead region of PNG be- tomary exchange across the Torres Strait. Ihe

g firmly established in its dual Form in (he mythological, or legendary, origins of thes: eastern islands of the Torres Strait. changes serve to emphasise the antiquity of cus-

The story of another oil tore hero of Mer , named tomary exchange patterns across Torres Strait. Waiet. was told to Haddon by A.O.C. Davics who Other cull and origin myths are known •Jie school teacher an Mcr during the 1920s throughewt the region. However, the principal (Haddon, 1928). In this story, Waiet travelled Kiwai origin myth concerns the story of Sido (or from Mabuiag to Nagi and then to Mer. Hearing Sidaj, from his creation at Dibiri in the Fl> that Malo was in possession of Met he settled at tuary, to his death on Boigu- The story of Sido Waier. An effigy of Waiet was made from turtle w^S recorded by Haddon CI908»VI;S9)- Accord- shell by the people of Mcr Until its; removal by ing to his version. Sido came from Daudai DaVicS early in the 192CK, this effigy was hidden (Pipua)inacanoeatuj ive-nt to Mer. Wherever he in the rocks of the island of Waier- The effigy is went Sido planted bananas and pandanus trees. now housed in the Queensland Museum, Bris- S»do had intercourse with various women. bane. Other versions of Ihe story told lo Haddon Coconuts were created from his semen and he (1904, V:48) were of Waiet's journeys from the was responsible for the creation of many shells Binaluri River to Daru, then to Ugarand later to and the rich marine life of the reef. After these Tudu. Yet another version (Haddon, 1928:129) adventures he returned to . told of Waiet's travels from the Fly River to Mer Other versions of this mvih were also reel and then lo Badu, Moa, Nagi and Mabuiag. Con- by Haddon (1935. 1:374-378; !9

Ii Strait. also emphasises thai the mutual sharing tu>,:n the est rfi FY) ami Boigu . Ihe of ritual and ceremonial practices extending OVW essential feature of the Kiwaian wrsions is that a long period of time was an integral part of the Sido was a hero who was associated with death customary exchange system. and was the pioneer to the land of the spirits .,.' Contact between the western islands and Cape (Haddon, 1935 J:377,

York was the (heme of the legends about Kuiam, Early ven ions of die Sido myth were also a •! a culture hero of mixed islander and Aboriginal lected by Landtman (1917:95-119) and Beard- heritage. These legends were also collected by more i;lR90:465-466t. Another version of the

Haddon ( 1904, V:67-83,I 935, 1:380-385) as well long and complex story of Sido was collected as Laade (1967). Donald Thomson (1933), the during this research from Dam (Appendix I Australian anthropologist, also recorded detailed The story of Sido commences with his creation jfcCtiounte trf Cape York Aboriginal hero cults, at Dibiri, near the mouth of the Bamu River. Sido initiation and totcmism. The importance of the was then expelled from Dibiri because of the

Kuiam myth is that the hea> came to the western power of his magic arid so he journeyed to U ' i iwu islands from Cape York and, according to both on Kiwai Island where he was reborn through the Laade (1967*70) and Haddon (1904. V:8l), he body of a woman joined at the waist lo her sister Originated from the Australian mainland. He was These women taught Sido the magic associ assumed to be either Aboriginal or part- with food collecting and hunting and in return he Aboriginal and the Kuiam legend became the split them apart so that they could live in separate pi incipal cull myth of Mabuiag and the western i -.lands. It is therefore apparent that non-matenal During his wanderings around Kiwai Island items, such as cult practices and important Sido met an old man who showed him the v 2

of making drums and small canoes. From the migrations are significant io people s heritage, sound made by his first drum Sido learned the for tfie knowledge transmitted through genera- name of a woman w ho lived at Iasa on the western tions tn legend, song, chant and dance constitute side of Kiwai Island- By using a magic tree, Sido their bask legal, political, social and economic wax transported to lasa where he met this woman, chariers. It is on this basis that the rights and Sagaru. However, Sido and Sagaru soon quar- obligations of lineages are defined within com- relled over Sidos sexuaJ inabilities and she fled munities, and both access to and use of specific from Sido to mainland Papua. Sido decided to resources and territories are defended.' (Lacey, follow her, aided by his magic children, the birds. 1985:891 Sido made canoes from various trees, such as nipa palm, but these were unsuccessful. Finally, be INDIGENOUS PERCEPTIONS OF made a large canoe from a 'strong tree This EXCHANGE PATTERNS, POPULATION canoe was in the form of a partially hollowed out MOVEMENTS AND INTER-ETHNIC log and, in this canoe, Sido made room for his CONTACTS food, bows, arrows and bis bird children. Sido sailed to Mibti w here he met Sagaru again. Oral evidence ofexchange patterns, population Again she fled from him but Sido followed her movements and intergroup contacts was obtained along the coast to Mabudawan At Mabudawan. during field work in the Torres Strait and Fly he climbed the hill and, when he jumped down, estuary region in 1984 and 1985. his feet made an imprint in the rocks which can Oral testimony emphasises the cultural and still be seen. From Mabudawan. Sag.iru and Sido ecological discreteness of the ethnic groupings in went to Boigu Island but they were followed by the region and. for these reasons, the oral a man named Meun who also desired Sagaru. On evidence of exchange relations is presented ac- Boigu, Meuri and Sido fought and Meuri cut off cording to cultural and ecological divisions. Side's head. Meuri gave Sagaru water in the Acculturation, intermarriage with non-Island- decapitated head hut she threw o away and where ers, migration to the Australian mainland, the it fellwas turned into a deepwellwhichslillexists impoct of European administration and the cash on Boigu, Meuri caused Sagaru s death but the economy have reduced the importance of the spirits of SkJo and Sagaru returned to ITi customary exchange system across Torres Str.iir Sido's grave can Mill veen (here in a place that be Torres Strait Islanders have felt the impact of stays fresh and green during all seasons, The European ways of life since early contact with location of Sagam's ^r-.!\e is no! known. traders and sailors and following contact with Beckett 774 Lhscussn^ SnJo (1975 J 78), the missionaries alter 1871. While knowledge of the mvlh, stated that the saga incorporated elements customary exchange system forms partofthe oral common to most creation myths in Oceania. h isii I) of the elders, both men and women, w ho :' These include . du ,i kdting; elements saw and took part in such exchanges in their youth re- incarnation through rebirth ami through shed- or young adulthood the young indigenous oio the ding ofthe b\ wed by acquisition Jcr's perception of such exchanges »s heavi- one, trmenible; the of a wew death foaming ly dependent upon the historical documentary nation ofghosts and mortals; and the estab- evidence obtained from sources such as Haddon lishment oja ghostly wortdT (1904, 1908). Sido was a Papuan culture hero credited with Oral testimony from the Papuan coastal vil- the introduction of certain plan! foods into the lages is much stronger. The people of the SW Torres Strait lLaade, 1971:1-8). T\r.- reason fo« coastal villages have not engaged to the same the difference in fertility of the various islands rmarriage with outsiders Despite was because Sido was given •• woman in return the influence of colonial administration, mis-

• od plants. In some islands hi i en an sinm/ation and the cash economy these vili

Ugly WOrnan, and these islands are Ivirrcn, but on have riot fell the impact of an externally imposed Mer he was given the most handsoi ic girt, and way of life to quite the same extent as have the

this island is one of the most fertile in Torres Islanders. The transmission of oral testimony is, Strait Sido lata returned to Kiwai Island from therefore, still common among the people of the Mer Fly estuary and the SW coast of Papua. For rh In Melanesia, oral testimonies also form a reason Papuan knowledge of the customary ex- record of rhe patterns ofjourneys of people as change practices between Papuans and Islanders

both traders and migrants VVnwv traditions of I'-- soil strong. Economic factors, such as the lower CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 295

standard of living among Papuan people and the landers. Saibai men often married women from high cost of petrol, building materials and hunting the Papuan mainland. Exchange relations are still weapons, have been influential in the retention of maintained although these days the Papuan such skills as canoe making, construction of people usually come to Saibai to shop at the island houses using nipa palm, and hunting and fishing store. with bows, arrows and spears. Dauan: The people of Dauan Island also obtained their canoes from the Papuan coast, in exchange Insular Zone for armshells or cash. According to Jerry Mooka Torres Strait Islander ethnic groups from the 4 (pers. comm. 1984), when he was young the cash top' western islands of Boigu, Dauan and Saibai, exchange for one canoe was about £100 ($200). eastern islands of Ugar, Erub and Mer and central This was the equivalent of 3 armshells. His island of Masig (Fig. 1). mother was from Saibai but his father was from Boigu: In former times, the people of Boigu main- Dauan and he stated that contacts between Saibai tained extensive exchange relations with the and Dauan people had always been close. Canoes Agob-speaking people on the mainland opposite were fitted out on Saibai and it was the Papuan Boigu; Boigu Islanders still obtain bows and ar- people who adopted the modern version of the rows, drums, mats, dance ornaments and some double outrigger canoe from the Saibai Islanders. vegetables from Buji. Mud crabs, usually caught Relations are still maintained between Dauan by Papuans on the southern side of Boigu, as well Islanders and Papuan people and, in 1984, young as bamboo and wongai (Manilkara kauki) wood Papuan men were employed, for board and lodg- are still brought to Boigu by the Papuans. Wongai ings, as labourers at the Island Industries Board

is especially valuable as it is used for dugong store in Dauan. hunting spears and fishing spears. Most items brought to Boigu by the Buji and Ber people are Masig (Yorke Island): The people of Masig had associations with Is- now exchanged for cash. In former times, close the Yam and Tudu central Islanders inter-re- Papuans spoke the Boigu dialect although Boigu landers. The were one Islanders did not generally understand nor speak lated group with kinship links to coastal Papuan family on Masig, for ex- Agob language (Abia Ingui pers. comm. 1984). people. The Mosby ample, is related to a number of families in coastal Saibai: The people of Saibai have had a long and Papuan villages through the wives of Kebisu, the continuous relationship with the Agob-speaking warrior, and through the wives of Maino, who people of Sigabaduru village and with the Kiwai- was formerly a policeman to William MacGregor speaking people of Mabudawan. Papuans from at Daru. Mabudawan and Sigabaduru lived on Saibai in The people of Masig acted as intermediaries in separate villages, apart from the Islander com- exchange between the coastal Papuans and the munity, in 1984 and 1985. Sailing canoes from eastern Islanders as well as with the Yam and Mabudawan were regular visitors to the Saibai Tudu Islanders (Elder Mosby pers. comm. 1984). village and sailing canoes, fitted with one outrig- Exchange relations and kinship ties were inter-re- ger, have been brought from the Fly River along lated. Intermarriage was especially common be- the SW coast for many generations (Kinaur tween Masig and Murray Islanders. Akiba pers. comm. 1984). The canoes were fitted People from Masig, well placed near the exten- on Saibai with two outriggers, a platform and sive Warrior Reef, took turtle and dugong meat sails, although early this century they did not have from Wapa Reef (the main section of Warrior the full deck platforms that the present canoes Reef) to the Papuan coast and exchanged them have, for this was at first thought to be too heavy for bows and arrows, yams, taro, sago, drums and for sailing. skins for drums. The exchange of garden foods The Papuan people from Sigabaduru and was particularly important to the people living on Mabudawan also brought yams, taro, sweet the low sandy islands of the central Torres Strait. potatao, sugar cane, banana suckers and sago, as The Murray Islanders brought vegetable foods well as mats and canoes which they exchanged from the fertile eastern islands, as well as many for clothing, tools and European food. In former varieties of shells, including pearl-shell. In times, the Saibai peoples had their own special former times, Papuan people also brought canoes exchange partners among the Papuan people on which were exchanged for shells, particularly the mainland. This was a result of frequent inter- cone shells, pearl-shell, trumpet shells and marriages between Papuans and the Saibai Is- trochus. Dhamudh was considered one of the best 2% MEMOIRS OP SUE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

places fur tone shells (Elder Mosby pcrs. comm. able lo come and go anytime. The ca IOCS went BO 1984). Trumpet and helmet shells were obtained Medege and Dadabud villages on Erub, and the from reefs near Lgar procedure was that goods were spread out on Papuans who signed on as crews fur !he pearl- mats on the beach for the inspection of the Erub ing and fishing boats were recruited from the people. They brought mats, baskets, drums and coastal villages, especially Turciure, Mabud- garden foods to exchange for clothes, rice, flour uwan and Sigabarduru (Bob Gela pcrs. comm and cash. The Parama people brought sweet 1984). Men from these villages would sail from potatoes and taro to plant, and they dug gardens the Papuan coast to Saibai and Boigu, then over and planted crops for the Islanders on Erub, but the western reefs to Mabuiag, Badu. Moa and on these were often destroyed by wild pigs after the to Thursday Is. where they were contracted for Papuan people had returned home. one year. At the completion of their contract they While the Papuans resided on Erub they con- were paid off and returned to Papua with clothes. tributed to the well-being of the community by

store goods and cash for their relatives- i rig and planting gardens and growing useful The main connections between the peopk vegetable foods which were exchanged Papua and ihe Torres Strait islands were estab- throughout the community. Similarly, the use of lished through kinship ties. Relatives established Papuan labour to construct the sea wall at Boigu exchange partnerships and built up mutual in exchange for cash, and (he employment of obligations through the exchange of gifts. Be- Papuan youths in the island store on Dauan in n rum-fan, items were exchanged for cash. A exchange for food and lodgings, must be seen as small group of Parama people resided on Masig extensions of the exchange processes facilitated l in l >84 and 1985. The people of Parama have through kinship ties. kinship connections with Erub, Met Mtosig,War> The Papuan people living on Erub in 1984 near ruber, Puruma and Yam Islands. Many of these Mogor village were principally from Parama lectioos are through the family of Simoi however villagers from Katatai and Kadawa still Paradi, an influential Parama man living at Dam. regularly v isilcd Erub, particularly at Christmas The exchange i>f fish fin £;srden foods was par- or for important events such as funerals and ticularly important in Papuan-central island ex- church openings (Loiko Baker and Mapoo Gela change relations. From Parama, people brought pers. comm. 1984), garden food, mats, brooms and drums to these islands in exchange for turtle and dugong meal, Ugar (Stephen Island): Ugar. located on exten- clothes and cash (Opeta Gamea pers, comm. sive reefs NW of Erub, was particularly acces- 1984). sible from the Papuan coast. The Stephen family Exchange relations be! ween the eastern islands had 'externa)" kinship ties with the coastal Kiwai and Parama are especially strong. This is due. in speaking village of Parama and Tureture, as well pari, to the geographical proximity of the eastern as Internal* kinship links to Masig, Mer and Erub inlands to Parama, Kadawa and Dam. The prin- (Arthur Stephen pers. comm. 19S4). Papuan cipal lines of connection from Erub. Parama. people who sailed down to the eastern islands Katatai and Dam were through Mer and Ugar and brought mats, drums and garden foods, par- Mttrig (Timothy China pers. comm. 1934). ticularly yams (some of which were planted on Ugar), as well as canoes which were exchanged Erub (Damlcy Island): Papuan people sailed for cone shells obtained from rocky areas of the directly to Erub on the KW winds, particularly reef near Bramble Cay. Prior to the total substitu- during the high odes of December and January tion ofEuropean boats for canoes in Torres Strait, when all the reefs were covered with high water. the eastern islanders also obtained canoes in ex- and tbey brought sago, taro, mats and Sap-laps in change for cash and some axes or knives. exchange for European style clothing. They The main reason for establishment and main- remained in the eastern islands until the SE tenance of exchange links between Papuans and winds The prevailing winds were ul consider- Islanders was due lo kinship connections. Kin- able importance to people dependent on large ship ties facilitated the establishment ofexchange heavy sailing canoes. The large Papuan canoes partnership ties. Due to geographical proximity which often arrived before the doldrums prior to as well as language affiliations, eastern Islanders Christmas left after the New Year (Loiko Baku, had strongest connections with Parama, Katatai MapooGctaand Sam Savage pcrs. comm. 1984). and Kadawa villages as well as with Daru. The

In former time*, I hey had to obey the winds and western Islanders, and the Saibai, Boigu and currents but now. with outboard motors, they are Dauan peoples, for similar reasons, had strongest CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRRS STRAIT 297

connections with the SW coastal villages. How- drums, Wassikor, staled (pers.comm. 19S4) that ever, because oi inter- marriage between western, the people from the coastal Kiwai villages of central and eastern Tones Strait Islanders and Mahudawan, Tureture, Kalatai and Daru. as well restrictions on free movement and exchange as Parama, Sui and Kiwai Is. were the people with across the Australian/PNG border, many people whom the people of Mer maintained c 1 claim kinship affiliations throughout most of the change and kinship connections The principal Tones Strait islands. Recent contacts between items that the Papuans brought to Mer were Ugar and the mainland have been severely bananas, mangoes, taro, mats and drums, includ- restricted by border laws and regulations so that ing large drums twarup) and small drums few marriages now take place between Islanders (boroboro), as well as yams and sago. The and Papuans. Ugar people mostly marry with big trading party to come to Mer in the late 1960s other eastern Islanders or central Islanders. Some landed near the present church, on the Komet clan Papuans, with kinship ties in the islands, haw lands which face NW. Similar practices took sctded in the Torres Strait where they believe that place on Erub, where Egru village, which i< on education, health and welfare facilities are supe- the land of the Komet clan also faces the pre rior to those in PNG, particularly m the economi- ing winds. cally depressed Western Province. According lo James Rice (pers, comm. 1984), kinship ties are the key lo the entire Tones Strait Mer (Murray Island): In former times, strong and Papuan exchange system. This is especial I> exchange partnerships were established between true with regard to relationships between Parama coastal Papuan people and Murray Islanders and eastern Islanders, who were first related through the Komcl clan. These partners cv- through the marriage of Gagaro from Parama to changed goods only, rather than cash. Meriatn a girl, Sapaia. from Erub. From Parama, the main people also had very close connections w ith tte sailing route to Erub and Mer was from Parama Erub people. 10 Daru and Bobo, then to Ibumuba Reef to As well as kinship ties w iih Erub, the people of Dhamudh, then to Ugar, to Erub and then to i Mer continue lo have close connections with the Parama people often arrived in March at the end people ofParama Is., who come to Merevery year of the wet season and before the start of the dry (Henry Kibcre pers. comm 1984), However, in season when iheir food was short and the gu recent times the size of the groups coming to Mer foods not yet ready for harvesting. After three has declined. On one trip in the 1960s for ex- months in the eastern islands they returned to ample, seven canoes, each with about 20-30 Parama, In exchange for garden foods obtained people, came from Parama and Sui bringing on the eastern islands they brought mats, brooms, yams, bananas, sago, taro, m3ts, baskets and coconut oil, drums, sago, bows and arrows. The diums. Such large groups are rare these days. On Parama people also had connnections with both these trips the Papuan people generally came in the Fly estuary people and with the coastal Kiwai October, November or December during the NW people of Kadawa and Katatai. Thus, the main monsoon season. After Christmas and New Year exchange contacts between eastern Islanders and they returned to Papua with the SE winds. the coastal Papuans concentrated on the coastal In former times Mer maintained especially Kiwai-speaking peoples of the lower F|ye£tuaiy close exchange and kinship connections with Parama Is. and the Mawatta-Katatai coasL Parama and Sui villages (Sam Passi pers. comm 1984) For example. Sam Passi. from the Dauareb clan, still retains kinship links w iin Erub as well LrrroRALZoNt as with these Papuan mainland villages In former The Agoh-speaking people live in the small times, intra-island exchange was also important. villages of Buji and Sigabaduru, west of the The people from the central islands of Yam. Pahoturi River The coastal Kiwai-speaking Masig, Puruma and Warraber came to Mer to people live in Mahudawan, Mawatta, Tureture, exchange turtle and ftsh for garden foods. Now Kadawa and Katatai villages located on the nar- this exchange continues to a limited extent but row foreshore extending from the mouth of the eastern Islanders exchange store bought food. Pahoturi River to Toro Passage, the narrow especially rwre and flour, as well as clothing from entrance passage from Ihe Torres Strait to the the island store or the mainland > for fish and turtle lower Fly estuary (Figs 30, 31). from the central islands. In contrast to the broad focus on cusromaiy In 1984, Kaha Noah of the Komct clan, the exchange gained from oral testimony in the Tor- caretaker of the last of the sacred Malo/Bomai res Strait, the indigenous perspective of exchange Iv;-; MEMOIRS OF THE QITEENSLAND MUSEUM

ginned from oral testimony among the villagers New Guinea I S927 1 893 , Appendix P:58*59). told of the SW coast of Papua and the Fly estuary is of contacts between the Buji and the Mabuiag

_-. «-w • , . fir. un I . i ->fri i I -t specific and detailed peoples and stated that fixe originally had come to Mabuiag from Buji. The Mabuiag people saw Buji: The small, isolated village of Buji, situated a crocodile near the coast carrying fire in its he mainland coast opposite Boigu Is., was mouth However, when they requested fire from established as a polke post in 1 897/1 S°S (Annua] the crocodile it refused and so Iku, the headman, Repixt on British New Guinea 1898, Appendix swam across to Buru and then to Dauan. At L:79>. Following its establishment about 220 Dauan he saw smoke rising from the shore. Me Agob-speaking people from the small scattered crossed over to the mainland and saw a woman villages of Buji. Tuldu, Wasi, Bei Dapu. Mat, with fire coming from between her thumb and Pabu and Tabala! moved into the area of the post forefinger on her right hand. trickery, he siole and built permanent dwellings. These people had By this fire he returned to via long been subjected to raiding from the f ugeri and Mabuiag Dauan Fire carried to people who lived in the coastal region west of the and Buru. was then all die islands

Wassi Kussa. Of the Torrrs S ii;*tl , The Mawatta and Tureturc According to oral accounts, in former times, the people obtained their fire fromTudu, after it had people of Buji lived in small hush camps where been earned there from Mabuiag. According to the pe«>plc, the old days were I hey slept on the ground. They had no permanent hard houses and moved according to lite seasons be- and the struggle for survival strengthened the ties tween hunting and fishing camps. Undoubtedly, between the people of Buji and Boigu. People the establishment of the police post which effec- from Boigu came to the mainland to make gar- tively limited and reduced Tugeri raiding, as- dens and Buji people also made gardens on sisted in ihe consolidation of these scattered Boigu. Their ties of friendship were also village camps into one centre. The Buji people strengthened by kinship ties through the marriage had established contacts with the islands of Badu of a Boigu man and a Buji woman named Kalmo. and Moa which the story of Ubrikuhri serves to and these ties continue to the present day. illustrate. Buji people hunted deer, pic and wallaby on the A man, Ubnkubri, and his daughter lived at coastal plains behind the village and exchanged girl Buji. The had no children and she asked her meat for fish, dugong and turtle from the Tot res father to find her a piglet EO care ftil The father. Strait. The main fishing areas used by the Boigu inal error, eventually tlvc after and gave girl a people wereclose to the mainland near the village small crocodile which she lovinglv raised on of Ber and also on the southern side of Boigu yams and Lara One day she told her father to feed Island. As well, the people of Buji used the reefs the crocodile but as he reached through the fence of Kussa Island and obtained turtle eggs at the surrounding the pen the crocodile grabbed him sandbanks near Boigu and near the coastal vil- and dragged him to the beach and into the water. lages of Man and Jarai to the west People hunted It took the body to Boigu and then brought it back in the swamps on Boigu together wilh the Boigu to Buji, thereby creating the channel between Islanders (Bapu Mose and Rubu Ag pers. comm. Boigu and the mainland. Meanwhile, the girl 1985). began searching for her father and the crocodile The Buji people used only small canoes with and eventually found her father's Nvly near the mat *ai1s and so they stayed close to shore. It was rocks on the shore. She then let* that place and the people of Boigu who introduced them to large moved down the coast. The crocodile swam to sailing canoes. The people of Boigu then taught Buru Reefand then to Moa and Badu where it can the Buji people how to construct their large still be seen in the channel hetween Badu and own canoes. This mutual interaction was Moa (Appendix E> story I). emphasised This story links the first people of Buji with the by strong exchange links between the two

^ people of Moa and Badu fof, in the slory, the peoples. The Buji people exchanged wongai tim- crocodile and the old father are both called ber to the Boigu Islanders. Wongai timber was Ubnkubri. Other legends linking Buji and the used by Boigu people in the manufacture of western islands of the Tones Strait also concern dugong harpoons which were renowned in the the actions of mythical crocodile figures. For western islands of Torres Strait. In 1985. Charlie example, the story of the origin of fire collected Gibuma of Boigu was still making fine harpoons by Bingham Hety. ihen Resident Magistrate for from wongai traded from Buji. In former times, trie Western Division (Annual Report on British Boigu Islanders obtained sago and nipa palm leaf .

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT Km

fof construction of thear homes from Buji sago Saibai and journeyed back and forth. The swamps younger brother married a girt from Ait and had Small drums are still obtained from the many children. The elder brother also had Morehead region to the west and large drums, children at Sigabaduru and through these fami lies with wallaby skin heads, are also obtained from the people of Saibai and Sigabaduru are related villages to the west for about 30-40 kina (apprnx and to this day exchange gifts with each

AS40-50 ). Drums may also be made w ith a snake (Appendix E, story 3). skin tympanum, but this is generally considered These ties remained despite intermittent war- satisfactory than the stronger wallaby skin fare between the two groups. Hie slot

head. Both Morehead and locally made Buji Wagebau of Saibai (Appendix E, story 4) il- diums are exchanged with Boigu Islander lustrates how the people of Sigabaduru gave a cash. They are then sent to the other Torres Strait woman to the fighl leader Wagebau and by doing islands, where they are often resold and repainted so established peace with the Saibai Islanders by the Islanders using bright acrylic paints. The Sarnogaud clan of Sigabaduru is now related Besides drums and nongai timber, bows and to the descendants o( Wagebau and thus woman arrows are also exchanged to Boigu. The people Like the people from Boigu and Buju ihe S. of Buji also take yams, baskets, mats, drums, and Sigabaduru people hunted and fished cassowary feather dance decorations and together. The main fishing areas were vegetables to sell on Boigu. With the money from Wapadubun Reef near Sigabaduru and on the the sale of these items the Buji people can buy large reef in the channel between Saibai and the food and petrol at the government store on Boigu mainland, usually called Saibai-Sigabaduru The Agob-speaking people have always been Reef. scattered, dwelling in small villages, widely In former limes, the people used bamboo having other. only limited contact with each Foe and hunted with bows and arrows (Gabi, Tai, this reason contacts with the Boigu Islanders are Pino, Darua, Koiget Sail pens, cormn. 1985) h important to Buji villagers most was only after introduction of the steel axe and arrival of Kiwai-spcaking people with the first Sigabaduru: For the Agob-speaking people of Europeans, that the people of Sigabaduiu began Sigabaduru village, to the east of Buji, their constructing large sailing canoes. They leamt a I closest links arc with the Saibai Islanders. The how to make these large canoes from the people cultural significance of the crocodi Je to the Agob- of Saibai. Canoe hulls, which were exchanged for speaking people is emphasised in the story of the aims hells and shell ornaments, were floated .Akron clan of Sigabaduru village. Two brothers down the Pahoturi River near Mabudawan IV of the Akron clan decided to separate and, after a exchange *» ah^c was sometimes two or three feast of pig, the elder brother entered the water aimshells for one canoe log. Using this type of and became a crocodile and swam away from the mainland. The younger brother stayed as a man canoe, the Agob-speaking people were able W extend theirjourneys to BaoV Mabuiag. Moa and and had many children. Now this clan is forbid- Moat. Sigabaduru were den to eat crocodile. The crocodile also know the Kubin (on The people of ius magic words of this clan and can identify then able to develop kinship and exchange the people of the western islands of the clansmen (Appendix E, story 2). The separation with Torres Strait. Although they still maintain conU*M of the younger brother and the older brother is a the of common theme in Papuan myths and legends and with the Saibai Islanders, people perhaps serves to illustrate the segmentation of Sigabaduru no longer exchange canoes or orna- large clans into smaller clan groups prior to out- ments. They still take mats, bags, bows and ar- migration. rows and vegetables to Saibai which they now Sigabaduru village, located on the coast direct- exchange for cash. ly opposite Saibai, is the most eastern of the The village of Sigabaduru is an amalgam of a coastal Agob-speaking villages. The close as- number of small communities called "corners' sociation between the peoples of Sigabaduru and which include the old village on the foreshore Saibai is expressed most clearly through legend. and. behind this, a group of houses belonging to In former limes there were two brothers. The people from other villages who have moved to eider brother decided to live on the mainland al Sigabaduru to take advantage of the proximity to Sigabaduru but the younger brother decided he the school, the medical aid post, and the church. wanted to live on Saibai. The elder brother made The people of Tabatat 'corner* village, for t-x a bamboo raft so that he could visit his brother on ample, moved many times before they finally 300 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

• KfDSANOSOV

10 15

KILOMETflES

'*,

sczc- TORRES STRAIT

FIG. 30. Top western Islands of Torres Strait and the SW coast of PNG.

settled at Sigabaduru. According to the Tabatat given land to use, they began stealing garden people, these moves were prompted by Sirnai, an foods from the Bibra, and so the Bibra were ancestor spirit of the Tabatat people (Appendix forced to move away from their lands. They set- E, story 5). tled near Simabod, not far from Mabudawan, but The coming of the Kiwai along the SW coast still the Kiwai stole from them. Again they was the most significant factor in severing estab- moved, this time to Darbud between present lished links between Torres Strait Islanders and Sigabaduru and Mabudawan. Again the Kiwai people of the littoral coast and adjacent riverine stole from them. Finally after trying to find good lands. Following the establishment of the govern- land they settled near the shore at the present ment station at Mabudawan in 1891 (Annual Sigabaduru. Report on British New Guinea 1892, Appendix L:42), conflicts arose between the Agob-speak- Mabudawan: The Kiwai settled at Mabudawan ing people and the coastal Kiwai who had come following the establishment of the government as workers and policemen with the European station in the Western Division of British New officers. Guinea under instructions from the Ad- The pressure exerted on the Sigabaduru people ministrator, Sir William MacGregor. J.B. to move west is illustrated in the clan story of the Cameron, the Resident Magistrate, had estab- Bibra people (Appendix E, story 6). The ances- lished the station by March 1891, although his tors of the Bibra clan formerly lived at first difficulty was ascertaining the ownership of Mabudawan which they called Mabunardi. They the land. The Mawatta people first claimed it, planted gardens there. The Kiwai who came from stating that 'the land belonged to them, as they the east first settled on the island at the mouth of were the owners of the whole of the coastline in the Pahoturi River in the 1890s but then, after this district' (Annual Report on British New

making friends with the Bibra, moved over to the Guinea 1890/1891, Appendix L:42). However, it Papuan mainland. Although the Kiwai were was officially decided that the Dabu (Agob- CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 301

PAPUA NEW GUINEA WESTERN PROVINCE

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I.

, II .LkM.III

TORRES S^AIT

FIG. 31. SW coasl of PNG, E of Saibai, and W of the Fly estuary. speaking people), who occupied the district NW at Dudu-patu, they came across the intestines of of the station and W of the Pahoturi, were the dugong and turtle, which had been thrown away original owners. One of the first Kiwai settlers at by the Daru people and had floated over to the Mabudawan was a policeman named Kesave and opposite coast, and they ate them. A large hawk although the people of Sigabaduru are related to once flew away with a turtle bone and alighted the Mabudawan people through Kesave and his on a Kaparo tree at Kuru, close to a garden where wife Makai from Sigabaduru (Appendix E, story a man named Bidedu was working. The luiwk 7), the question of ownership of the land around dropped tlie bone, and Bidedu, after picking it up

Mabudawan is still unresolved. Although Ma- and examining it, decided to go and find out budawan is the most westerly village of the Kiwai where it came from. He found the people in the speaking people, the site was contested by the creeper and cut them out... Both the Mawatta and Togo and Kulalae villages (Gizra-speaking Tureture people had been in the creeper. Their people) who formerly lived on the eastern bank leader Bidja came out first, and Bidedu made of the Pahoturi. friends with all of them. They used to eat poor The coastal Kiwai-speaking villages of kinds offruits, roots and earth, and to smoke the Kadawa, Mawatta, Tureture and Mabudawan leaves of a tree called omobari, but Bidedu gave share one common origin story. The story of them food of the right sort and showed them the Bidedu, as recorded by Landtman (1917:85-88), use of tobacco. He also taught them to build was ihnv/Long ago the Mawatta [mouth of the houses, and they founded the village of Old Oriomo River] that is Tagara [old] Mawatta the Mawatta [the point NE of Daru],* area of beach and headland opposite Daru Is- The story of Bidedu as told by Jawagi Maru and land, people lived inside a creeper of a kind Amabi of Mabudawan village (pers. comm. called Buhere-apoapa. When swimming in the sea 1985) illustrates the close associations between 302 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

inland and coastal people who established them- the Daru Islanders they learned to hunt dugong selves on the littoral zone close to the mouth of and turtle and the rituals and ceremonies as- the Fly River. The coastal people, after settling sociated with hunting. As the story of the Hiamo- on the beach at Mawatta opposite Daru, mixed Hiamo people will show, these Daru people were with Daru and Fly estuary people, and then began most likely Torres Strait Islanders, possibly re- to separate. These groups established the present lated to the Yam Islanders. Kiwai-speaking villages of Tureture, Mawatta At Mawatta, opposite Daru, the village began and Mabudawan to the west. to grow. The headman, Gamea, had gathered This version of the story of Bidedu,which other people from the Fly estuary, Parama and varies slightly from the one collected by Daru. Gamea settled these people on the beach Landtman, documents the arrival of the Kiwai east of the Oriomo River (Appendix E, story 8). who came to settle on the coast (Appendix E, Gamea then began searching the coast for new story 8). Bidedu, who lived inland at Kuru, had lands in a canoe which he had learned to make much knowledge of gardening, hunting and fish- from the Daru Islanders. As he travelled along the ing. One day an eagle dropped a turtle bone in his coast he named rivers, islands and points as far as garden and as he had no knowledge of this type Saibai Is. On a second journey along the coast, of bone, he decided to journey to the shore to Gamea sailed in a canoe that he had obtained discover where it had come from. Near the coast from Kiwai Is. He also brought a man from Saibai 4 opposite Daru, he found people locked in a vine to Mawatta to teach the people how to catch tree' and he released them. Bidedu showed these dugong. Gamea and his people established a vil- people how to make fire, to wash, to cook garden lage at the mouth of the Binaturi River which they foods and how to plant gardens. Bidedu and the named Mawatta after the old village and they 'vine people* settled at Dudupartu at the mouth settled there. At this village fighting broke out of the Oriomo River. Bidedu caused Biza, the between the Kadawarubi people (descended from first man to come out of the 'vine tree* to go to Gamea) and the Tureturerubi people (descended sleep, he also caused him to dream and in these from Kuke, Gamea's younger brother), over the dreams he would find a way to the beach where issue of an illegitimate child. The villages he would be given knowledge of fishing. separated into the present villages of Mawatta Biza went to the coast and later moved his and Tureture. After some time, the tribal fighting people, who were then called the Kadawarubi, to was stopped by the exchange of women and the Mawatta-Dodomea. They settled on the beach at removal of the magic which had prevented the Mawatta opposite Daru and from there they made growth of the gardens (Appendix E, story 8). contact with the inhabitants of Daru Island who From then on the two villages lived in peace. taught them how to hunt dugong. Bidedu The story of Gamea documents the movements

'remained behind in the dust* . A similar story was of the Kiwai people along the SW coast from the collected from Tureture village by Elcy (1988). Fly estuary to the Pahoturi River. As they went, Eley (1988:26) interpreted the Bidedu story three the Kiwai obtained knowledge of gardening from ways: the coastal Kiwai originated at Dudupatu the bush people and, from the Torres Strait Is- near the Oriomo River; they occupied vacant landers, learned the techniques for hunting lands and then gained access to reefs, and seas; dugong and turtle, fishing and making seaworthy and there was no explanation for the origin of the canoes. The story of Gamea and Kuke (Eley, people found in the bush by Bidedu, called 1988:50-52) confirms the recent arrival of the variously the vine people or the five brothers. Kiwai along the SW coast and supports the claims However, as oral evidence presented here will of the coastal Kiwai that the coastal villages are show the Fly estuary people describe the gradual divided into two sections: the eastern coastal migration of the Kiwai-speaking people out from villages of Parama, Kadawa and Katatai, and the Kiwai Island and their movement along the SW western coastal villages of Mawatta, Tureture coast and the Bine-, Gidra- and Gizra-speaking and Mabudawan. people contest the vacant coast. The people dis- Following establishment of villages along the covered by Bidedu were the first Kiwai settlers. coast, the Kadawarubi and Tureturerubi began The Bidedu story illustrates the way in which using the waters and reefs of the Torres Strait. the Kiwai-speaking people, who settled on the From there they began visiting the Fly estuary Mawatta beach area after moving from the Fly people. The people of the coastal villages ob- estuary, first learned from Oriomo River people tained canoes from the Fly estuary in exchange how to make gardens and eat garden foods. From for shells and learned to modify the river canoes CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT

and make large canoes which could be used in the named Gamia [Gamca] and Kuke. came expiat- open sea of the Torres Strait (Jawagi Maru pers. ing for new country, as they were being harassed eomm. 1985). by die Kiwai tribe. Kuke remained as Tun Turi The Kadawarubi made friends with the inland [Tureture] and Gamia went on So the isUmd of people living along the Binaturi River. It was at Datum. On his return he called at she presenS the mouth of the Binaturi River that the first Mawat [Mawatta], and was offered land by She

Christian mission was established in 1 872 by the Maxingara trihe. The Masingam people are the London Missionary Society (GUI, 1 874a,b). Kad- aboriginal owners of site Mawasa country. They awarubi men from the coastal villages were gave she land aJreadydescribed So Gamia and his trained to be pastors on Damfey Is. and sent back tribefor ever. They gave no paymentfor she land. to PNG, together with pastors from the Pacific They have lived on the mostfriendly terms with 1 Islands. It Was from Mawatta that Christianity the Masingara people ever since. spread along the coast (Appendix E, story 9). The original village site was east of the Binaturi Contacts between Kiwai arid Torres Strait Is- River. The move to the present site on the western landers were established after the founding of the bank was the result of flooding of the eastern coastal missions and these contacts, particularly and trouble with mosquitoes. This may account with the eastern Islanders, were further en- for the name of the village, for Mawatto means their couraged by the common heritage of lan- 'to cross over*. 11>e long establishment of both guages. the Mawatta and Kadawa villages is also evidenced by Helys statement (Annual Report Mawatta: The present village of Mawatta is on British New Guinea 1982/1983, Appendix situated on the western hank of the Binaturi River 1:40) that the old Kadawa village was ordered to close lo the river mouth, and has been variously be pulled down as it was in poor condition and called Kadawa. Katau (Kataw) and even, incor- new houses *of an improved type\ with room for rectly. Old Mawatta. According to Laade (1968: two families, were ordered to be built. Following 152-153), the strongest and most sustained con- establishment of the mission station, Mawatta tacts between coastal Papuan people and Torres became a small commercial centre. Strait Islanders centred on Mawatta. Laade stated European presence at Mawatta was also men- that the Kiwai-speaking people who lived at the tioned in the oral account of the final figl> mouth of the Binaturi River acted as inter- tween the Tugeri from the and the Kiwai as mediaries in exchange between the Islanders and W toldbyKanaiTura(pers.comrn. 1985) uf Mawat- the inland peoples European contact with the ta village (Appendix E, story 10). Kiwai ar Mawatta predated establishment of (he This story is confirmed in a report by Mac- mission station and Landtman (1917:540-541) Gregor (Annual Report on British New Guinea recorded a Mawatta story of the irregular visits of Pacific Islander pearling crews seeking food, and 1888/69, Appendix H;68) which staled in pan; possibly women, in exchange for tobacco. 'Lass season [1888?] they [Tugen raiders] went as as killed there European Chester (1870) wrote an account of a trip to far Kadawa and a Papua New Guinea accompanied by Captain named Martin. A Kadawa nasixe shot a Tugere Banner, who had established a fishing station at man. striking him in the eve wish a revolver bulles\ Tudu in 1868, and twoTudu Islanders. Unable to ascertain their exact position due to flood tides In former times, the people fought with the and currents, they landed near a village of about Tugeri as well as the inland people. The Tugeri twelve houses close to the Binaturi River. They also fought the people of Saibai. Dauan ami later found that the village was called Katau. Boigu but occasionally they exchanged drums Another village, about three miles (5 kilometres) and ornaments with the Kiwai for European north along the coast, was Tureture. These vil- clothes, food and implements which the Kiwai lages, at that time, were at war with each other. had obtained from the Torres Strait, especially Cameron (Annual Report on British New from Masig. The Tugeri people also intermarried Guinea 1892/1893, Appendix U:67-68) reported with Torres Strait Islanders Yam Island was the that the Kiwai first settled on the coast about 1 880 centre of kinship relations with the Kadawarubi on land that was vacant and, according to his of Mawatta and Tureture and, by extension, the informant, not claimed by any other people 'The Mabudawan people. Mawatta tribe are not aboriginal owners of the The position of Mawatta village at the mouth soil. The rwo chiefs of Old Mawat (which was of the Binaturi enabled the Kiwai to act as inter- situated on thr mainland jV£ of Yam (DanilA mediaries in the exchange system between Is :

304 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

landers and the people living inland from the spoons and axes. The coastal Kiwai people from Papuan coast. The Kiwai were then able to Mabudawan, Mawatta and Tureture still travel dominate the two principal lines of interaction into the Torres Strait, especially for ceremonial between Islanders and the inland people, or from occasions such as church openings, funerals and Tudu to Warraber and other smaller central is- at Christmas. The text of a popular Kadawa vil- lands. The other line of interaction went along the lage sailing song records the names of places coast to the northern islands of Saibai, Dauan and visited Boigu, and from there (o Mabuiag and Badu. Imam itrogu ro Torres Strait, Regular travel to the eastern islands was not rodu okami eh, possible until the introduction of the larger, safer Puruma, Yorke Island, Murray Island. Darnlcy seaworthy sailing canoes. The canoe hulls of the Fly estuary villages were We are going to Torres Strait, fitted with one outrigger but, because of the to reach the places, eh weight of the sails required in coastal waters, two Puruma, Yorke Island, Murray Island. Damley outriggers were fitted. Large platforms were built on the canoe to take the weight of the dugong (Nano Moses pers, comm. 1985) platforms which were transported to the reefs off The Kiwai-speaking villages of Mabudawan, the southwest coast Mawatta and Tureture have strong exchange rela- According to oral accounts recorded in tions and a long history of contact with the Mabudawan village (Amabi pcrs. comm. 1985), western and central islands of Torres Strait. the size of the canoe hull determined the type of Kadawa, situated opposite Daru near the site of canoe. In former times, the small single outrigger the first Mawatta village, maintains the longest established relations with the eastern Islands of canoe was used without sail in the Fly River. Torres Siraii. These could be made from small, locally avail- able trees using stone axes, but could not be used Kadawa and Katatai: The movement of the in the open seas. Use of pandanus leaf sails was Kiwai people from lasa (Kiwai Is.) is described necessary along the open sea coast where winds in the story of the origins of Kadawa village and current?, made sailing difficult. Larger canoes (Appendix E, story 11). When the people of were needed to go to the reefs and open seas. Kiwai Is. began moving out of lasa. some went From these beginnings the development of the to the N bank of the Fly, and others went to the larger double outrigger canoes became possible W bank. One man. Sewota, crossed to the W bank using larger logs obtained from as tar away as and sailed S as far as the SW coast near Katatai Dibin Dugong and turtle as well as people could Point A man named Bagari, who lived near the be carried in the large seagoing canoes which Point told Sewota to stay near Huboturi. Another were also used on long distance travel into the man named Bam from Boigu Is. came to Daru but Tones Strait. was told by Damabe who lived there that he could canoe hulls the Fly The were obtained from not stay on Daru. So Bani journeyed to where estuary Kiwai-speaking people, especial ly from Sewota lived. Sewota gave Bani his son to care the villages of Severtmabu, and Madame Koabu for and sent them back to Gewi on the W bank. on the west (Dudi ) bank of the Fly estuary, as well Bani and the child settled at Gibu but renamed it as from lasa. Sepe and Kuhira -n Island. Kiwai Doridori, meaning mens headdress It was at this In exchange, coastal people took armshells place that people came from along the coast to irmibua), breast ornaments {dibidibi), pearl, form two longhouses called Kudin and bailer and irochus shells, dogs' teeth belts, Wasigena. European axes and knives all of which originated The people of Kudin were the Kadawarubi and in the Torres Strait. the people of Wasigena were the Gebarubi. The From Mawatta, coastal Kiwai exchanged fish people living in these longhouses at Doridori from the reefs at Keseperege, Otamabu, Karaba would travel to Kiwai Is and to olher villages

andMarigeem the Warrior Reel" i Fig. 32). Trade- (Appendix E. story 12) but they would not travel store goods were obtained from Torres Strait far south as the waves frightened them. They then islands and these were sent inland. In return, the saw that the waves were breaking on a large inland people, particularly the Bine-speaking sandbank which they called Parama. Later the people, exchanged garden foods and built bam- people from Doridori moved to Parama and set- boo fences around the small garden plots of tled there but disputes between men over women Mawatta village in return for plates, knives, forced them to separate. The elder brother clan, CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 305

the Gebarubi, remained on Parama but the and inter-ethnic warfare remained endemic to the younger brother clan, the Kadawarubi, crossed SW coast until the establishment of European back to the Papuan mainland and settled near the colonial administration on Daru after 1895. present village of Katatai. It was near Katatai, that An account of the flight of the Hiamo-Hiamo Bidedu found the 'vine people*, called the from Daru to Muralag was collected by Apuapu. After they came out, the Apuapu settled Landtman (1917:366-367) and this account was on the coast and laterjoined with the Kadawarubi. confirmed in a recently collected story of the Products of this union were the brothers, Gamea massacre of the Daru people (Appendix E, story and Kuke, who later journeyed west to found the 15). villages of Mawatta and Tureture. Thus the Daru: In former times, Daru Is. was only a people of Parama, Kadawa and Katatai villages sandbank but it was inhabited by the Hiamo- all trace their ancestors back to Kiwai Isl. Hiamo people from Yam Island. A man from When the Kadawarubi and the Gebarubi jour- Yam Island, Gaidiri, had married a Hiamo- neyed to the Fly estuary they went to the villages Hiamo woman and they had a son Damabe. One of Koabu, Madame, Severimabu, Sepe, Iasa, day the Kiwai Islanders and the Katatai people Samari, Madiri, Oromosapua, Ipisia, Agobaro, crossed from the mainland with plans to kill the ITUwo, Wabada, Wapa'ura, Gesoa, Wasua, Daru people. Many were killed but Damabe es- Teapopo, and Sagera, as well as Tirere (Dibiri caped by covering himself with a turtle shell. Is.), Maipani and onto the villages on the Bamu After the Katatai people had returned to the main- River. They took dugong, fish and shells to ex- land Damabe swam to Bobo Is. The Katatai change for sago and canoes which they usually people saw smoke from his fire, and again obtained at Madame, Koabu and Severimabu. crossed over to find him. They took Damabe back Contact with the Torres Strait Islanders was to Katatai where they gave him the sister of Bani also established when the Kadawarubi settled at from Boigu as a wife. The descendants of this Katatai. Sometimes there was fighting between union still live in Katatai and Kadawa village. the people from the Fly estuary and the This story also confirms the relationship between Kadawarubi. The story of the rape of Sebea's the Daru people and the Katatai people. wife, Siworu, illustrates this (Appendix E, stories A story concerning the origin of the 'traffic' in 1 1 and 1 of the Kadawarubi were forced 3). Some canoes between the Fly estuary people and Saibai west, implies that this was to flee and the story through Old Mawatta (Kadawa/Katatai) was col- journeys of and Kuke. the reason for the Gamea lected by Landtman (1917:148-152; 1927:211- However, the village of Katatai grew from the 212). The introduction of the dugout canoe and the joining together of the vine-people, the establishment of exchange relations resulted Kadawarubi and some people from Yam Is., from the adventures of two men, Nimo and as well as It was Boigu and Mer, from Masig. Puipui, who lived at Ait on the eastern end of from these people that some of the present sub- Saibai. They travelled to PNG in a bowl made clans of Kadawa village, such as the Y.T.D. from a coconut shell. As they travelled E to W (Yam/Tudu/Daru/) sub-clan, the Sewota (Sewota along the coast they named many islands, points Kupama clan, the descendants of Sewota of and creeks. Eventually, they reached Aberemuba, Kiwai Is.), and the Boigudai (Boigu people) sub- near the Oriomo River, facing Daru Is. The clans originated. Following the establishment of brother-in-law of Nimo and Puipui gave each of the village at Mawatta, opposite Daru, contact them a dugout canoe with a single outrigger. They with the Gidra-speaking people was established lashed these two canoes together and sailed back and some of these inland people' moved to the to Saibai. Two men from Mabuiag in the western coast and settled at Dorogori (Appendix E, story Torres Strait came to Saibai in a solid log canoe 14). with two outriggers. Nimo gave them one of the Prior to the coming of white people, the Katatai dugout canoes and they returned to Mabuiag, people maintained long and continuous contact where they added washstrakes, two outriggers with Torres Strait peoples. The Hiamo-Hiamo and mat sails. They also ornamented the sides of people on Daru, were said to have come original- the canoes. They sailed to nearby Badu where the ly from Yam Island. The Katatai people, some- people put down shell valuables, stone axes and times combined with the Fly estuary people, harpoon handles in payment for a similar canoe. harassed the Hiamo-Hiamo people who had set- The people of Moa did the same. The two tled on Daru. Despite the exchange of ceremonies Mabuiag men returned to Saibai and taught the and early peaceful contacts, warfare continued people there how to improve their canoes. They 306 MHM01RS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

obtained other canoe hulls and brought them back to the reef, Canoes that went to Yam could return to the Badu and Moa people. Since then, canoes easily to Tudu. Dugong, crayfish and turtle could have been traded along the coast in exchange for be obtained at Marakai Reef near Yam. Turtle shell valuables. Nimo and Puipui remained at eggs were obtained at Garuboi fMooo Passage! Sajbai on the coast and did not return to Ait or at Tudu and Dhamudh. Fishing and exchange usually However, the people of Yam ls. t it was said f trips were combined. After obtaining first learned about canoes and entered into the food and water at Masig the Kadawa people canoe 'traffic' when a model canoe drifted away sailed to Ugar, Erub and Mer to exchange goods from Daru and landed at Yam (Landtman, with the eastern Lslanders. From Yam it was 1917:361-364). The Yam Islanders, using the possible to sail to Puruma and on to Moa and model then constructed a solid log canoe with Mabuiag or return to Kadawa via Dauan and two outriggers, a small platform and mat sails and Saibai. Pearl-shell was obtained at Todiwo Reef travelled to Daru. The Daru people showed them near Tudu and, 3t Oram Reef (Beka) near their dugout canoes and the Yam Islanders Mabuiag, trochus, pearl-shell and beche-de-rner

learned that these dugout canoes originated from could be obtained I Kamairi Mauga pers. comm. the northern part of the Fly River, near Waboda, and were exchanged for shells, obtained from the To sail in the open waters of Torres Strait, with sufficient food, goods for long reefs of the Tones Strait. The Yam Islanders then and people a entered into the exchange of shells for canoes. voyage, it was necessary for all coastal and island With the exchange of valuables for canoes also people to have large, strong, seaworthy canoes. It was the Torres Strait Islanders, particularly the came the introduction of ceremonies and ritual Saibai Islanders, the first version which spread to the western islands of the Torres who developed the double outrigger canoe. They then taught Strait (Landiman, 1917:363). of coastal Kiwai people how to manufacture these From Kadawa, people exchanged with the Fly canoes and later the Kiwaj estuary villages, as well as with other coastal taught the people living along the Oriomo, Binaturi and Pahoturi Kiwai groups, and into the Torres Strait. Details Rivers their methods of canoe making and sail- of these linkages between Kadawa and Fly es- ing Thus the patterns of settlement and cus- tuary villages can be found in oral evidence (Ap- tomary exchange became established. pendix E, story 16). The Fly estuary people also came to Kadawa village bringing sago and bananas, for no sago RIVERINE ZONH riverine ethnic could be grown in the salt water swamps behind The dwelling groups living ki Kadawa village and the coastal gardens were along the Pahoturi, Binaturi and Oriomo poor The principal 'trading* villages in the Fry (Figs. 30, 3D are principally Bine- and Gizra- groups. estuary were Iasa, Koabu, Madame, Wedere- speaking Oral testimony from the Kiwai- speaking people of the western bank of the Fly hiarrvo and Severimabu. Friendship ties ended at estuary is also included here, together with oral Sepe because the Sumogi Is. and Domort Is. evidence of the Makayam-speaking people of people were enemies of the Kadawa people. Sumogi Is From Kadawa the village people took drums,

stone-headed clubs, cassowary feather head- Masmgam Masingara, close to Mawatta village dresses, drum skins and mats, as well as bananas. and inland from the mouth of the Binaturi Rives taro. watermelon, sago and cassava to the Torres is the principal village of the Bine-speaking Strait. In return, Strait the Torres Islanders ex- people. It is a large, clean zwi prosperous village changed shells (armshells, breast shells, and with a church and substantia] primary school pearl-shell), clothing and money. The most FlU- serving a number of villages including Mawatta. portant source of these shells was Bramble Cay Kunini and lrupe. The people of Masingara vil- (Moses Somogi pers. comm. 1985). lage often refer to themselves as the Masingle (or The principal travelling route for long distance Masa* ingle) people. Masingle is generally used fishing trips from Kadawa into the Torres Strait to refer to the former village of the people who was from Daru to Tudu and Zagai then either to now inhabit Masingara village. The old village the west or east of Warrior Reef, depending on site of Masingle is located near the present village the prevailing winds (Fig. 32) From Tudu or graveyard c\ 1-2 km from the centre of the Zagai the canoes sailed to either Yam Is. or present Masingara village. Masig, when food and water became short From Landtman recorded a legend (1917:77-81) Masig they sailed to Dhamudh before returning concerning the Masingara people who were CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 307

believed to have descended from the worms of a Badepiame is the senior one. The story of this wallaby killed by the first woman on earth, Ua- clan (Appendix E, story 1 8), as told by Pomame ogrere. She taught these people how to make Buje, details the movements of the Masa'ingle houses and weapons and how to perform people from earliest times. ceremonies. All garden foods, such as taro, yam The story of the subclan Udidariem Ubriam of and bananas, derive their origin from Ua-ogrere. Dariame clan, told by Side Saiade Ben, tells of When she died she returned to the sky. The first contacts between the Bine-speaking peoples Masa'ingle people fought among themselves and and Torres Strait Islanders, from their first home so separated and moved out to settle the villages at Glulu until they settled near the Bullawe River of Irupi, Tati, Djibaru, Glulu, Sogale and other and their eventual amalgamation at the present places along the Binaturi River. Masingara village. During the time when the The story of the Masa'ingle people as told by people settled further inland, contact was made

Sisa Muwe (Appendix E, story 1 7) also describes, with the Yam Island people. in part, the first contacts between the inland Bine- The story of the first contact with Torres Strait speaking people and the coastal Kiwai-speaking Islanders was told by Side Saiade Ben (Appendix people at Siblemete on the coast at the mouth of E, story 19). This story records how, in former the Kura Creek. times, warfare scattered the Masa* ingle and they Some of the Masa'ingle in former times lived were forced to move away from the inland areas together at Glulu. Water destroyed the village and towards the coast. People travelled down the therefore, one man, Soriame, journeyed east in rivers, naming camp sites and places as tney search of a new place to live. He found that went. Eventually they reached the coast and they Bidedu had settled at Kuru. Journeying to the named places near the Binaturi River mouth and southwest he found mat Woboiame had settled on along the coast with the names mat they had used the eastern side of the Bullawe River. He con- for places inland. tinued his journey to the west naming places as The Masa'ingle people sailed in their bamboo he went. At Bademope he met a dwarf who rafts out into Torres Strait and populated the indicated that he should go south and so he came islands: 'They journeyed by raft to the reefs and to the mouth of Kura Creek to a point of high land islands. To Guriwal, Casambade, Magibade, which he called Siblemete. He rested, then jour- Tudamono, Tabeani and Garabui [places on neyed back to Glulu, and brought his clan's Warrior Reef], also to lame [Yam Is.] and people to the coast. Tudomo [Tudu Is.]. When they returned from During the time that the Masa'ingle lived at Tudomo they left behind a woman with a pig. Siblemete, they often fought among each other From Tudomo, they went to lame and settled and many of the people there were killed in there, and named the places with namesfrom the warfare. The people at Siblemete made contact mainland, such as, Sugisugi, a water well, Apala, with the Fly estuary Kiwai-speaking people who and Bullawe, the name of the river. The people brought fish and sago and exchanged this for settled there and those names are there.' (Appen- garden foods. However, one day, an Iasa man dix E, story 19). raped a Siblemete woman and so the good The story of Omebwale, as told by Side Saiade friendship between the two people broke down. Ben, is similar to the story of Uibalu as told to W. There were many fights and, as many Siblemete Macfarlane by Maino of Yam Is. (Appendix C). men were killed, the people decided to move In this story Omebwale, the son of Tiburi, jour- away from the coast. They moved inland near the neyed in search of his father who had gone to Binaturi River until they made contact with other Yam and Tudu Islands. Omebwale killed a pig groups of Masa'ingle, and together they went to and on his way he scattered the parts in the ocean.

live at Noawale. It was at this time, while the The leg became a turtle, the skin a stingray, and people were living at Noawale, that they made the head became a dugong. The sea spirits gave contact with Gamea, who stopped at the mouth of him a harpoon with which he caught food from the Binaturi on his travels to Dauan and the ocean. From the people ofTudu he took a wife Mabudawan. Gamea and his people settled on the whom he brought back to PNG. From this union beach near the Masa'ingle people and established came many children and the close association Mawatta village. between the people of Yam and Tudu Islands and At present the three main clans in Masingara Masingara. village are Molobo, Dariame and Obetope. There The story of the establishment of contacts be- are also about twelve subclans of which Molobo tween the Bine-speaking people and the people 308 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

WESTERN PROVINCE

Ml Sit NAH1 PASSAGE

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FIG. 32. Warrior Reef and SW coast of PNG, E of Saibai. of Yam Is. is continued by the story of Saika Yange, Tiburi's grandson, was the first man (Appendix E, story 19) who lived on Yam Is. from Masingle to make contact with the Saika wished to visit his relatives in PNG and so Europeans before the establishment of the mis- the Islander people gave his reef fish, dugong, sion station at B inaturi in 1 874. His story (Appen- turtle, cone shells, bailer shells, shellfish and dix E, story 20) describes his capture and life trumpet shells. All these things came from the among the white people. Yange was fishing at the reef and he took them to PNG. After living with junction of the Bullawe and Binaturi Rivers but his relatives, he decided to return to Yam and so he fell asleep in a tree. He heard a noise in the the Masa'ingle gave him garden foods for the river and saw a European boat coming towards Islander people. In this way, the exchange of him. He heard a man call out 'I see you. Don't garden food for fish came about and now Masin- hide*, and he tried to escape but he was caught gara people have relatives on Yam, Masig, and taken, along with his bow and arrows, fishing Puruma, Boigu and other Torres Strait islands. equipment and one eel that he had caught. Further These contacts were established and maintained up the river the boat was attacked by the people before the Kiwai settled on the coast and inter- from Iremisiu village. The men on the boat turned rupted exchange between Bine-speaking people the boat around and sailed back to Somerset on and Islanders. Cape York Peninsula. Yange's family thought CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT MB

that he had been taken by a crocodile so they feet ( 15— IS m) in length decorated with bone prepared a funeral for him, and his wife dressed trophies from hunting, surrounded by smaller in mourning clothes. family houses whose sides and ends were com-

Meanwhile, Yange was 1 iving at Somerset. The pletely closed to the ground. These were then Europeans taught him how to cook rice, make habitations of the women and children. The dinner and tea. boil water, eat sugar and so on. He people of Masingara were well known to the was also taught how to wash clothes, and to use Kiwai inhabitants of Kadawa and Mawatta vil- soap and towels, razjor blades, mirrors and combs. lages In former times the Masingara people lived They then brought him back to the Binaturi. As in houses built on the ground surrounded by high there was no village at Mawarn, they left all the fences. These villages were usually located on goods he brought back with him on the beach at high ground in the swamps and the people were the mouth of the river. Yange went back to his therefore protected from their enemies. village. He was dressed as a European, and the The original Masingara village people split up village people thought that he was a returning after the departure of the early missionaries and spirit and ran away. He calmed their fears and told the people moved further up the Binaturi River, his story. Later the people went to the river mouth until the government instructed them to re-form and collected his goods and Yange explained the one large village near the old graveyard. The use of saucepans, plates, tinned fish and spoons. move to the present village site was made about Yange showed the people rice, flour, tea, black 30—*0 years ago (Sisa Muwepers, comm. 1985). tobacco and other European tradestore foods. However, the present village, the first Masingara The men from Somerset had planned to return noted in the Yange story, was established at (he and so Yange and the people waited. This time time of MacGregor, between 1890 and 1895>and ihey befriended the Europeans who shared their was the first with houses constructed in the coas- stores with the village people. These Europeans tal style. then told the missionaries about Ma single village In 1894, Bingham Helv (Annual Report on and a pastor najned Enoka [Enoch] came from British hfeu Guinea 1893/94. Appendix E .54- Mer and senled near the men's house at a place 55) reported that the population ofMasingara was edited Aipupu [Wongai]. After this, the govern- 400 inhabiting about 67 ordinary houses and four ment came and the fighting between the Masin- men's houses. The village was divided into 6 gara and the Irupe people ceased. The Masa'ingle clans. The Mavingara peopLe intermarried with began to work for the whites and later went to Kadawa (Kiwai-speaking) village people as well Marukara Is., near Mabtidawan* to help establish as other Bine-speaking peoples, especially in the government station there in 1892. According labouring villages of Kunini and Gowa, to the story it was only after the coming of the among others. It is also apparent that by 1 893 the missionaries in 1874 that Camea and Kuke set- people of the inland river area*, dwelling in close Ued at Mawatta. The colonial administration later proximity to the Oriomo, Binatun and Pahoturi moved to Daru in 1895 because there was not river systems, had begun to mix with each other enough land and no sea passage to Mabudawan for social and ceremonial occasions. After the first pastor left people moved back to Tne oral accounts stress that access to the Bullawe and other previous village sites, but the Binaturi River enabled the Masingara people |o udmini strati on offici als ordered them to form one gain and then maintain contacts with the T village at the old Masingle site. It was the colonial Strait Islanders, particularly those on Yam Is. government that called this new village Masin- This contact, established before the arrival of the gara. The family of Yange called themselves Siu, coastal Kiwai, predated European contact with now spelt Seeyou, after the first words spoken to the people of the SW coast, After the estab- Yange and they continue to use this name. Ac- lishment of initial contacts, the Islanders would cording to MacGrcgor (Annua] Report on British come to the coast in theircanoes to exchange with New Guinea 1890/91, Appendix M 46), Mas in- the villages inland. It was after this that the people krara was located 3 miles (5 km) VV of Kadawa, lasingara and Kunini villages began to ac- now called Mawatta. It had a population then of quire and use ocean going canoes. approximately 400-500 people, and MacGregor The Masingara people, with limited maritime noted that their houses were a compromise be- technology, did not actively travel to the Torres tween the long houses of the Kiwai of the Fly Strait islands In former times, people used bam- estuary and the small family houses of the east. boo rafts and, although people could travel along Housing consisted of men's houses, about 50-60 the coast in safety during the SE season when the 310 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

winds blew onshore, during the time of the NW the Torres Strait that they obtained large canoes winds when the wind blew offshore and out into from the coastal Kiwai using clothing, money and the Torres Strait, travel by raft was dangerous. trade goods as payment. These canoes had only These rafts were substantial, consisting of many one outrigger and a half platform, and they were layers of bamboo tied to each other, and could be steered hy men standing inside the hull Afiei used effectively to cross even large rivers. Such mastering the techniques of sailing, the Masin- rafts, often made out of bamboo or sago palm gara people began to go into Torres Strait to visit trunks, are still used by the Bine people when friends and relatives and especially those on Yam fishing and hunting in swamps along the coast Island, and it was from Yam Island that they and inland rivers. First contact with the Islanders began to go to Mer and Erub, to Puroma and may have been made by people who were acci- Masig and even Badu . In former times, exchange dentiy blown out to sea, or during heavy rains and with Torres Strait Islanders was important to the floods when rafts could be washed out of the Masingara people but with the introduction of the rivers and well into the open sea. However, open markets at Daru, they now go to Dam to \e\ I regular and sustaiived travel into the Torres Strait taro. yams, bananas, watermelon, pumpkins required more sophisticated maritime technology bete] nut in exchange for cash which is used to than that possessed by the Bine-speaking people. buy tradestore foods, ekithing and petrol and ft The Masingara people are predominantly hor- pay taxes and school fees. ticulturists who supplement their diet with cas- Kuruni: The Bine-speaking people of Kunini, on sowary and wallaby meat obtained by hunting the eastern bank of the Binaturi 5-10 km from with bows and arrows in the savanna grasslands Masingara, have a close affiliation with the coas- behind the coastal swamps. Exchange relations tal Kiwai village of Tureture. in much the same with the coastal Kiwai have therefore always way that Masingara and Mawatta are C?Wfity centred on the exchange of garden foods, such as connected villages of people with different lan- taro and bananas, for sago and crabs brought from guages and subsistence bases the Fly estuary and fish, dugong and turtle Kunini has existed as a separate village since brought from Saibai, Dauan and Boigu in the before the 1890s (Annual Report on British New Torres Strait. In former exchange relations times, Guinea 18R8/89, Appendix H:67), The close were often broken off during the early years hy proximity of the Kiwai has enabled the Kunini fighting between the people of Masingara village people to gain knowledge of canoe making and and the coastal Kiwai. However, the Masingara undertake voyages into Torres Strait tot fishing people, the Kiwai and the Islanders, at times, also and exchange. They also gained access to the combined to fight other groups, such as the Tali Kiwai exchange system operating along the coast peoples refused to unite with and hupe who had and into the Fly River in which canoes and sago Masingara 1917:402-408. (Landman, and Ap- were exchanged for dugong and turtle meat. Ac story pendix E, 20). The Masingara people also cess to Kiwai maritime technology allowed the fought the Daru people (Landtman, 1917:408- Kunini people to benefit from their close 41 1, and Appendix E, story 17) over the outrage proximity to the reefs and islands of the Torres of a Masingara woman. Strait. The Masingara people had kinship relations About 70 years ago Kunini village was on the with all the surrounding groups with exception of beach c. 1km from Tureture village. Water ruined the Gudra to the east, and they fought and ex- their village* so they moved into Tureture began changed goods with the same fhe Wal- living with the Kiwai -speaking people. From liame subclan in Masingara village, for example. Tureture they went to the Torres Strait working is related to the Gi2ia-speaking, Waidoro village for the Japanese on trochus and pearling boats. It people, through the common ancestry of the Bine was during this time that they became interested men captured by the Gizra during intergroup in making canoes and canoe sails. They travelled fighting, who stayed and married Gi?ra women. in their canoes around Torres Strait exchanging Thus, their descendants continue to be exchange mats and food for tradestore goods. During their partners. travels diey went to Badu, Sl Pauls (Moa). Nagi, The Masingara people were nol directly in- Dauan. Saibai, Erub, Mer, Ugar. Puruma, War- volved in the exchange of shells for canoes, lor it rabei and Yam Islands. They caught dugong and was only after they moved closer 10 the CGdSt and turtles at Tudu and at Potomaza, Olamabu, obtained canoes that they began to learn to sail Kiimmmi, Baidamfaik, Silvertail. Bago, Parakari It was only after the men started to go to work in and other reefs, to Tabaiame and Dugong Stick, .

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAfT 311

as well as Ihumuba on the other side of Daru. not eat wallaby, but the Gizra and Agob, to the Sometimes they rook turtle and dugong to the west, did. Torres Strait islands. They also took turtle to Muiam finally met again with his brother Kiwai Island to exchange for sago and canoes. Muiam spoke in and Geadap in They suit go to the Fly estuary but they also make Saibai language Muiam instructed Geadap in canoes from trees near Kunini village. They many ways, including the way to make children, moved to the present Milage in 1962 after old and Geadap returned to Basirpuk. The Jibram Tureture was flooded OJmia Jubi pers. comm. people took their name from Muiam' s dog and 1985) (Appendix E, story 2 ll the name Gizra came from the area in which live. According to this story, Geadap did not die. Waidoro: The Gizra-speaking people occupy the but there is a belief that his spirit was stolen by land W of the Kura Creek and E of the Pahoturi the Meriam people of the eastern Torres Strait River. Waidoro, the principal village, is situated Islands, whose language bears some resemblance in an area ofopen savanna grassland and forest c to Gizra, along with his sacred dancing drum. 8 km E of Kulalae on the Pahoturi River. Direct The story of Geadap and Muiam is retained by access to the coast is maintained via a canoe the Kulalae and Waidoro village people. Only landing on Kura Creek c. 6km from Waidoro Kulalae people are permitted to tell the story of village. Geadap while Waidoro people can only tell the The principal story of the Gizra-speaking story of Muiam. The theme of the story, the people concerns the conflicts, separation and separation of two brothers, is a common one. reuniting of two brothers, Geadap, the elder, and Strong tics exist between the people of Kulalae Muiam, Ihe younger (Appendix E. stories 22 and Waidoro because of their relationship ll also illustrates the relationship between the through Geadap and Muiam. Gizra-speaking people and the Kalaw Kawaw Kulalae: to oral accounts (Appendix Ya-speaking people of Saibai. Geadap took pos- According T contact between the Gizra people session of the buliroaxcr of Kumuz, a woman with 6j, and the people was first established magic powers, and, obtaining these magic Mcnam when a group of people, including women, crossing the powers., created men anrd women at Basirpuk, river on rafts, was swept out to sea by a siio-ng (now Mabudaw an). Geadap, who had two wives, wind. They travelled for many days sustained by lived at Basirpuk. He became jealous because one fruits and nuts. They mixed and married w ith the of his wives fell in love with his handsome people on Mer. Today Mer is rich with food younger brother, Muiam. Muiam was injured by

fc because of the seeds, from the fruit and Jap who used a ritual man' arrow and brought on the raft The Waidoro people state that Muiam left his brother taking with him a canoe the difference in language between Gizra and called *Mumul\ loaded with pigs, dogs, birds and Meriam is due to the tongues of the people swell- garden foods. There was no sea, and Muiam ing from drinking salt water on their long journey created ihe water using ash from Ihe hie ofa fig (Bamaga Imari pers. comm. 19c tree ;tf Basirpuk, The Waidoro people, in former times, used only Muiam travelled to the cast creating poof raits to cross the creeks and swamps along the he went from words from his mouth. He created ooasl h iMa only after the arrival of the K ihe Kulalae who became Geadap's people, then that they learned to make canoes but by then all he created the Jibram, who became Miriam's the good canoe timber around Waidoro had been the aj>d the Gidra. people, then Bine men He cut 10 clear land for gardens so they too were sailed further east eventually* coming to the vil- forced to obtain canoe hulls through the Kiwai lage rf tafia on Kiwai Is, There he met Sido who They still obtain their canoes from the coastal him a wife. On his journey home Muiam Kiwai in exchange for cash, and nowadays travel planted sago and coconuts and created children. to Daru to purchase hulls at the markets there. The At Kuru, his dog Jibargab, caught j men of Waidoro do not convert the hulls into Instead of eating it, Muiam brought it to Ume, double outrigger canoes like the coastal people. Bole. Ginngarede, Tati, Kunini, Masingara, The common form of canoe is the gorowue* a DrageK and Irupc Ai Irupc he singed the skin but single outrigger canoe with a platform, now still he did not eat it. Ai Ge tragi z, near Waidoro. powered by a ]arge outboard motor. This is easv he cooked the wallaby and seeing that the meal to manoeuvre in the narrow Kura Creek was gOOd, he ale it, It is said that this is why in allhough faster than a sailing canoe, is an uncom- former times the Gidra and Bine, to the east, did fortable means of transport in the open sea. 112 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

The village of Kulalae is on the E bank of the went to work for the Islanders in order to Pahoturi River c 5km from Mabudawan. The strengthen our relationship, and this practice still former village of Togo, named as such by continues. Soon after we made contact with the European patrol officers, was known as Usakuk, Islanders there was another migration of Ktv.cu and was the first permanent village settlement of people from the Fly River, and they pt4shed us the Gizra-speaking people of the area. In former back inland by tribal fighting and now they live times, they moved from one semi-permanent set- at Mabudawoji. Since the Kiwai came we have tlement to another in the area between Karaku had trouble maintaining the relationshp with the and Inakaku. generally the area between Old Islanders which was really working. This has had Togo and Kupere villages. The present village of some effect on the languagefor now we learn the Kulalae is located at the former canoe landing Kiwai language.. But it still did not stop our old place of old Togo village (Jibu & Gamod Mania relationship Today we trade regularly, and some pers. comm. 1985). still know the language well. Intermarriages have In former times* the Gizr3 people lived inland taken place, and our men have married Torres away from the coast because the coastal people, Strait Islander girls. Today we haw peoplefrom as well as the Saibai (slanders, often came for the village, living over there, who have become fighting. On one occasion, two women weri Australian citizens, but they come back for ried back to Saibai. One, named Bagau, became holidays, especially a: Christmas YAppendi the mother of the Wagea family and the other. story 27). Yakao (known as Yakame), became the mother Before the Kulalae people obtained canoes, of the family of Tanu Nona. Nona operated a fleet contact with Saibai Islanders was maintained by

of luggers out of Badu and often relumed to raft crossing- The mainland people lit fires at Kulalae area, especially during the 1950s, bring- Arke, the point opposite Saibai now called ing European stores in rsmni for mats, garden Augaromuba. to indicate that they wanted to ex- foods, and nipa and sago palm used for thatching change good?, md so they travelled back and and house building in the islands. The name. forth between Saibai and the coast. The people of Kulalae, vya>: given to the old Togo canoe landing Saibai then lived at Ait, and were calked Aital-

place by the Torres Strait Islanders Nona also gans. It was from the Saibai people that the Gizra recruited crews from among the village men and obtained their first European goods, such as these men worked for many years in the Torres clothes and iron in exchange for garden foods. Strait Contact is still maintained between Badu, and sago and nipa palm. Mabuiag and Kulalae, as well as between Saibai, From the Agob people to the west and from Dauan, Boigu and Kulalae, through old kinship people further inland the Gizra obtained drums, ties The Kulalae people also maintained contact bo* s and arrows, skirts made from fibre, yams, with Tones Strait Islanders before the coming of bird of paradise and cassowary feathers, and in the Kiwai to Mabudawan and be Fore the estab- return the Gizra exchanged shells from the reefs

i g hment ofEuropean administration on the coast, and other shells such as that of the mangrove as indicated in the following story :Our relation- cockle [Potymesoda erosa) found in the mud and ship with the Torres Strait Islanders began a long swamps near the coast and used by all inland time ago, when we lived at Basirpuk. now called people as a cutting and scraping tool. Mabudawan. The Islanders sa^ ui there* At that With the arrival of the Kiwai at Mabudawan in time we wore only our traditional clothes, we had about 1894. direct contact with the Sajbai Is- no knives, plates and other things. Our only landers and the Gizra was interrupted. Saibai method of transport was batnboo rafts. The Is- Islanders combined with the Kiwai to raid the landers* seeing our way of life, gave us iron, Gizra who were forced further up the Pahoturi knifes, saucepans, etc. Ar that time our language River and inland away from the coast. In this way was SaibaJgar lamulkud { lan- the Gizra lost access to their ceremonial lands at

guage}. Today our language is similar to Miriam t Mabudawan. and they still feel that loss of control the eastern islands language. From that time, the over the land associated with Geadap and Muiam Islanders returned with gifts and our relationship has been a loss of power and status to them as a grew stronger and stronger. At tltat time, our community. method of fishing was to use baskets, and the During the time of fighting between the Gizra, Islanders taught us how musefisfung spears. The Kiwai and Saibai Islanders, women were stolen Islanders told us tofish at Ait Reef. This area was from each other and their descendants are now free for all to use. From then some young men related. Exchange relations with the Kiwai were CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 313

later established, centred on the exchange of gar- Kiwai Is but from the Dudi coastal villages at den foods for fish. The Kiwai became very de- Lewada, Tirio, Balamula and Sumogi Is., further pendent upon Gizra food supplies but, with along the W bank of the Fly estuary. In former moves towards wage labour in fishing, pearling times, canoes were not supplied with a platform and government employment following and had only one outrigger, for Fly River people European administration and commercial control did not use double outrigger canoes. The hull was over the region, this dependence was lessened not completely hollowed out but had holes cut in and now it is the Gizra who are economically the log for men to stand in, and other holes for the disadvantaged. transportation of goods. These canoes were made The Kiwai established early contact with laboriously with stone axes but, after the intro- Europeans and because of their close contact, and duction of European axes, full dugout canoes better understanding of English, were able to were made and fitted with platforms and canvas obtain government employment. The Kiwai were sails. In exchange for these canoe hulls, they therefore able to make claims against the inland received armshells, bailer shells, cowrie shells, people who were often looked down upon by the and dogs' teem on rope, obtained through the coastal people, Islanders and Europeans. Parama Islanders. The men who later worked on In 1975, a decision was made by the women the pearling and trochus boats in the Torres Strait and old men of Togo to move the village from brought back clothes, axes and European trades- near the old inland site to the Kulalae canoe place, tore goods which were also used in exchange for on the Pahoturi River. This move was made be- canoes, sago and bananas. cause so many men had gone to work in the Torres Strait that movement of goods from the Madame, Wederehiamo and Koabu: The villages river to the village had become a problem for the of Madame and Wederehiamo are the last of the young and the elderly. As well as this the Kulalae coastal Kiwai-speaking villages on the W bank of children were required to attend school at the Fly estuary. The people of Madame village Mabudawan. Although the site at Kulalae is originally moved from the mouth of the Fly River near the present village of Madiri, to Madame, swampy and subject to flooding, it is generally where were joined by other Kiwai-speaking preferred because Mabudawan, with its church, they school and medical aid post, can be reached by peoples from Kiwai Is. and the N bank of the Fly small canoe. estuary. The following story tells of the relationships Sui: The coastal Kiwai-speaking village of Sui is between neighbouring villages Wederehiamo, located on the eastern bank of the Fly estuary, Madame and Koabu and details some of history north of Parama Is. Original settlers at Sui were of the movements of the Kiwai-speaking people a mixture of inland people and Fly estuary people, (Appendix E, story 29). including some people from Kiwai Is. (Fig. 33). In former times, people moved from the area Tawai No'ora (Appendix E, story 28) stated near present day Madiri to the side of the that in earlier times his great-grandfather had Madameturi River. Warfare between coastal and come to Sui from Aramo on the Oriomo River. island people from the other side of Kiwai Is. was The people of the Dudi coast of the Fly estuary common. This was the time when William Mac- were then living near Doridori closer to Parama Gregor came [1891 and 1892]. The Wederehia- Is. His great-grandfather used magic to dispel the mo and Koabu people lived in one village. people's fears about living on the coast and the Wederehiamo people had originally come from people then settled permanently at Sui. However, Sepe on Kiwai Is. and Koabu people originally according to MacGregor (Annual Report on came from Mugu near Teapopo (on the Man- British New Guinea 1888/89, Appendix H:65), owetti side). They then formed one village with the people of Sui had been persuaded to move to the Madame people but later divided and moved the river banks from the interior by the mission back to the old Wederehiamo and Koabu sites. teachers from Parama, and had joined with the Madame village people again moved, before set- Parama people to journey N by canoe to Daware tling at Madameturi where people from Madiri in search of sago. joined them. On the Dudi coast the early villages Oral accounts stated that Sui village people were Tirio, Madame and Meai near the present obtained sago and bananas from Kiwai Island and Severimabu. Severimabu, Koabu and Wedere- that they had always intermarried with Kiwai hiamo are newer villages. From Madame people from Iasa village (Tawai No'ora pers. comm. travelled inland as far as Iamega to visit and 1985). However, they did not obtain canoes from exchange and, along the Dudi coast, they main- . .

114 MEMOIRS OF T1IE QUEENSLAND MUSFVM

taincd friendships as far as Panama and Katatai. clothes, knives and saucepans after European Canoes, exchanged for shells at Dibiri and on ihe contact in the Fly estuary Manowetb coast, passed through these villages on their way down to the villages of the SW coast. Adulu. Tirio and Balamula : The Makayam-, or Magayanvspeaking people from Adulu village Madiri: Thevillageof Madiri is located at the site on Sumogi Island, moved from their first home of the former Madin plantation and is comprised near the Suki lagoons because the Suki people of some people from the three neighbouring vil- raided and killed them. They first settled near the lages of Tirio, BaJamula and Madiri, who all mouth of the Bitun River then they moved, in speak Bugumo language. The large villages in about I960 or 1962. to the Balamula area before this area was first reported by MacGregor (An- finally settling between Madiri and Tapiia vil- nual Report on British New Guinea 1 888.^9, lages. Later they were given land on Sumogi Appendix F:45) who, nn an inspection tour of the Island, formerly owned by Tirio and Balamula Fly River, reported seeing there the largest long- villages, and settled there. The Makayam Lan- house yet seen in the Western Province. It guage is spoken by the people of Adulu, Suami measured 520 feet (159 m) long and 30 feet (10 Creek and Lewada villages (Wagama Wakina m) wide. Although coastal Kiwai people will not pers. comm. 1985). travel beyond this point for fear of sorcery, they Tirio, Balamula and Adulu villages, at the apex still obtain canoes from the Bugumo-speaking of the Fly estuary, have always been in an ideal people. position to regulate exchange relations between Madiri people exchanged canoes as far south as the S and N banks of the Fly estuary Daru, Tureture and Kadawa. Canoes were made The Makayam people brought canoes down only of hulls, with no platforms, and one outrig- from the middle Fly and exchanged them at ger, and the bows were decorated with a front Balamula and Tirio villages. Cannes were also board on to which white cowries, obtained from made on Sumogi Island. The canoes made on Torres Strait were added. The story of the origin Sumogi were fitted with one outrigger and ex- of the exchange or 'traffic' in canoes between changed with the Fly estuary people who added Bugumo-speaking people and the exwstal Kiwai platforms, sails and planked sides for use in the states: Two brothers started out from here river and ocean. In exchange foxcanoes the Kiwai (Madiri) by canoe, and went lo Gewi Creek. Their provided shellfish, crabs, axes and adzes, canoe sank there. The youngest brother said: gatnoda, bananas, sago and cowrie shells as well

' 'Look at the big fish coming Up from the water. as othci shells, especially those from the Torres

The other brother said: 'Can you dive is\ the h ater Strait. The Makayam also exchanged bows and catch somefish. ' So while he was dh hi arrows from the Trans-Fly region which were fish hefound the canoe and told his small brother brought down the ri ver through the Suki area. The that he had found the canoe So together they Makayam also exchanged goods with the patted the canoe out of the wetter, they fixed it Gogodala-speaking villages of Kawiyapo and property, and soiled down to Oam. They then Waliyama on the N bank of the Fly estua- startedfixing the canoe with two outriggers, like well as the Kiwai-speaking villages of DoumorL the Kadawa people. They decorated the canoe Pagona, Abe, Aberagerema. Wariobodoro and and painted two barramundis on the sides. Vie Kename. Through Makayam-speaking Villi Kadawa people saw this canoe and started on the S bank of the Fly River the Adulu people decorating their canoes in this style. (Appendix maintained exchange relations through the Bok, E, story 30). KuikuL and Kandobol people of the Trans-Fly Madiri people also exchanged goods inland to area S of Suki lagoon and obtained valuable lamega, Kapal and Kual villages in the Binaiuri items, such as bird of paradise plumes, from the

River system but not to Womie and Kuru sii | inland villages near Wim and even from villages in the Oriomo River area. From the hill regions up Ihe Suami Creek and the Bituri River. around lamega and Wipim they exchanged The Tirio and Balamula area was reeogrused, drums, bows and arrows for sago, bananas and during the early part of this century, as a major coconuts. Although Madiri people did not cross canoe building region. Wilfred Beaver (I! over to Doumori or to the Manowetti side, they 139) noted: ... the Balamata are among the best had extensive exchange contacts with the Sepc canoe-butlder% on the Fly. Pulling up (he village people on the northernmost part of Kiwai Bara/mira CreeklhQve seen scores ofcanoes of Island, from whom they obtained banana suckers. all sizes in the making. All are dugouts with the gamoda (Piper methysucum) and sago as well as single outrigger, but without a platform.' .

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 315

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i. „ . \

FIG 33. Fly Estuary, PNG.

According to Watanabe (1975:76), the other armshelis (Conus), The hulls were painted and Makayam-speaking villages arc Sanguanso, carved by their Papuan makers, but decorations Upiara, Tewara, located at the headwaters of the and extensive additions, including outrigger at- Buturi River, and Mutumu (Mutam) and Rewada tachments, were made by the Torres Strait Is- (Lewada), located at the mouth of the Fly River. landers themselves (Haddon, 1912, IV:213), Complete details of construction and methods According to oral testimony, the Islanders taught of sailing of canoes in Torres Strait, prior to coastal Papuans the techniques of adapting adoption of European sailing techniques and canoes to open sea sailing requirements. This was maritime technology is given in Haddon (1912, echoed by Beaver (1920:77): 'The double outrig- IV:205-217). The transition from old style craft ger which is an introduction from Torres Strait, the usual thing on the coast to European craft commenced, according to Had- ft now 1 1907-191 0J don (1912, IV:212) prior to the turn of this cen- and in the estuary ofthe Fly Ri ver. It is interesting tury for he noted in 1888 only two canoes with to find thai the dugout canoe, as far as Torres mat sails existed among the western Islanders (at Strait is concerned, is a New Guinea invention, Mabuiag), and that no canoes with mat sails ex- out if New Guinea gave the dugout to the Is- isted in the eastern islands. This does not mean landers it obtained the double outrigger sailing that canoes were no longer used, for long-lasting canoe front them.* Rurupean canvas sails quickly replaced mat sails. Construction details of early coastal Papuans All canoes could he paddled without sails. Photo- watereraft can be found in Landtman (1927:204- Beaver (1 920:77) and Baxter- graphs taken in the 1 920s on Darnley Island show 217. 1933 20-21); that the old form of canoe still existed, together Riley (1925:115-116). with European boats and other craft, well into this A variety of timbers was used in the construc- century. The substitution of European watereraft tion of canoes by the people of the N banks of the for Papuan canoes, however, had a profound im- Fly estuary and by those people who had moved pact on the customary exchange system. down the Fly River to the mouth near to Sumogi Canoes were brought from the Fly estuary and Island. Oral testimony from a Sumogi Island man exchanged for shells, particularly the valuable (Wagama Wakina pers. comm. 1985) indicated ,

310 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

that the type of canoe was determined nut only by made from Hibiscus tiliaceus and Calamus sp. the needs of the maker but also by the availability was also used as lashings and bindings in canoe of timbers, size of the logs and type of timber construction throughout the region.

obtained. Thus, a tree, called sorea in Makayam At the time of Landtman's field work I 1910- language, which was soft to cut but hardened 1912), the double outrigger canoe used by lhe slowly and was long lasting, was most favouied. coastal Papuans, particularly the Kiwai- speaking The second most popular canoe timber was asait, people, closely resembled those of the Torres the trees of which were long and straight limbed Strait Islanders described by Sweatman (Allen & with brunches at the crown and with reddish/pink Corns, 1977:35), except for the post-contact in- Fruits when ripe. Smaller canoes were made from troduction of lugger style sails and the subsequent fv-.i'i, a sw eel-smelling light timber, reddish decline in ornamentation and decoration. Be- brown in colour. Occasionally the heavy rain- tween i9l0 and 1912, Landtman (1927:21 Co waters flowing down the Fly brought large logs noted the survival of bow decoration on Fly es- suitable for canoe making. The most useful, tuary canoes where a shield of basketwork, sup- called upopu was a strong cross-grained limber ported by stays, was placed in the bow and with a nice pattern in the wood. Generally only decorated with leaves. A carved and ocha*d one outrigger was attached and the most suitable woodctl splashboard decorated with a stylized were tean, a tall straight limbed young tree, and human face was placed facing the interior of the sak. a bush most commonly found as secondary canoe. At this time, the large motomoto* or double outrigger growth in old gardens. Black palm and mangrove canoe was constructed with only a half limbers were occasionally used as well. platform and was steered from inside the dugout (Landtman, 1933; fig. 21; 1927; fig. 75). At It is most probable that the main canoe timbers were of Svzyghan and Acmiwzffcrmerly Eugenia present a full deck platform is used. OraJ testimony relates that the first see Maiden, 1975:530-532; Francis, 1981:307- full deck platform was made by the men of Kadawa village 329) Eugenia is amongst the most common for a European trader, Lenny Luff, resident on savanna forest trees along the left bank of the Fly Daru. This canoe, Olga was used for many years estuary, and the main tree in lhe upper reaches of r

both for racing and carp, i ng stores. Subsequently the Fly above the D'Albertis Junction (Brass this style of construction was adopted by other 1938:179, 185) Calophyllum. most particularly coastal Kiwai villages from Kadawa to Mabud- C. inophyilunt and C. lomensositm, were com- awan monly found in savanna forests near Gaima (Brass* 1938; Maiden. 1975). Calophyllum Sepe: Sepe village, on Kiwai Island, commenced species were commonlv used for watereraft when the people first began to move out of (Powell. 1976:157, pi. 48) and this may be the Barasaro which was a village formerly located in plant sorea described, for the fruit latex of C the centre of Kiwai Is. The riverine villages of inophyllutn noted as being used as glue was on lasa, Kubira, Doropo, Paara and ITUwo were all tools and weapons (Powell. 1976:152). created from lhe separation of the Barasaro Melaleuca ieucadendron (=.V/. viridiilora) is also people after this move to the river. Barasaro is common in the savanna forests of the lower Fly referred to in many oral testimonies as the and Fly estuarv regions (Brass, 1938; 179 and original home of the Kiwar-speaking people Paijmans 1976:54). As Maiden (1975:569-570) (Landtman, 1919:68-69). From Sepe the people noted, it produces an excellent hard, heavy, clnse- moved to Sumai . The elder brother clan remained grained timber suitable for shipbuilding and has at Sumai but the younger brother clan moved lo great durability, being almost impervious to Auti . From there the younger brother clan moved water. It is possible that this may be upopu ob- back to a new village at Sepe (Appendix E> story tained during floods. Melaleuca Ieucadendron 31).

also shows fine ripple and i tght and dark shadings However, a second story detailing the origins when cut. Canoe making normally occurred in of Sepe village (Appendix E, story 32) states that areas where large savanna and rainforest trees after the people were created at Barasaro, tbey were obtainable. Other timbers common to this moved to Mibu Island. From there they went to region were Hilvscus tiliaceus, black palm near Sui but as good land was scarce they moved \Artca normanbyi in Maiden. 1975:179) or again. They followed the coast to near the site nf Caryota nurnphiana var. papuana). bamboo the present village of Scvenmabu on the Dudi {Bambusa sppj grid mangroves (both Hhizo- coast. From there they crossed to Sumai on Kiwai phora sp. and Sonerafia sp.). Fibre or 'bush rope* Island but again land was scarce and so they -

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 317

separated The village of Sumai again divided Tbe origin story of the first outrigger states that into two groups An old woman had four children, the movement of the Bamu people who brought iwo went 10 one side and two to the other side. the first canoe into the Fly estuary, paralleled the The eldest males and females went to Auti and movement of canoes along the N bank of the Fly Ihe younger children remained at Sumai. Later estuary, down the S bank and into Torres Strait, some people moved to Sepe and others to eventually reaching Saibai (Mapo Mopia pers. Severimahu comm. 1985.) Scpe and Severimahu are therefore from one According to oral le-stimony (Appendix E, story common village origin and maintain extensive 34), the attachment of outriggers to canoes was exchange, kinship and marriage relations. The first taught to the people of the Fly estuary by the people of Sepe and Severimahu also share a com- Bamu River people. After the magic creation of mon tradition concerning the origin of the dugout the first canoe, Burai. the young women with canoe. The following story by Ausi Bira of Sepe magic powers (Busere-busere) made canoe out-

v i II age i I lustrates how the first dugout canoe used riggers modelled on the canoe shape. Then they by the Kiwai people was obtained from the Bamu were taught to paddle, to make one long .stiokc, River, to the E along, the Manowetti coast :Thev then to rest and 10 call out. The Bamu still puddle first made a canoe called Burai at Wawoi near this way. The route of Burai also parallels the Bamu River. The man who cut the canoe hull was movement of canoes in the exchange system

named lyapa. When it was time to pull the canoe which operated from the Bamu River to Torres :' hull they called some young to come Strait as t*ie ft story* details From Bamu girls and \ help, because :*id not move ft They took \rm elled to Domori, the island near Sumogi

off afl their clothes and pushed the canoe hull *dr then to Lewada, to Tirtor Balamuia. d. They helped to push it into the water tit Wcderehiamo, Severimahu, Daware, Sui,

ty&woi Hiver, but the canoe hull did not float. It Paramo, Gazoo. They told all these people how \ank straight away. Litier, the canoe hull eame up to put outriggers on canoes, [Then] from Oc

-i the mater by magic and lyapa took the to D me when the longhouses

anoe hull to where, he was living and made it iflto reached the water From Doridon to Dam. From

the canoe Burai. From Burai otfu r,\ learnt how to Daru to Aberemuba, they told tftent how to make make dugouts and they brought thus canoe here canoes this way. From Aberemuba to Binatun to lasa and some ofour great- grandparents came Tliere theyfound a bridge at Wattoto. Frotn there tm that canoe. They went to Ikirasaro, Their went to Kagaro on Saibai, and the canoe great-grandparents did ttot visit each other be- stuck on Kagaromuba The Buscrc -buscrc girls cause at that time there was still fighting. Their had a Innghouse at Kagaro, near the big stones

^rmuijuthers used to take canoes and fill them then. The longhouse went frotn Kagaro to mth sago and bananas They also took new m$ba Reef, Burai went down in tht canoes to Parama, Tureture, Mahudawan and between Kagaro and Mahudawan and is itdl Old Mawatta. They used to sell gardenfoodsfpr there. It is marked by rocks* (Appendix E, story bailer shells, cane shell i^rea meats ana 34} pearl-shell breast-ornaments These things they MacGregor (Annual Report on British New

took to wear on their chests for darling and Guinea 1 895/%, Appendix L:48) also noted ihM They used to go fighting around A canoes were obtained from the former Dibiri nd, village mow Segeroi ncaj the mouth of the Bamu

In their yreat • grandparent's time, if they had estuary and that these canoes were construcied frtends or relatives tn other villages, they only fot Kiwai Is people and used as part of the sago

ira i tiled in the ntghr not the day time. For them and canoe exchange as far as Mawatta and Ture-

' ilages they used r ture. Sago was the principal item exchanged by their wiies to their friends. Tfte wife at\d the the people of Kiwai Is. MacGregor (Annual friend would sleep together apart from the hus- Report on Bri Guinea 1895/96, Appen- band. This was how they made friends before the dix L:45) noted that the lasa people from Kiwai missionaries came.The friend would then tell Is. exchanged sago as far S as Tureture and them when to came again and he would wait for Saibai, Merand Erub in Torres Strait. ihem The friend would also do this for the hus- Contacts between Kiwai Islanders and people band and his other friends. This was how peace of the eastern Torres Strait islands were apparent-

made all aroiout the villages Then their i si made as a rcsuli of accidental voyaging

ting stopped' {Appendix E % story 3 from Kiwai Is. to Mcr. A story told by Moses TIS MIAIorRSOFTHEQLrEENSLANDMUSI.-.l'M

SotiftOgJ of Kadawa village (Appendix E. stun, did not knots- what the lap- lap was used for. In 35) describes how a small boy (or possibly two those days, they did not get many clothes. Once small boys), while playing on a log in the rivet, thev reret ved thefirst lap-lap, they tore it into hits was swept out to sea and eventually all the way and used it to cover their private parts. At first to Mer. There, the small boy was discovered by they did not even hww that clothing was to l>e a man and his wife who raised him as their son worn. When we were children we started wearing

Later he married there, and so it is believed the Europetin clothes all the time. In those days people of lpista are related to the Menam people people did not go to far away places Clothing of the eastern islands of Torres Slrail now romrs from shops and from friends They cannot make this type of clothing themselves. It [nland Zone has to come from other countries like The predominantly Kawan- and Gidra-spcak- Australia.' {Appcm\\\ B, Sli try Vil ing peoples live in villages located alon# the Wim people exchange with the villages of headwaters of the Pahoturi, Binaruri and Onomc Giringaidare, Masingara. Kunini, Tureture and Rjves£, Mawatta down the Binaturi Riveras well as with the Glubi, Kibuli, Kurunti, Sebe, Guai> and Wim: Wim village, located an the highlands be- Mabudawan villages down the Pahotun River tween the sources of the Pahotun. Onomo anJ From the coastal villages European tradestorc well Binaruri Rivers is placed as a nexus village goods and foods were brought from the 1 having three linguistic groups as neighbours. The Strait. They did noi exchange overland with the Kawan-speaking people of Wim also call their My estuary people themselves, although the Fly language Pasuam (Watanabe, 1975:76). Pasuam estuary people came up the Bituri River to ex- is also spoken in the villages of Biambod. Sogarc change goods with the Kawan. and Nanu, at the headwaters of the Pahotun River. A? a consequence of this proximity in Wipim and Iomega In foimer times, however, the other groups the Kawan people are also partial Gidra-speaking people of Wipim and Iarnega also

speakers of Agob v Oisra and Bine languages. fought each other and. like the Kawan people-

However, in former ti rrtcs. they were restricted to lived in isolated bush settlements. The following their own lands by constant iniergroup warfare. story describes the difficulties of life in these According 10 oral accounts (Appendix E, story isolated villages: 'When the old peojtle lived they 36), in former times, the men went naked and only did not have clothes or anything. The men were the women wore coverings of fibre and bark. The naked, the women had grass skirts to cover them- men did not even wear shell coverings The selves. Before they had European tools, they used people lived in small separate groups and were sharpened bamboo sticks, about three tofourfeet constantly at war with each other and. as a result long, to dig gardens, remove the grass and make of these conflicts the population declined. The drains. Before they had coconut scrajters* they Kawan people then made peace and combined to used shells. They also used these shells to make form the one village of Wim. With the coming of gardens by cutting the small sticks and grass to the Europeans the tribal wars stopped altogether clear the land. Shells were also used to scntpe and the people began to move out of the village. taro and vegetables. They were used also to make The Wim people would carry goods for two or bows and arrows. Shells were the main objects three days to the coastal villages near the Binaturi used. For cutting sago palm they used stone axes. and Pahoturi River mouths to exchange drums Shells came from the Pahoturi and were traded bows and arrows, cassowary feather headdresses, with sago. They did not know where the stone yams, sago, mats and wild animal meat for cloth- tues came from; perhaps the stones were just ing, axes and European goods. found and someone made them. Axe handles were The following story tells of how the people of made from a hardwood tree. A hole was made in Wim obcained their first European clothing the wood with fire, then they used cane to fit rite

'Before, in the old days, our great- grandparents slant blade to the wood. It would take all on t

did not wear lap-laps (cotton fibre wrap]. // was to cut down one saga palm. There werefew ft during the lifetime of our grandfathers that the sometimes only one in the whole village. The axes people saw their first lap-lap Lap-laps werefirst were not sharp, and sometimes the force of the

i used in Old Mawasta Binaturi River ) t and slowly blunt axe an the sago could throw a man back- they moved by trade to Masingara, to Glulu, to ward. This all happened before rite trade in metal 1 Novate, and to Podare. Our parents Would go tQ n\fs This \s haw the old people lived. (Appendix Podareandget clothing there Atfirst, the people E, story 37). CUSTOMAKY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAfT 319

Initial contact with Europeans was made during tion and. using tradestore goods such as kn the time of the London Missionary Society, when clothes and cooking pots, they began to extend Pacific Islander missionaries were sent into the their own exchange networks N into the Fly es interior. The people of Wipirn and lamega first tuary. made contact with whites in the Podare area when The European administration also encouraged missionaries! from Mawatta on the Binatun were the lamega people to build a new village along sent inland. The first missionaries brought not the lines of ihe coastal villages and adopt a new only the Bible but also clothing, rice, sugaT, form of local administration based on the saucepans and tobacco authority of the village headmen and constables- live Bine-speaking people ofGlulu and Podare administered from Daru and supervised by area were also brought together by the mis- European patrol officers. sionaries and given clothing to wear. Some vil- Oral testimony of customary exchange ac lage men were then selected to become police the Torres Strait emphasises a long and con- constables {mamoose), headmen (mopiam), and tinuous history of contact, beginning with the deacons of the church {deku/ia). Following initial legendary travels of culture heroes and ending contact the missions encouraged the amalgama- with die regular sustained contacts of relatives tion of the villages so that churches ami schools and exchange partners. To a large extent, Ok could be built and maintained and the mission movements of the legendary heroes mirror those enforce attendance at church anil community daily patterns of intercourse between related work. "When they came together they decided to lage groups and individuals i,v (mi trading with other people. To trade with rained contact* were maintained between the coastal people, they took cassowary head- peoples of close geographical proximity, such as dresses, kundu drums, hows and arrows, bird of the Agob-spcaking people and the Boigu Is paradise feathers, and gamoda. called uik in landers^ and the Gizta-speaking people and the

Gulra language . and also cassowar\ lames fram Saibai Islanders Contact between the central and the leg. usedlv husk coconuts, and to JttdJb hairs eastern Islanders and coastal groups, prior to the in coconuts for drinking. They can also he used coming of ihe Kiwai to the SW coast, were, al as awlsfor making holesfor tying andsewing, fn first, the result of accidental voyaging of people exchange we go? c forties, knives, axes, matches. swept cm i to sea on bamboo rafts. This led to the soap and smokesr especially black tobacta When growth of regular contacts among relatives. After went to trade they went to Kumni Tumure, these riverine dwelling people gained knowledge Masingara They went down the Hinaturi.* (Ap- of more sophisticated technology, first the soGd pendix E. story 38) log canoe, then the dugout canoe, regular contact 'For trading they took a walk from here was more easily facilitated.

i Wipirn ) to the villages near the coast, I hey Until the coming of colonial administration, traded with grass sknts, headdresses prtade frOf>\ exchange relations between Papuans and Is- cassowary feathers, bows and arrows, drums, landers were irregular, hazardous and tentative, and native tohac- o. The two villages they traded though valuable. During inter-ethnic warfare e ^ with, first was Katluwa (at Bmaturi), then with change was suspended completely. Masingara. For these things they gave them The Kiwai in their westerly movement from the rlo/he\\ knives, axes, and hues to make estuary along the SW coasL, brought with them rnxHch&St the gardens. Nowadays, ihey still trade this way, not only improved knowledge of canoe making but also go down to Daru, non '(Appendix E. but direct access to regular sources of large long* M©ry37K lasting canoe timbers. These timbers were ob- From that time the men were recruited to work tained from sources along the N banks of the Fly in the plantations and they obtained European estuary extending into the Bamu River. tradestore goods wilh theit wages and brought Torres Strait Islanders adapted and improved

them back to the village. It was after the estab- the technology of canoes for their own purpose?, lishment of plantations and the beginning of wage and they were therefore able to exploit and labour, particularly for me Australian Petroleum manipulate the exchange of shells for canoes.

( lotnpany at Kuru, that the Wipiiu people began Oral traditions from the Torres Strait emphasisi to travel to the N rather than just down the the broad characteristics of customary exchange Binatun. When the recruited men began working retained by the Islanders in the face of commer- ai Dirimu plantation on die lower Binatun. they cial, administrative and religious intervention learnt that they could travel N to Madiri planta- over the past century The key (o the indigenous 320 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Islander perspective is an appreciation of the Irwin-Williams, 1977: 142). Exchange is there- kinship and exchange partnership ties which fore the form of interaction that creates and bound Papuans and Islanders together. reflects these socio-economic linkages. Ex- In contrast to this broad perspective the in- change patterns in Melanesia can be examined in digenous Papuan perception of customary ex- various social contexts, particularly movements change is specific and, to a large extent, analytical. of exchange items or classification of items as Papuan perceptions are concerned with the material valuable or utilitarian objects. Emphasis can also culture of exchange, the context of those exchanges be placed on the social, economic or political and the historical dimensions of contact between constraints surrounding the exchange processes Papuans and Islanders. From the Papuan perspec- themselves or on an examination of the varying tive, it is possible to understand the relationships subsistence requirements facilitating exchange. It which bind people together. The indigenous oral must be understood, however, that the fundamen- evidence presented in this chapter focuses attention tal nature of exchange patterns varies in terms of on specific exchange patterns and details the variety organization and distance (Allen, 1982:193, 195). transactions contracted dif- of exchange between Exchange may be defined as a transaction in ferent ethnic groups inhabiting the various ecologi- which goods and services move from one group cal zones of this diverse region. Using this regional to another and is balanced by a counterflow of variety as a basis for a model, it is possible to goods and services. Exchange must be seen as a construct a theoretical interpretation for the analysis two-way transaction. However, Brookfield & of interaction patterns across the Torres Strait Hart (1971:315) preferred to examine exchange from a uni-directional flow stating that if the CONTEXTS OF EXCHANGE ultimate originator and receiver were mutually known this transaction could be termed a 'transfer' of goods. Pryor (1977:3), who noted only two types of exchange transactions, market The theoretical concepts presented here do not exchange and reciprocal exchange, defined attempt to prove the credibility of either the his- 'transfer' as a transaction involving the un- torical documentary evidence or the oral tes- balanced movement of goods and services. Such timony. It is important however to bring these two a one-way transaction involved no counterflow sets of observations together within the framework of goods or services. He cited the two principal of the theory of the role of exchange in Melanisian types of transfer as 'centric', determined by societies. political or religious institutions, or 'non-centric' In the context of most Melanesian 'exchange' The term 'trade' could be applied to transactions practices, goods passed from hand to hand over involving the passage of goods outside any one short distances. Kaplan (1976:80), describing ex- contact field involving multiple 'transfers' where change patterns in the North Solomons, com- the originator and receiver were only the begin- mented: 'The ethno-historical literature indicates that trade goods were handed along from trader ning and the end of a series of multiple interper- sonal links to trader in the native trading systems of this part (Brookfield & Hart,1971:314,315). of Melanesia without their original owners or Distinction between 'trade' and 'transfer' could be made irrespective the transaction. producers accompanying them very far, if at all. of mode of There is no mention in the literature consulted Thus, the distinction between 'trade' and that a single individual or organization directed 'transfer' emphasised social distance, rather than the flow of goods from producer to final pur- geographical distance, such that 'trade' was a chaser. Rather trade in this part of Melanesia mode of exchange between persons with no so- involved direct reciprocal exchanges/ cial or kinship affiliations. These many individual exchange transactions Pryor (1977:4) stated that what was generally, became the essential structural framework of the but inaccurately, termed primitive or under- long distance movement of goods linked through developed economic systems were characterized what has been generally termed 'trading by a dominance of reciprocal exchange, while networks' (Brookfield & Hart,1971:314). The being non-centric. Patterns of socio-economic term 'network' is taken to mean a series of ele- activity, in a Melanesian context emphasised the ments or socio-economic linkages between in- reciprocal exchange of goods and services which dividuals, groups or societies, linked by specific operated independently of any external political exchange of goods, or services (Plog 1977:128; or religious institutional control. '

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 321

Reciprocal exchange, however, should be seen dividual and social aspects. Individuals are the as only one mode of distribution of goods and hands in exchange, and they strive within the services. Reciprocal exchange served to move constraints of their society, ideology and en- goods and services from those who produced itmeni to survive and prosper.' This is still the them lo be used or consumed by those who did essential character of the patterns of exchange not. Underlying reciprocal exchange were social across Tones Strait. relationships that formed ihe structure of In an ethnohislorical examination of Australian economic relationships in small scale societies Aboriginal exchange patterns in southeastern In such societies, the myriad small transactions Australia, McBryde favoured a similarly 'open' involving the movement of goods and services definition of exchange taken, in part, from through multiple connecting links created the Renfrew's definition of trade (Renfrew, 1969:

appearance of widespread exchange systems. In 152)- McBryde f I9S4: 134) stated that exchange the Torres Strajt and Fly estuary region, a clear 'encompasses a diversity ofactivities andproces- illustration of the articulation of transfers into a ses. -.. tlie term is used in an entirely open s\ widespread regional trading system' was as "reciprocal traffic, exchange, movement of provided by communities on the SW coast of materials or goods through peaceful human PNG. Brookfield & Hart (1971:321 : agency"...* The social controls of exchange, ac- described this 'system* in the following simplis- cording to McBryde (1984*134), include group tic terms: These communities had tocal relationships, marriage rules, ceremonial and 'exchange' transfer offish with inland banana- ritual associations and external alliances. Mc- and taro-growing villages, and obtained MtgO Bryde also argued that 'goods also must be from the Fly delta, a little further north. Some of defined looselyfor they include both the tangible this transfer was by barter, but she coastal people and the intangible services, knowledge, even also boughs food for shell tools, ornaments and riiuals as well as material items, consumable and weapons and later pieces of iron obtained from durable*. the Torres Strait Islanders. These Islanders in In Melanesian economic exchange, the impor- turn obtained drums, arrows* feathers, boars tance of reciprocity as an integrating social and tusks and sago from tlut coastal people, who economic mechanism should be understood. obtained these goodsfrom the inland Canoesfor Mauss (1969; 10-1 1) described gift exel the Torres Strait Islanders were obtained from terms of obligatory reciprocity which maintained much further inland, well up the Fly River, the both the individual and the group relationships in coastal villagers selling these to the Islandersfor social economic systems. Artefacts had a shells (Beaver. 1920: 74- 77), Tlie system extended and moral value and were exchanged in the same

much further than this. From the lower Fly it social way as courtesies and rituals, women, dan- seems tluxs a major trade routefollowed the river ces and feasts. Gift exchange was, therefore, part right up the central cordtllera. with branches of the system of total prestations (Mauss,! 969:3). westward into the Digul system of Wesi New The concept of marriage being part of exchange Guinea. A stone pestle found just inland of tlie is most important in Melanesia. Marriage, as a south coast is Mieved to have reached in resting form of exchange, i> essentially an arrangement place by trade from the central mountains down concerning the transfer of goods and gift giving

r the river (Pretty, t he opposite direction, between families In such a uansfer bride wealth, the Torres Strait Islarulers carried on sotne trade or bride price, usually formed part of ceremonial with the Aborigines ofnorthern Cape YorkPenin- exchange, for customary exchange encompassed Mila, Austral the change of ownership of women, services, This web of transfer' and 'trading systems' songs, dances and rituals fMcBrydeJ984:150:i had a role not only in the distribution of goods This was true also of the Torres Strait region for and valuables but in a wider distribution of the exchange of rituals, myths and legends can be population. Exchange, therefore, was considered seen in the movement of hero cults from PNG and

t.i be all types of mutual transfer of goods and Australia, into the Torres ScraiL services (Brookfield & Hait,197 1:332, 316 foot- Although trade', exchange', 'barter\ 'trans- note) In an examination of the social contexts for fer", and 'reciprocal transfer', have often been prehistoric exchange Earlc (1982:2] defined ex- used synonymously (AllenJ977a:410), ii is

change as; ' . . tlie spatial distribution ofmaterials necessary to distinguish between trade from hand to hand andfrom socialgroup to 1 1 ^exchange'. If exchange refers to processes group. Exchange is a transfer with strong in- through which social obligations are met, then MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

trade can be defined as a repeated sequence of the structure of their alliance networks. Small exchanges of goods. Trade can be used as a term scale, stateless or acephalous societies can be to cover mulli-dimensional exchanges over a defined as small groups of hunter-gatherers, sub- Aide area outside the immediate social system. sistence fishermen and/or swidden horticulturists

Harding H 98 1 ;142)defined trade as "non-partner organized by lineages, or clusters of clans of exchange of utilities', whereas ceremonial ex- varying sue. Such small clan groupings, being change was defined as "partnership exchange of politically vulnerable, needed allies for defence 1 valuables , where partnership referred to estab- against attack and for raiding as retaliation, as lished social relationships for exchange and non- well as allies giving refuge in case of defeat Clan partnership referred to the absence of established segments, economically vulnerable due to their or enduring relationships for exchange purr^ small vize, also needed allies Got economic ex- 'Valuables* were defined as geOds which by their change, for access to resources locally unavail- nature or by convention do not serve human able and for assistance in times of natural disaster. biophysical needs in any direct way. thai is, ihcy The uncertain and fluctuaiing nature of allian- are status or positional goods. 'Utilities' were ces among Melanesian groups was noted by Dal- defined as which goods do serve human biophysi- ton (1977 195) who staled: *... :n Papua Ne* cal needs. Guinea external relations with major and minor distinctions the Finn between concepts of alfles and enemies, therefore, were horizontal; 'trade' and 'exchange' cannot be made in refer- ttiat is. fluctuating coalitions and enmities be- ence to the objects transferred, to the relation- nor tween cultural homogeneous groups all or- ships or social distances hetween parties :>r ganized tn similar stateless fashion ... culturally partners involved in such a transaction for such homogeneous clan segments were not equal in terms represent idea-typical in continuum poles a property, or power, but were socially vchange institutions' (Mclntvre Young, & stratified as dotninant and subordinate lineage," 1982:207). However Mclntyre ( 1982: & Young Sporadic hunger, sporadic warfare and external 207 208) used exchange system' and 'trade r trade were very common in pre-colonial times system' synonymously. U would be more ap- (Dalton. 1977: 193). Alliances through marriage, propriate to speak of exchange transactions kinship or exchange partnerships served to tie the operating on two levels; internal, that is within bonds of friendship. the kinship system; and external, operating be- Corporate descent groups \x\ staietess societies tween exchange partners and other groups. or societies with the absence of a centralized ^Exchange* is used here as a general term for political state have been described in terms of the spatial distribution of goods and services from exogamy and rules of preferential marriage and person to person, and social group to sociaJ group residence, unilineal descent, lineages, clans and through a series of transactions, the nexus being subclans. Dependence on lineage and clan was social relationships 'Exchange*, exchange comprehensive because there was no alternative networks' and exchange systems* have been Means Of livelihood or protection (Dai- preferred to "trade" and 'trading/ Where defined, ton, 1977: 194). The corporate descent group the term 'trading system" will be used. defined religious affiliations in tcrnw of common c |jn ancestors, clan founders, supernatural beings EXCHANGE IN SMALL SCALE SOCIETIES and spirits, while external relations with allies, minor and even major enemies were horizontal.

In small scaJc societies, such as those in (he In Melanesian small scale societies the cor- Torres Strait and Fly estuary regions, the cus- porate descent group controlled the tangible tomary economic system was embedded in the property, such as garden land and fishing areas. socral order. In such a social structure, kin groups as well as intangible property such as ritual, dan- and age grades were the units of production, ces, legends and stories The corporate descent kinship networks and exchange friendship links group, within which non-lethal fighting and dis- determined distribution, and ritual and ceremony pute settlement was permissible, also controlled served to regulate consumption. Thus, the Torres alliances and marriage. Linkages to common an- Strait and Fly Lsiuary canoe traffic' was typical cestors, mythical clan heroes and supernatural of most pre-European economic systems in beings also bound people to their corporate de- Melanesia. scent group. Corporate descent groups operated

Ii is important, within the context of exchange, within networks and interaction spheres with to define the nature of small scale societies and oiher lineage clusters. 'Warfare, trade, and mar- CUSTOMARY EXCHANGH ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 323

riage meant external relationships of hostility earlier high status artefacts represented a way of and alliance, relations of antagonism and de- legitimizing power. Ritual, associated with ar- pendence, the opposite of isolation and self- tefacts, legitimized authority and permitted sufficiency" (Dalton, 1977: 200). privileged members of the society access to other Warfare, raiding and feuding were major valued goods. preoccupations during the pre-colonial period in Exchange not only formed social obligation^ PNG and the Tones Strait Islands although net- as well as status and power, but also legitimated works of alliance established an uneasy peace them (Hodder, 1982:209), Marriage systems between some corporate descent groups. served to maintain ties through common ritual Four types of alliance networks existed (Dal- and gift giving. The exchange of wonun h>n, 1977:202) Firstly, those created through generated new alliances with strangers as part of warfare, raiding, revenge, feud., peacemaking and a large and possibly deliberate strategy of death compensation; secondly, alliances main- developing extensive and dense marriage al- tained by marriage, bride wealth and lifelong liance networks which, in turn, created ttetwoi k reciprocal transactions created by affinal of reciprocal obligations on which wealth and relationships; thirdly, alliances created through power of a household (or village) depended. ceremonial or delayed reciprocal exchanges of Within a regional economic system, such as

'primitive' valuables; and fourthly , those alliance that across the Torres Strait and Fly estuary networks established by non-ceremonial 'trade' region, the various sectors of production und visiting allies who sought the use ofcommon depended upon internal and external economic resources by mutual agreement. In all networks exchange for self-maintenance. This region was exchange of material objects was emphasised not governed by a single political system nor did and, in marriage alliances, exchange of women as it have a common culture; it consisted of various a 'commodity' was noted. Allied descent groups units linked by their distinct modes of production often maintained not only two or more sets of and exchange. Within such a regional economy alliance relationships at once but also relation- inequalities in exchange and differential access to ships with numerous other descent groups, hence resources may he noted. Differing access to the use of the term "networks*. The common resources meant that variations in the growth and mode of transaction used in all forms of alliance development of individual units were common. networks was reciprocal transactions of ^oods For example, growth of specific island com- and/or women. In all such relations the political, munities and consolidation of mainland vilkigfs economic and social nature of transactions were occurred. While exchange connections between interwoven and thus, to some extent, were in- Islander and Papuan coastal communities con- tegrated. Established patterns of crisscrossing tinue to the present day, economic ttftdcrdcvdop* networks or interaction spheres were created ment of mainland Papuan communities is also through political, economic and social bonds evident Noticeable patterns of inequality across

(Dalton,1 977:204). the region are important considerations for (he)

Ir has been suggested that exchange also acted result from external pressures against which the as a form of social storage where local variations equalizing abilities of customary exchange can and uncertainties in subsistence production oc- not compete. curred, and that the use of valuable, durable In former times, the exchange of valued ar- ns provided a mechanism for the necessary tefacts formed a politico-ntual system of cia-- exchange of food, maintained by direct reciprocal tion It also stimulated production and circulation relationships, amongst a far wider network of of food and subsistence surpluses. Therefore, communities (Hodder, 1982:205). Thus valuable within small-scale Melanesian societies s objects exchanged were not arbitrarily chosen hut cumulation ofobjects of ritual and the accumula- were appropriate within a cultural, ideological tion of objects of utility, which must be sc. and historical context. The artefact supported and include foodstuffs, paralleled each other. Allian- provided the basis of power for interest groups in ces, established through exchange of mar small scale societies where status depended upon goods, women and symbolic knowledge, were jkvcss Id material wealth. The acquisition and only successful if the flow ofresources was main- movement of material symbols formed the prin- tained. Warfare, exchange and marriage wer ciples of social stratification. The appearance and determinants of external relationships of hostility rapid turnover of new valued goods 10 reinstate or alliance. These relations of antagonism or de- the status lost by the downward movement of pendence showed ifoi» small scale s did 324 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

not exist in a form of self-sufficient isolation. In easily be seen as 'closed' (Allen, 1982: 197; Melanesian societies, survival was dependent Malinowski,1922; Harding,1967,1970; Barton, upon external alliances based on trust and mutual 1910). While such systems remained acephalous, benefit. horizontal networks of linked communities Since exchange had political, ritual and which were maintained by enduring exchange

economic functions, it formed social networks partnerships based on inherited, usually putative, rather than purely economic linkages. kinship relationships were associated with codes In economic systems based on a familial or of hospitality and behaviour that transcended nor- domestic role of production, objects were mal intergroup relationships (Harding, 1970:97). produced for domestic consumption and, only Such partnerships also existed across the Torres after satisfaction of this, were these objects of- Strait and Fly estuary region and, despite recent fered for exchange. However, the ability to main- political and social dislocation, these still survive tain this self-interest was beset by the pressure of with somewhat tenuous linkages across the Tor- kinship requirements. Thus, the ever widening res Strait region today. One reason for this areal kinship network was the stimulus to exchange integration of exchange networks may be the lack and trade. It was spatial distance measured in of uniformity of the subsistence base in coastal terms of kinship distance that determined the Melanesia. Certainly, ceremonial exchanges in level on which exchange operated (Sah- coastal Melanesia are not as intense as in the lins,1968:84-85). highlands where the subsistence base is more equitably distributed. In the coastal networks the CONTRASTING NATURE OF HIGHLAND majority of exchanged items can be categorized AND LOWLAND EXCHANGE PATTERNS as belonging to a subsistence base. This is par- ticularly true of the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region. One cannot discuss exchange within a Specialized manufacturing activities in the Melanesian context without understanding the highlands, could not be maintained in coastal contrast between highland and coastal lowland areas without a high degree of artificiality exchange. In the highland areas of central PNG (Allen, 1982: 197). Under such circumstances a the large scale ceremonial prestations, which in- degree of 'brittleness' underlies each system, for volved the accumulation and distribution of pigs no individual or group could maintain any degree and staple vegetables, were primarily socio- of overall control over such a dispersed system. political occasions which served to cement clan Allen's opinion (1982:202) that the customary and kinship ties and facilitate the movement of valuables and foodstuffs across ecological and exchange systems of the Vitiaz Strait, , and areas have great political boundaries. The complexity of Highland Massim Manus no exchange patterns has been described elsewhere antiquity, can be supported through the eth- (Strathern, 1971, 1978, 1981,1982; Feil,1982, nographic literature. This is also true for the Tor- 1984; Hughes, 1973, 1977a; Healey,1990). The res Strait and Fly estuary region. Historical and exchange networks in the densely populated oral evidence suggests that the period of intense highlands consisted of complex webs of ex- economic activity across the Torres Strait may be change of single transfer operations between little more than 500 years old. small groups or individuals forming exchange Allen (1982:202) stated that 'the patterns of partnerships. Exchange activities were one com- trade along the southern Papuan coast can, in my in ponent of multi-purpose journeys, though it was opinion, best be modelled a cyclicfashion with the formality of the exchange pattern that the peaks growing higher and more closely facilitated these other activities. spaced through time\ Such an interpretation can While coastal and inland exchange networks most certainly be made for the Torres Strait and interlock and may even cross at points, the long Fly estuary region as well. Allen further sum- distance coastal maritime exchange networks dif- marized his findings by stating that maritime fered substantially from the inland ones. Along exchange networks, until disrupted by the coastal networks the increased proportion of sub- European economic presence in the latter half of sistence items exchanged was apparent. Coastal the 19th century, were a series of systems which, exchange networks, while not strictly closed sys- while effectively 'closed' in a formal sense, were tems due to the overlapping nature of exchange held together by the exchange of a small series of networks and to interaction between various objects classified as valuables, such as armshells. groups from outside such networks, can more If seen as closed systems, then the principal ob- CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 325

jecls of exchange were food and utilitarian sub- exchange was production which depended lo a sistence items such as baskets, maU, axes and large extent on ecological special ization. Primary canoes. Long distance exchange of valuables, specialization corresponded to ecological type, such as armshelK and pearl-shell ornaments, thus coastal fishing groups exchanged their fish most likely facilitated internal exchanges within (protein) for the vegetable foods (carbohydrate^ and between small social gnxi; produced by inland gardening groups. Schwartz Coastal and inland exchange networks also dif- (1963:76) in his study of Manus Islanders, stated fer substantially in the technology of transporta- that cross-ecological exchange was primarily tion. In inland Melanesia* due lo geographical cn>S$-

ifliaJ intervention' (Maclntyre &. Young, artefacts as we'll as ceremonies and specializa- 1982 207) The survival of customers exchange tion of access whereby, having the advantage of patterns demonstrates, in part, the inability of an proximity to other centres, one village or group imposed cash economy to min _,iinst retained favourable advantage as the centre of regional economic imbalance. 'trade^ or as mediator in trade* between other

In P >ia, exchange integrated! or at least villages (Schwartz.I963:76>. created a dense pattern of integration, between The crux of this analysis of specialization in the various ethnic groups. In the Torres Strait and Fly villages of the was. as l ^uury region these various ethnic groups were Schwartz (1963:77) indicated: 'TTre kinds of divided from each other by language and tradi- primary and secondary specialization thai tions 'particularly oral traditions of myths, have indicated provided the basis for a complex legends, and history of origin), as well as social and all pervading transactional ne.xus integrat- customs, food habits and land ownership. Never- ing, although not uniting, the archipelago and all theless they maintained continuous contacts with ^divisions. These differentiations of each other despite endemic warfare prior to the resources, products, techniques, andaa:ess were establishment of colonial administration. at went beyond, the distribution of

The village, regardless of its size, was the groups across resourc \ largest political unit. Although this unit, com- The transactional nexus consisted not of rela- posed of a number of clan groups, was subject to tions between groups as such, but rather the su change due to separation or segmcntatiuri, each nposed networks of particular individuals' ethnic group was able to trace its common an- the forms of which he further subdivided into five cestry back to an ancestral village. Segmentaiion, types descibed as rceremonial. nun-ccremo: the process by which separate lineages come lo among kin. among non-kin ; intra-ecological.

be recognised, created semi-autonomous groups cross-ecological , immediate, delayed . sym- which were recognised lineages but not separate metrical, asymmetrical, both in terms of persons parts of a clan. Separation, the formal division of : II as goods exchanged (Schwartz, 1 963:78). a clan or lineage into separate clans, could also In the Melanesian context, exchange partner- OCCUt, as could re-amalgamation. Lineages be- ships were formal or ceremonial reciprocative, came separate clans through separation, not paired relationships which may have been in- through segmentation (Schwartz.! 963:64) Kin herited. The complex form of litis relationship ship and fictivc kinship lies formed the piosfl involved many such partnerships, whererv, slalus enduring bases for exchange relations. The key lo was achieved through the establishment MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

maintenance of a complex of trading rituals and habitants of the islands and river banks of the Fly networks. This was typical of the 'big man' ex- estuary as far as Sumogi Is. The ethnic groups in change networks particularly evident in ihe PNG this region include the Bine and Gizra, as well as highlands. most of the Gidra- and Agob-speaking peoples, Ordinary market exchange, which by definition together with the river dwelling KJwai- and Coas- was typically non-ceremonial, cross-ecological, tal Kiwai-speaking people. These people have between non-kin and asymmetrical in terms of access to the SW coast of PNG and the waters of goods exchanged, may have followed the formal Torres Suail through the creeks, swamps and ritualized 'trade partnership* or affinal exchan- rivers of the Littoral Zone. ges. The Kiwai-speaking peoples of the south coast, Coastal Melanesian exchange networks which, from Parama Is. to Nfabudawan. inhabit the Lit- apart from the Kula system in the Massim region, toral Zone of low sandy foreshore backed by did not support the massive post-colonial mart grove swamps located between the waters of ceremonial exchange partnership exchanges Torres Strait and the Riverine Zone. The Papuan noted in Ihe highlands, were typically affinal groups inhabiting this zone have only limited exchange networks. As oral testimony noted, kin- access to gardening land hut unrestricted access ship remains the strongest motive for exchange to the offshore islands, reefs and productive coas- in the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region. How- tal fishing grounds of Tones Strait. ever, the impact of colonial administration and Torres Strait Islanders of the eastern, central, the cash economy has tended to favour the western and Hop* western islands inhabit the development of market exchange even among Insular Zone. The well developed maritime tech- relatives. nology of Torres Strait Islanders enabled them to dispersed network The (Schwartz, 1963:89) exploit the nch marine resources around their most clearly defines that which operated across islands and they maintained contact with the in- the Strait estuary region. Tones and Fly habitants of the Riverine and Littoral Zones, as The Strait and Fly estuary exchange Tones well as with the Aboriginal people inhabiting the network was characteristic of the particularistic, Peninsula Zone. entrepreneur-centred dispersed network rn which The Aboriginal inhabitants of the coastal and inter-ecological exchange and market relations inland Peninsula Zone of Cape York maintained co-existed with intra-ecologieal, intra-ethnic, contact with the Torres Strait Islanders, par- formal exchange. Such characteristics as noted ticularly those of the nearby western islands, prior by Schwartz (1963:89) were also noted by Lipset to dislocation bv European settlement on Cape (1985; and Barlow (1985) in their studies of York (Nloore, 1979). inter-ethnic exchange among the people of the Pnor to sustained colonial intrusion, each eth- Murik Lakes region of the N coaM of PNC nic group maintained internal exchanges ofgoods and services not only within the immediate clan THE PATHS OF EXCHANGE or village but also between other sections of the wider ethnic group. External exchanges between

Across the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region ethnic groups were well established. Thus, along a number of ethnic groups occupy 5 ecological the SW coast of PNG, inland groups exchanged zones, namely: the Inland, Riverine, Littoral, In- externally with riverine groups who further ex- sular, and Peniasula Zones (Fig. ? • tended this line of communication to littoral and The Papuan people inhabiting the Inland Zone, insular groups. Insular groups maintained exter- which includes the savanna bushlands and the nal exchange contacts with littoral, riverine and hi cher hi II country of the Onomo Plateau, include peninsula groups. the Magayam- and Pasuam-vpeaking ethnic The Littoral Zone was only permanently settled groups who generally live in close proximity to by the Ktwai, west of Daru. following mission colonial the headwaters of the Pahoturi, Binaturi, Oriomo and administrative control between 1 B70 and Bituri Rivers, as Well as some Agon- and and 1890. The littoral dwelling Agob-spcaking Gidra-speaking people who live ai the head- people also established their first permanent waters of the Pahoturi and Oriomo Rivets. coastal settlement at Buji following the pacifica- The people of the Riverine Zone inhabit the tion of the Tugeri after 1890-1 895. Contact and coastal swamp lands, river valleys and lowland exchange patterns prior to 1 870- 1 890 emphasise >avanna country along ihe banks of the Pahoturi, the importance of customary exchange contacts Binaturi and Oriomo Rivers, and include the in between riverine dwelling groups and Torres CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 327

10 20 30 40 50

' r:: I t METRES

FIG. 34. Five ecological areas of Torres Strait and PNG (underlined). Insular area includes the 4 Torres Strait Island Groups. 328 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Strait Islanders. Prior to the occupation of iheSW -' coast there were no Kiwai intermediaries in cus- [8j n tomary exchange across Torres Strait. The Riverine Zone should be divided into the Riverine/Coastal Zone, inhabited by the Agob-. Gt2fa-, Bine- and Gidra-speairing peoples, and the Riverine/Flv estuary Zone, occupied by the Kiwai-speaking peoples. Ethnographic evidence indicates that popula- tion groups inhabiting the Riverine/Coastal Zone did not participate in the sheil-for-eanoe e\- I change until after the arnval of the Kiwai on the SW coast. Followingcoaslal Kiwai occupation of the Littoral Zone the riverine groups participated in the garden food-for-ftsh and shellfish ex- change with these Kiwai and, Following sustained contact with them, adopted Kiwai and Islander sailing techniques. Although use of small outrig- ger canoes and bamboo rafts was. of course, well established before this. However, prior to the coming of the Kiwai to the SW coast the shell -for-canoes exchange was. at first, principally conducted between groups inhabiting the Rivenne/Fly estuary Zone Torres Strait Islanders living in the eastern is- lands. Exchange between the inhabitants of the

PEN | Riverine/Coastai Zone and the Torres Strait Is- r landers were maintained through *top western and central islands. Only occasional contacts FIG. 35. Paths of customary exchange across Torres were maintained between inhabitants the of Strait prior to Kiwai occupation of the littoral zone Riverine/Coastal Zone and eastern Islanders. In- habitants of the Riverine/Coastal and Riverine/- contacts the Fly estuary Zones maintained direct and Direct between peoples of Riverine/Coastal Zone the k lop* western and extensive exchange relations with inland ethnic and for the groups. However, Riverine/Coastal groups did central Islanders were effectively upheld, not maintain direct exchange contacts with Fly Islanders had a sophisticated maritime technol- estuary groups; the contact being through warfare ogy employing large double outrigger canoes. until permanent settlement of the littoral dwelling Similarly, according to oral testimony, contact Kiwai people. Oral testimony supports the state- between Fly estuary and eastern islands groups ment that peoples of the Rivennc/Coastal Zone was more effectively maintained using large only gained access to the Fly estuary *canoe ocean going outrigger canoes. Oral evidence sug- traffic' through Kiwai intermediari gests that even in earlier times groups inhabiting Contacts between the Riverine/Fly estuary the Riverine Zone, with limited maritime tech- Zone and eastern Islanders were strongly estab- nology, were able to maintain relations across the lished. Exchange relations between Torres Strait narrow northern waters of Torres Strait between Islanders and Aboriginals of the Peninsula Zone the mainland and Saibai, Boigu and Dauan in were also maintained during this period. How- particular. Relations between the eastern Is- ihc strongest links were between the landers and these riverine/coastal groups were western Islanders and mainland Aboriginal only tenuous, but oral evidence suggests that they groups The final structure of paths of exchange were significant for linguistic similarities be- across Torres Strait and Fly estuary, prior to the tween the Bine and Meriam languages have been arrival of the coastal Kiwai (Fig. 35) may be noted. assumed to be representative of paths of ex- Ethnographic evidence supports the notion that change during the immediate pre-contact period exchange between eastern Islanders and penin- and in 1840-1870 period sula dwelling Aboriginal groups was less regular CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 529

fect of reducing, but not eliminating, contact be- tween riverine and insular groups Riverine 77 ^T groups, who previously had not developed a sophisticated maritime technology, were forced to leam techniques of canoe making and sailing •L& in order to re-establish old communication and exchange linkages.

* . Mi I . The position of riverine coastal and insular ^ rT nr groups following the Kiwai occupation of the - Littoral Zone (Fig. 36) may may be taken as the

i \ i| paths ofexchange during the early contact period.

i , I860- 1900. TTTTO .. Coastal Kiwai, moving down from the western bank of the Fly estuary, occupied a position of importance on the eastern end of the Littoral Zone particularly near the entrance to the Fly estuary- close to Parama Is. From mere, through raiding and warfare, and later through European colonial administration, they established large permanent villages on the beaches along the SW coast. From this position, and by establishing villages at the mouths of the only rivers opening into northern Torres Strait, they were able to dominate the J established exchange movements between Is- landers and riverine/coastal peoples. Oral tes-

timony indicates that it became expedient for these riverine/coastal dwelling peoples to move close to the mouths of the n vers where access to the Kiwai villages could be maintained easily. FIG. 36. Paths of customary exchange across Torres Thus, Masmgara and Mawatta are virtually Strait after Kiwai occupation of the littoral zone within sight of each other, Kulalae is a short canoe trip from Mabudawan and Dorogon and and even rather tenuous However, historical Kadawa are within walking distance of each literature stated that the western Islanders main- other. regular and sustained contact with Cape tained Coastal Kiwai manipulated exchange by their pre-contact and York ethnic groups in the late dominance of maritime and fishing technology post-contact period. western Islanders, early The and controlled the their fish-for-garden-foods ex- due proximity, well as to social, cultural and to as change with riverine neighbours. In this their linguistic ties, were the main 'path' through position was similar to that of the Murik (Lipset. which insular-peninsula exchange operated. 1985). Thus exchange ties between the nverine In the pre-colonial period, exchange contacts dwelling groups and insular dwelling groups between Islander groups and between Islanders were seriously affected. and Aboriginal groups were also maintained European settlement on Cape York after 1864 through with double outrigger canoes, adapted and on Thursday Isiaivd after 1877 profoundly and developed by Torres Strait Islanders. affected the social life and economy of Kiwai-speaking littoral dwelling people capi- Aboriginal people on Cape York Peninsula. Trie talized on exchange connections between peninsular and insular exchange systems were riverine and insular groups, by exploiting their undermined, not only by the European entrepot more advanced maritime technology, and most but also by dislocation of Aboriginal life. particularly by manipulating the supply of canoe Contact between Aboriginal people and hulls from the Fly estuary; they dominated ex- western Islanders was regular prior to estab- change networks in the early post-contact period lishment of the colonial government station at and their close association with colonial ad- Somerset in 1864 (Moore. 1979; Gregory &

ministration was also used to their economic and Gregory,1968:l01: MoseleyJ 892.302-3 1 1; political advantage. Kiwai incursions had the ef- Bycrlcy. 1867:68, 82-85). Moseley (1892:311) 330 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

noted the change caused by the introduction of European tradestore goods and a cash economy when he remarked that Somerset had become a virtual Emporium of savage weapons and ornaments*. The decline in Aboriginal popula- tions, as well as the enforced re-settlement and missionization of Aborigines by colonial govern- ments on far northern Cape York Peninsula, as- sisted the decline in exchange activity between Islanders and Aborigines. Similarly, on the SW coast of PNG, estab- lishment of colonial outposts and small Euro- pean-owned tradestores also led to rapid introduction of European tradestore goods into the customary exchange system. The first trades- tores along the SW coast were established at Mabudawan and Mawatta. The first administra- tive post established near Mabudawan in 1893 was quickly replaced by the settlement at Daru in 1895. European goods entered immediately into the established littoral and riverine exchange sys- tem although at first this did not eliminate the demand for indigenous exchange goods (Jiear, 1904/05; Haddon,1904, V:296, 1908, VI:185). Colonial administration and cessation of intra- and inter-ethnic warfare did not result in disloca- tion nor removal of the indigenous population from village areas along the SW coast of PNG, in PENIHSULA Y/S fact the villages became larger and more con- solidated. Migrations of Papuan labour away FIG. 37. Paths of customary exchange across Torres from village areas were seen by villagers as only Strait following establishment of colonial administra- temporary. Wage labour on boats and plantations tive posts on Daru and Thursday Islands. was incorporated into the general exchange process as a means whereby labour was ex- and administrative centre of the SW coast and Fly changed for cash rather than commodities. Early estuary area. Access between the Torres Strait mission activity on the coast did not impact so islands, particularly the eastern, central and 'top' intensely upon the customary practices of the western islands, and the littoral dwelling Kiwai people as it had on isolated islands of Torres Strait groups in coastal Papua, which had been main- where people felt the impact of European com- tained through the contact period, was still mercial and marine extractive industries during regular. However, exchange connections be- the early colonial period. Centralization of ad- tween insular and riverine groups were seriously ministrative control at Thursday Is. focused altered. Regular and sustained contact between economic activity in the Torres Strait. Pearling riverine coastal peoples and the eastern Islanders and other commercial activities became estab- was severed. lished mere and European trade store goods, tools The coastal Kiwai became the mediators of and foods entered the customary exchange sys- exchange between coastal Papuans and Islanders tem through Thursday Is. commercial activity. after the 1890s. They also became filters for Torres Strait Islanders, regrouped into island movement of exchange items from Inland and based villages by the missions, quickly adapted Riverine Zones. They therefore occupied a mid- to European maritime technology, store bought dleman position which had not previously existed foodstuffs and clothing. and they effectively manipulated and directed Ties between all but the most easily accessible patterns of exchange through northern, central island and mainland villages weakened following and eastern islands. The spread of European establishment of the colonial outpost at Daru after tradestore goods, tools and foods was facilitated 1895. Daru assumed prominence as commercial by this position of the Kiwai. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 331

Prior to establishment of the independent state for skirts, bands and belts, wongai timber, nipa of PNG in 1975, dominance of European technol- and sago palm leaves for house building) feathers ogy, introduction of wage labour, exchange of from cassowaries, birds of paradise, parrots and goods and services for cash and introduction of pigeons in bundles and as plumes, drums, European administration and law were all in- brooms, cassowary bone daggers, and human strumental in effecting permanent changes to the skulls and heads. fabric of intersocietal exchange in the Torres Other exchange items noted included turtle Strait and Fly estuary region (Fig. 37). shell used in the construction of masks, mats of Establishment of the Australia/British New coconut and pandanus leaf, baskets, coconut fibre Guinea (Papua after 1907) border in the late 19th fishing line, coconut oil, teeth and bone (both century and clarification of a formal border be- unworked such as dugong and cassowary bones, tween PNG and Australia in 1975, weakened still and worked as part of ornaments in necklaces, further the tenuous exchange ties maintained be- belts and bands, such as dogs' teeth, boar's tusks tween the coastal Kiwai and Torres Strait Is- and wallaby teeth) as well as European tradestore landers. clothing (calico), tools and goods introduced fol- Ratification of the Torres Strait Treaty in 1985, lowing contact with traders and missionaries. which recognized 'traditional* rights of both Is- Shells, particularly Conus, for canoes and landers and Papuans to exchange and free move- canoe hulls, were the most important exchange ment within the Torres Strait Protected Zone, items across the whole Torres Strait and Fly recognized the importance of the customary ex- estuary region during the pre-conlact and imme- change system across Torres Strait. The Treaty diate post-contact periods. Patterns of exchange codified regulations concerning the purpose and indicate the flexibility of the exchange process nature of exchange and detailed accepted items and the ability of the system to adapt to new of exchange which may be carried, sold or freely technology, European watercraft, European given between Islanders and Papuans. However, clothing, and a wide variety of tradestore goods this occurred after the customary exchange sys- and foods. The Torres Strait and Fly estuary tem had ceased as a mechanism for distribution exchange system, like most coastal Melanesian of scarce subsistence items across a region of systems, distributed subsistence items across a different ecological zones. region of diverse resource allocation. Raw materials, foodstuffs and animals in the PATTERNS OF EXCHANGE exchange system were: dogs, 'native* tobacco, cuscus (Phalanger), gatnoda {Piper methysticum [Kava]), sago, shellfish, wild animal meats in- In an exchange system that emphasised shell- cluding cassowary, pig, wallaby and deer meats, for-canoe-hull exchange, a variety of shells from plant foods such as taro, yams, coconuts, bananas Torres Strait were considered as valued objects and mangrove fruits, and fish as well as dugong of exchange. Shells were used as ornaments and and turtle meats. as utensils as follows: Apparently most historical documentation Ornamentation and Dress: failed to recognize the regional cultural and, Armlets Coitus therefore, 'production' divisions. Exchange was Necklaces Pinctada, Oliva perceived as between Torres Strait Islanders, as a Breast ornaments Pinctada, Conus Pubic shells Melo, Fusus single entity, and Papuans, as a single entity, Sound producing instruments Fusus, Charona regardless of geographical region or ethnic Nose ornaments Tridacna group. Historical literature, and even Subsistence anthropological writings such as Landtman hoes/axes/adzes Melo, Tridacna Cutting/scraping implements Tetlina, Cyrena (1927,1933), failed to comprehend fully the im- Cooking/ storage vessels Melo, Fusus, Tridacna, portance to the exchange process of ethnic dif- and occasionally Cassis ferences. Canoes, canoe hulls, bows, arrows, dugong har- poons, masks, bamboo tobacco pipes, bamboo HISTORICAL DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE water containers, bamboo knives, cane loops for carrying human heads, spears, spear throwers, armguards, plaitwork bands and belts, threaded This source reveals that general, rather than

seed necklaces (Cotx ) were also exchanged along specific, geographical origins for material culture with stone heads for axes, adzes and clubs, raw items were assumed. Terms 'from New Guinea* materials (such as unfinished stone, ochres, fibres 'from the Torres Strait* or 'from Cape York', - .

332 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

were used to describe the origins of many ex- changed material culture items. As a result, a generalized grouping of exchange items noted in historical literature may be extracted from these sources and presented under broad geographical headings (Fig.38). / The following items, which originated on the . s

. .- . b a mainland, includes items exchanged exter- -•* PNG . . . ri " nally as well as internally: canoes, canoe hulls, garden Foflda —

i : . ": bows and arrows, drums, mats, bird of paradise plumes, cassowary bones, baskets, fibre and *w, ..

(skirts, belts, bands), ornaments -:-. plaitwork and \ in * V made from teeth and seeds, (such as dogs' teeth, '* boar's tusks, wallaby teeth, and threaded seeds), jT ^ S dupong cassowary, bird of paradise, and parrot feathers, / _ — turt / ^ risfl tobacco pipes, ^- rj£ bamboo | wongai timber, bamboo / water containers, bamboo knives, stone-headed 1 rtiattfl 1 unwJrkad

clubs, headdresses, cane loops for holding heads, DOire f ornaments made from shells. The following list records items which, it was noted in historical scurces. were exchanged be- PENTKSOL.* tween Torres Strait Islands and amongst Islander

i ..n : r * : Vic I f^ :"CUUtlDn flf all Dr 1 communities, dugong harpoons, raw materials, s» elreuLatltfn »' " [teirs (such as ochres, feathers and unworked shells and [ndtcatR5

39. Patterns of of raw canoes FIG customary exchange material, foodstuff and animals as noted in the histori- Hrrn W s j**tn is cal documentary evidence. . :Lubs |meflt£ stones), human skulls and heads, heron and Tor- •wis res Strait pigeon feathers, dugong and turtle bone, iry feather headdresses

.•. . J qi I me! turtle shell, masks, bamboo tobacco pipes, stone -[,.rrr:;- cassowary boric adzes, cloth- :-- ' heads for axes and mats, European . . t-.cn-'s tusks ' ornarents - ing, European tradestore goods and tools. The

teetfi i

. ... I following items may have been made either in

. iwafy . PNG or by Islanders themselves: bamboo tobac- bird ol Mil ad is* ...... co pipes, bamboo knives, bamboo water con-

' bambca iKfltfif K tainers and plaitwork, including armlets, belts, i , 1 1 e i

i wnqai 1 ' leglets, bands, mats and baskets. Islanders also

! plai trior ; . nefts exchanged some of these items with Australian leqtal B masks Aboriginal groups on Cape York. : H , tiiirfiCOIL

1 list of items obtained Torres Strait Is- ' The by an sknl I s. heads [."; dijg ,"" j| . I. landers from Aboriginal people of the Cape York masks' area included: spears, turtle shell, spear throwers,

^.bfliR&M |ij as pearl-shell, raw materials such as ochres and bsmbOO Graves water cool ilns feathers, especially Torres Strait pigeon feathers.

• :- ..- : peat .. { items, as fish, turtle zr tQCl Other such dugong and feativ- on uftj meat for garden foods, constituted a most impor- rflirres 5ti ail Bigeofl Stone Keatfs.For axea/adrs: tant part of the exchange system (Fig.39), par-

: spears ticularly following the exchange of valuables and ", I I commodities. Exchange of foodstuffs between . . rnrrej •(.--!. pi jeon Faafehsrs ) kin groups was particularly important.

tor ' a if 0!

..-., ,,.!-,- i, .. son items' ORAL EVIDENCE

FIG. 38. Patterns of customary exchange of material Oral testimony records in detail specific inter- cultural items as noted in ihe historical evidence. nal and external exchange contacts between eth- b

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 333

lected from the eastern islands the following ex- change items were noted: baskets, mats, canoes,

ntata drums, brooms, coconut oil, bows, arrows. Euro-

. i „ pean tradestore goods, and European clothing. irrovi:

ill ir..

' Agob-Speaking People Littoral Agob-speaking people related a variety

. ) nAMM ofexchange items including: baskets, bows, arrows, 4. raw materials notably sago and nipa palm leaf for "- construction, . house as well as dance and dress

dnoe hull . . oniaineiirs, ornaments, cassowary feather headdresses, drums, ornaments :. mats, worked and unworked shells, canoes and . . canoe hulls, wongai timber, and skins for drums. r .

.i 0(1! •3 Kiwai-Speaking People Littoral Kiwai-speaking people mentioned ex-

..- .. ; r .. drums items: ... ' change canoes, brooms, worked and un- nods .

I [If Furocean facte itce worked shells, drums, mats, cassowary feather rem, brooms !"'. headdresses, skins for drums, European clothing, han s European tradestore goods and tools, baskets and stone clubs. The riverine dwelling Fly estuary N9JLAR IN5ULAF s Kiwai-speaking people made specific mention of | >TDP'

WFSTEBN I ISLAND' only a limited number of exchange items. These were: canoes, worked and unworked shells, European clothing and European tradestore PENINSULA goods. In contrast to the Fly estuary people, the oral testimony of the riverine dwelling Kiwai- FIG. 40. Patterns of customary exchange of material speaking people at the mouth of the Fly River

culture items from the perspective of I ittoral dwelling noted the following items of exchange: canoes, people. worked and unworked shells, bows, arrows, nic groups and places across the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region. Despite the superficiality of Islander and Papuan contacts with Europeans during the early contact period, oral testimony ..

T I . 01 docs not contradict the historical documentary

..I ..| I evidence which suggests that the exchange sys- tem was dominated by a movement of subsis- tence, rather than ceremonial items.

Torres Strait Islanders : Oral testimony notes that a variety of material culture items was significant in exchange rela- tions between Islander communities and between Islander, Papuan and Aboriginal groups. Exchan- /

: 1 . ^- 1"- ge items mentioned in oral testimony collected i m from the 'top' western islands included: bows, 1 arrows, drums, mats, dance and dress ornaments,

' canoes, wongcu limber (for dugong hunting har- Hi A.A , ,,

1 poons and fishing spears), shells worked and 1 1

1 unworked esp. Conus sp., as well as European tradestore goods. Exchange items mentioned in oral testimony from the central islands included: i bows, arrows, drums, skins for drums, canoes, worked and unworked shells, brooms, mats, FIG. 41 . Patterns of customary exchangeofraw material European clothing, while in oral testimony col- from the perspective of littoral dwelling people. , . '

334 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

drums, bird of paradise plumes, European trades- tore goods and tools, stone axes and adzes, and European clothing. mlpMu \ n 'i |,.t, ,; ], , a: saao / garden foofc £uroeean Bine- and Gizra Speaking People trad-store [gong ! ..... I id! 1 Oral testimony from coastaJ riverine Bine- tnrtle mflat speaking people noted the following exchange items, worked and unworked shells, canoes, Flv ESTWHf

. mats, and European tradestore goods. The coastal European tra:.065 tore riverine dwelling Gizra-speaking people men- fitt \ i ducony neat 71 .: tioned the following exchange items in oral tes- turl te meat fish ... i

' ,,i - i'-. -i timony canoes and canoe hulls, drums, bows, shellfish u < 1

. ,'-- arrows, fibre skirts, cassowary feather headdres- ft rqutts ses, bird of paradise plumes, worked and un- worked shells, and European tradestore goods. T~, rroRAi

People : • Gidra-Speaking : ion . Oral testimony from the inland people of the Wipim region, and the coastal village of [H50I W INSULAR Dorogori, noted the following in exchange: I TOP WESTERN 'rJFSTFRN :- :., EASTERN drums, bows, arrows, cassowary feather head- U j'.VJI ISLANDS dresses, mats, fibre skirts, cassowary bone knives, European clothing, European tradestore PENINSULA goods and tools.

FIG- 43. Patterns of customary exchange of raw materials and foodstuffs from the perspective of .1,-umiK riverine dwelling people. . 1 _— = 1 skirts plumes, timm * j .. 5 | of oarefli canoes— boKS, arrows

r j itflsrs Specific mention was also made of the impor-

. . , rpnr.h^r tance of the exchange of raw materials and foodstuffs, such as fish, dugong and turtle meat, sago, tobacco and the narcotic plant gamoda. Fish-for-garden-food exchange continues to be of particular importance to the Bine-speaking ornaments : lotting littoral ( peoples and riverine dwelling and dwell- Teeth .-.laces, ing coastal Kiwai-speaking peoples. tDttS, -1TW5 IfflSda, caw?:;

ipegi ' g ] stwa gaoris ! tools THE PATHS OF EXCHANGE i' IMS 1 aQL'-S

.:t-,j.; bl ''I # I., l uf and qasstWfOP Pw From oral testimony details of more specific pallerns of exchange emerge and show that ethnic groups had differing perceptions of the patterns of exchange across the region.

INSULAR .N-.IJL-. INfUl |R Littoral Zone 'TOP' WESTERN tENTRAI EASTiFTH The Littoral Kiwai-speaking peoples have

: SUNOS t5LAND5 ISLANDS acted as intermediaries between Papuans and Is- landers. Kiwai manipulation of exchange paths is ... a result of their positioning of villages at the mouths of rivers linking Torres Strait to riverine FIG. 42. Patterns of customary exchange of material peoples and their double outrigger canoes culture items from the perspective of riverine dwell- capable of carrying large loads, and many people, ing people. over long distances across difficult waters. Their 1 !

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 335

among the coastal riverine and Kiwai peoples, as was often emphasised in oral testimony.

1

Insular Zone

Dews, inn? Oral testimony from insular dwelling groups j'

. j ! indicated that the major paths of exchange of . material culture items, as well as raw materials v .hi i i. wi ol 4 t on 1 and foodstuffs, extend from the islands of Torres

; I . Strait to the littoral dwelling Kiwai groups, and

i -.,;l -v. to the Fly estuary riverine KJwai peoples. Oral

'. LPtriiT.r. . u ropeai evidence demonstrated that the littoral dwelling

;

: peoples occupied a most important place in the ' -.ti.- rrf - , ' | :

! re- ornaments paths of exchange regulating and to some extent i. , manipulating Papuan- Islander exchange transac-

, tions in the post-contact period. The patterns of

tNTVLM : exchange of material culture items, from the per- spective of oral evidence obtained from insular dwelling peoples, are illustrated in Fig. 44. Pat- terns of exchange for raw materials and food- stuffs from an insular perspective are illustrated in Fig. 45.

FIG. 44. Patterns of customary exchange of materia* Inland Zone culture items from the perspective of insular dwelling Inland people had their major exchange link- people. ages with riverine coastal and littoral Kiwai success has been in spite of their poor subsistence base. They also dominated the fish-for-garden- food exchange which still operates on the SW I „ 1 coast of PNG. Most present day exchange in the Torres Strait is conducted by Kiwai-speaking 6m MVEfWEy "l 1 peoples (Figs 40, 41). V,

II • . Dp' bwLoo — an

ganfcft foods I

SWQ i Riverine Zone I s Riverine peoples maintained extensive ex- change links with inland, littoral and insular dwe- lling peoples (Figs 42,43). One factor, 1 i- l-r 1 j emphasised in oral history and historical doc- i .... '''. umentary evidence, has been the relative stability I of the life styles of the riverine dwelling peoples and their hold on productive lands, thus maintain- ing a stable subsistence base. Access, via sophis- ticated maritime technology, further enhanced their position and, although the occupation of the

Littoral Zone by the coastal Ki wai removed d i rect contact with insular peoples, some contacts were still maintained through 'top* western and central islands. Oral testimony from Torres Strait Is- landers detailed movement from place to place across ecological zones, of specific exchange items. Littoral Kiwai people have effectively eliminated direct exchange relations between FIG. 45. Patterns of customary exchange of raw coastal riverine and most insular dwelling materials and foodstuffs from the perspective of in- peoples. This has been a subject of bitterness sular dwelling people. ,

336 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

academic literature (Swadling, 1983:1 12-1 13; Wilson,1988:xvi). Such interpretations fail to ac- count for change in the exchange relationships or for change over time. The paths of exchange are not linear point to point 'trade routes', they are tenuous connections between groups of people which at any garden foods sago. 'gamxJa' one historical period may be subject to alteration. tobacco wild animal meat No path of exchange is fixed or rigid for there / are numerous alternative paths which may be taken depending upon changing social obliga- tions, opportunistic economic and social advant- age or even seasonal factors. It is evident, from

: INSULAR : INSULAR : INSULAR : INSULAR 'TOP' the oral history of exchange relations across the WESTERN WESTERN WESTERN WESTERN ISLANDS ISLANDS ISLANDS ISLANDS Torres Strait and Fly estuary region, that those people dwelling in the ecologically distinct In- sular, Littoral, Riverine and Inland Zones have PENINSULA differing perspectives of the complex inter-re- lated patterns of exchange across the region as a whole. This, however, does not mean that these FIG. 46. Patterns of customary exchange of material perspectives contradict each other, nor that any culture items from the perspective of inland dwelling people. one point of view is more valid than another. Rather, it emphasises the diversity in the paths of peoples (Figs.46,47). Exchange paths did not ex- exchange and further illustrates the complexity of tend to the Fly estuary directly from the inland. the patterns of exchange across this unusual While many of the exchange artefacts, such as region. The common denominator in these pat- drums, cassowary feathers, bird of paradise plumes, terns of exchange was an emphasis on the impor- and bows and arrows, originated from inland vil- tance of the exchange of subsistence items. Both lages their movements into Torres Strait were con- oral testimony and the historical dccumentary ducted by riverine coastal and littoral groups. Inland literature support the concept that exchange in the peoples remained, to a large extent, isolated in Torres Strait and Fly estuary served essentially as villages dotted across the Oriomo plateau. an adaptive mechanism, compensating for ecolo- Exchange relationships generally developed gical inequalities. during times of peace. Thus exchange networks expanded following establishment of European colonial administration and pacification of the Western Province after 1900. Pacification per- mitted permanant occupation of the Littoral Zone clothing, drums European bows, arrows, by coastal Kiwai-speaking people. Exchange trades tor? cassowary feather goods 4 tools headdresses relationships required constant social and shells fibre skirts, bird of paradise economic impetus for their long term viability, plumes, cassowary bone and therefore the imposition of regulations and knives, rnat.s restrictions, particularly those created by political borders, quarantine regulation and customs restrictions, acted as artificial barriers to the ex- change system. Diagrammatic representations of exchange movements (McCarthy, 1939; Moore, 1979; Baldwin, 1976) which were generally based on information extracted from Haddon (1904, V:293-297, 1908, VI: 185-1 88, 1935, 1:350), have tended to distort the patterns of exchange across Torres Strait. Simplistic interpretations of 'trade routes' in the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region FIG. 47. Patterns of customary exchange of raw are, however, still to be found in contemporary materials and foodstuffs from the perspective of inland dwelling people. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 33?

MATERIAL CULTURE RESEARCH Subsistence Objects used to support human life, including The complex relationship between people and those used in food getting, cultivation of the their material culture was described by Evans- ground, cooking and hunting. Also included are Pritchard (ISAQ-.^ysTechnoiogyfrom one point watercraft. In the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region artefacts of subsistence which were ex- of view is an oecological process;an adaptation changed includedrcanoes and canoe hulls; un- of human behaviour to natural circumstances. worked shells, stone and timber; dugong From another point ofview material culture may harpoons, bamboo waier containers, mats, bas- be regarded as part of social relations, for kets; wongai timber (for harpoons); shell tools material objects ore social chains along which and utensils; stone-headed axes and adzes; relationships run ... A single artij. be a coconut fibre fishing lines: brooms; European nexus between persons, eg a spea r which p> clothing (calico), European tradestore goods and from father to son by gift or inheritance is a tools Other items such as bows, arrows, bamboo symbol oftheir relationship and one ofthe bonds knives., spe-ars and spearthrowers may also have

by which it is maintained Thus people not only been artefacts of warfare as well as subsistence. create their material culture and attach themsel*

ves to it but also build up their relationships through it and see them in terms ofn. Ornamentatkxn and Dress No item of material culture exists in isolation Objects used as personal adornment for the from other material phenomena of that society, head, arms, body, legs and feet, as well as items nor does it exist apart from the beliefs and be- used as daily clothing, such as fibre skirts, plaited haviours of the memhers of that society. The belts and bands, are included in this category. interaction between objects, the human members Those artefacts of ornamentation and dress ex- Of society and the societal institutions, is a net- changed across the Torres Strait and Fly estuary work or a system of interaction. This system of region included: various types of shell ornamems; 1 dogs teeth and boars* tusks; plaited and feather interaction can perhaps more correctly be called headdresses; feather plumes; fibre skirts; a 'material system' (ReynoldsJ 984a:64). The frontlets; plaitwork, especially used as armguai ds focus of material culture studies is. therefore, not and leglcts; feathers from cassowaries, birds of the study of artefacts in isolation but the relation- paradise* Torres Strait pigeons, herons, and par- ship the material phenomena and Man between rots: ochres; threaded seeds, and teeth and bone within a cultural context, that is, within the ornaments. material system. Artifactual evidence, together with oral evidence, forms one of die primary sources of Recreation, Ceremony and Dance material for the study of the culture of prebterate Objects exchanged across the Torres Strait and peoples. Fly estuary region wcrerdrams. masks, bamboo Material culture research, combining a tobacco pipes, turtle shell (for masks), seed pod should a critical study of historical evidence, rattles, and shell trumpets. together with an examination of material and oral evidence, provides an alternative to the linear and narrative methodologies of traditional historical studies. Material culture researchers, however, War i Artefacts of warfare included in the exchange have been slow to recognize the importance of system uvene; bows, arrows, bamboo knives, cas- establishing, as their theoretical base, the need to sowary bone daggers, human skulls and heads. study the artefact within a cultural context. To cane loops for holding human heads, spears. emphasize the value of cultural context, ideally spearthrowers, and stone-headed clubs.

indigenous l I as si ilea lory system, it is within an Usage, that is, the application of the artefact fur object necessary to understand the function of an a purpose, is closely related to function. How The study of material culture based on function ever, the usage of the artefact may be altered by stresses the need for and purpose of an artefact. the intention of the user. Form and function arc The purpose of each object may be classed iftlO related but so are function and usage. This three one of the following four groups; cornered relationship may be represented as: 338 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

FORM Shells obtained by the coastal Kiwai, from the Torres Strait Islanders, were used by both Papuans and Islanders for a variety of domestic utensils, for pottery was unknown in this region. USAGE FUNCTION The principal use of bailer shells (Melo sp) was as a pot for boiling food. One such shell (Appen- dix F, 4; Fig. 49), shows evidence of use as a DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF THE cooking pot. Old shells were also used as canoe MATERIAL CULTURE OF CUSTOMARY bailers. Other shells such as Fusus sp.. Cassis sp. EXCHANGE IN THE TORRES STRAIT and Tridacna sp. were used as water vessels AND FLY ESTUARY REGION (Haddon, 1912: 122; Moore, 1984:64) particulary in the central islands. ARTEFACTS OF SUBSISTENCE Stone Tools A variety of subsistence strategies operated Landtman stated (1927:33) that the common across the Torres Strait. The eastern islands of the implement was the stone axe, or adze, and was Torres Strait were the most fertile and, parts of emphatic that the origin of all stone used by all the low northern islands close to the SW coast of coastal Papuan peoples was the Torres Strait Is- PNG were cultivated seasonally. The western lands. While the only naturally occurring stone Islanders, whose islands were not very fertile and along the SW coast is the granitic outcrop of subject to considerable seasonal variation, were Mabudawan it was his assumption that stone mostly hunters and gatherers who cultivated tools were obtained by exchange with the Torres some wild yams and other seasonal foods. The Strait Islanders. 'According to what I was told at central Islanders, inhabiting the low sandy cays, Mawata, the Torres Strait Islanders obtained the were able to grow only coconuts and some stones out of which axes (or adzes) and club- bananas. They were, however, predominantly heads were made principally from the bottom of fishermen and obtained vegetable foods for fish the sea, by diving. The diver had a long rope from the eastern islands. attached underneath one shoulder, by which his The material culture of customary exchange companions in the canoe helped him up to the reflects the the distribution importance of of surface when loaded with a heavy stone ... The material items of subsistence prior to European shaping of the stone was effected by a hammer colonial intervention. Specific items of material stone ... and the grinding by means ofa somewhat culture are described with reference to significant softer stone' (Landtman, 1933:45). museum collections. Mabudawan, according to Landtman (1927: 45), was the principal centre where grinding Shell Implements and Shell Utensils stones were obtained by the Kiwai-speaking Coastal Papuans, in former times, used shell people of Mawatta, and exchanged with peoples hoes (Appendix F, 1-3; Fig.48) for clearing gar- further east, and into the Fly estuary. The rocky dens and digging in preparation for planting hill at Mabudawan was also an important place in (Landtman, 1933:23). Although Haddon (1912, the Sido legend of the Kiwai. The true origin of

IV: 144) stated that, in his opinion, it did not stone axe and adze heads remains obscure, al- appear that the Torres Strait Islanders had though considering their number in museum col- adopted the use of the shell 'axe* he collected lections, they constituted significant items of examples from the eastern islands subsistence material culture. (Moore, 1984:63,99). One shell hoe collected by Haddon, on a visit to Yam Island in 1914, was Haddon has been provenanced to Mer, while the shown an isolated place in the bush which he other which Moore attributed to the Torres Strait stated was called Konakan, where large stone in general has been termed a 'Miriam* [i.e. east- slabs with deep depressions, were used as grind- ern island] shell axe by Haddon (1912, IV: 126, ing stones for the manufacture of stone imple- fig. 159). Haddon also noted a number of 'shell ments (Haddon,1935,I, pi. 1, figs 1,2; pl.2, fig.l). axe blades' from Mer (Haddon,1912, IV:126, The stone slabs at Konakan may still be seen fig. 160). It would appear therefore, that among today (Teske [1987?]:39; Fig.50). According to the Torres Strait Islanders who practised regular Teske([1987?]:36) these grooves were caused by horticulture the use of shell hoes or 'axes' was the Yam Islanders as they ground the heads of common. stone axes (gabagaba) and are called 'table CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 339

FIG. 48. Shell hoe (NMF VK 4902:563). stones' by present day Islanders. Haddon (1935, long before European contact with Aboriginal 1:88) noted that eastern Islanders brought groups along the eastern peninsula. The extent of armshells to Awridh and exchanged these for this intermittent contact has been well docu- stone for clubs and other items and that stone for mented (Moore, 1979). making club-heads, presumably stone axe and There are, therefore, a number of possibilities adze heads, was obtained from the rocky Sir for the origin of stone used in weapons and tools. Charles Hardy and Forbes Islands off the coast of Eastern Islanders may have obtained stone from north Queensland. islands off the eastern Cape York region near Grenville or the central It would appear, however, that Torres Strait Cape by exchange from Islanders journeyed even further south than the and western Islanders. Stone was then further exchanged the eastern Islanders to the Fly Forbes Islands in search of stone: 'The Koko Ya'o from estuary region and from the western and central [Kuuku-Ya'u speaking people] of Lloyd Bay, Islanders to the coastal and riverine dwelling which is the greatest stronghold on the [Cape peoples west of the Fly estuary. The exchange in York] Peninsula of hero cults of Papuan type stone is certainly one area which requires exten- [Thomson, 1 933], stated that the peoplefrom Tor- sive research but regrettably the use of stone res Strait came frequently in big canoes to declined over a century ago and the oldest in- Mitirindji (Quoin Island) off the mouth of the habitants of the region, who often worked away Pascoe River, to obtain supplies ofstonefor their from the home villages in their youth, have little axes ..: (Thomson, 1939a:82). accurate recollection of the origin and exchange Thomson believed that this was further of pre-European tools. evidence of the contact and exchange between The possibility that stone was also transported Islanders and Aborigines of Cape York Penin- down the Fly River was mentioned by Haddon sula. The green turtle nesting sites of Eel Reef lie between Quoin Island and the mainland. It is most likely, therefore, that Torres Strait Islanders jour- neyed south on hunting and fishing expeditions

FIG. 50. Table* stones, used for grinding stone axe heads, located at Konakan on Yam. Reproduced with FIG. 49 Shell cooking and boiling utensil (NMF VK permission from Teske (19877:39). 4902:418). 340 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

certain being or man named Monubi [or Monuhi (Landtman, 1933:46)], who had come from far away. The shape ofan axe is infact, very like that ofa human front tooth.'' Knowledge of their hafting and use was still strong as Landtman noted (1933:46) during his fieldwork in 1910-1912, and this skill can still be demonstrated in some Fly estuary villages. Among the Kiwai, the stone axe heads were hafted with the cutting edge parallel to the handle between two blocks of timber, which were then strongly bound on to an elbow or shoulder of timber. An adze head was hafted in a similar fashion, but with the cutting edge horizontal to the vertical wooden handle. The size of the blade varies considerably. The largest examined in this research was housed in the Landtman collection in Helsinki, it measured 540mm in length. It would have required enormous strength, or two

men, to lift it, when hafted. Documentation re-

FIG. 5 1 . Stone axe heads (QM E4593, E10767).

(1898:221): 7n this district [Iasa on Kiwai Is- land] there are a number of very large stone implements (the largest I saw in Chalmers house [at Saguane] was 18 inches long). They are now placed round the graves but their significance is now entirely lost. The large implements are so cumbersome and heavy that it is difficult to see how many ofthem could ever have been used and I suspect that they were merely articles ofbarter - money infact. As no stone occursfor many miles and none (of this kind) is known in the district - the implements have in all probability come down from the Fly River, and it is also probable that stone implements have been out of use for per- haps a century owing to the natives getting iron from passing ships and wrecks and then bartering it to their neighbours, thus in two or three genera- tions the knowledge of stone implements could ' readily die out. The shape of all the larger axes or adze heads in museum collections is the same and quite distinctive. All are fine grained closely textured igneous rocks which appear to be holocrystalline. They are generally basalt or basaltic andesite, or andesite todacite but in general would appear to be volcanic or shallow intrusive rocks (Stephen- son [1986]). As Landtman (1927:34) remarked: 'As regards the shape of the stone axes, the Marindanim [the Tugeri] on the Dutch side ofthe boundary [now ] have a tradition ac- cording to which, the first axe of this kind was obtained from one of the very large teeth of a FIG. 52. Stone headed axe (NMF VK 4902:528). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 341

_

wBSSm* ^. \

FIG. 53. Shaping and cleaning the outside of a canoe hull using a metal axe, Madame village, Fly estuary. lated to a similar stone blade, 420mm long (AM the historical documentary evidence. Shifts in the E57076), stated that it was the axe used to kill meaning of loan words are common in human Rev. Chalmers at . While this history and, as McBryde (1986:87) noted, the use questioned it demonstrates the statement may be of a loan word may be a reasonable assumption wide distribution of these particular distinctively that the object too was borrowed from another shaped stone tools (Appendix F, 5-9; Figs 51,52). culture. In the case of the introduction of iron into The word turik (Kala Langaw Ya), tulik (Me- the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region it will riam), or turika (Kiwai), meaning metal knife, to be, however, a speculation. was common among Torres Strait Islanders continue matter of during the early contact period. Swadling Because of earlier contacts with Europeans, the (1983:91) cited as the origin of the term the word introduction of iron tools in the Torres Strait turika used for metal knife by some people on predated introduction of iron into coastal Papua. Seram in Indonesia and commented that 7/ is Stone tools were observed in Fly estuary villages quite likely that Seramese traders oncejourneyed during the course of this research, so knowledge to the Torres Strait islands and Trans Fly coast. of the manufacture and hafting of stone tools has during the This trade probably ceased been retained in the Fly estuary region.

. there is no reference Napoleonic War* However, It is evident, however, that prior to European to this source of information. Speculation on the intrusion into the region the exchange of stone origin of the word turika was tools was an integral part of the customary ex- originally made by Hughes (1977a:25). Haddon change system across Torres Strait, and, with the (1912, IV:129) remarked that Islanders knew of arrival of European iron and trade store tools, the iron prior to Flinders' voyage through the Strait in 1792 although he was unable to determine the replacement of iron for stone into the customary origin of the terms turik, tulik or turika. Oral exchange system was a logical, that is efficient, testimony does not supply any answers, nor does and rapid functional substitution. ,

342 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Canoes against illness. Attached to Ihe top of the wooden Formerly canoes were hollowed out using splash board of Torres Strait canoes was a carved stone tools. It follows, therefore, that the intro- wooden figurehead decorated with cassowary duction of iron tools permitted easier and more feather plumes obtained from PNG. These sophisticated manufacture of canoes. The marit- decorations were confined to the Torres Strait ime technology of the Tones Strait Islanders and and, according to Haddon (1912, lV:20?j (his the Kiwai Papuans was of ihe highest order *the figurehead or dogai was fitted to canoes on Saibai canoes (of the Islanders of Mer] are very long and on the journey from the place of origin in the Fly narrow; swimmingly light, which renders the aid estuary to the eveniual owner in the Torres Strait. ofoutriggers necessary to prevent their upsetting. Examples of figureheads were also collected by These outriggers consist of two long bamboo Haddon (Moore, 1984:50,59, pis 10.23; Haddon. Saibai, possibly spars laid and fastened with grass ropes across 1912. IV:2l4? fig.209) from the centre of the canoe, distant from each other Dauan, and Mabuiag. about sixfeet [two metres], and on the outer ends The early description by Sweatman explains, ofthese two spars, on either side, another spar is more fully, the construction of the most important tied parallel to the canoe itself about seven feet subsistence artefact of the Erub Islanders; 'Their

[two and a half metres!from it, thai is, beyond canoes are very large, up to 70 feet long, and the gunwale or edge, and resting on the surface capable ofcarrying 25-30people with ease: they ofthe water, which, ofcourse, must considerably are cut from a single tree, broad andfull in the impede the velocity of the vehicle, but which-ef bow, but narrower and rising out of the water feaively prevents the risk of upsetting The space abaft, with topgallant bulwarks of bark neatly berween the cross span on the canoe, and to the d on and rising about afoot above the bow. distance ofabout two feet [two thirds of a metre] Twer outriggers extend about 6 feet on each side beyond its gunwale or edge on each side is fitted of the canoe amidships, to the ends of which r.v orfdted up wish a bamboo hurdle, covered with fastened a long canoe-shapedpiece oflight wood a #rms mar. '(Rutherford, 1834:195). which prevents the narrow vesselfrom capsizing Many descriptions of early canoes of the Ti and also adds a good deal to buoyancy. The Strait Islanders mention the fine construction and amidships part of these is decked over so as to able seamanship of the Islanders. Outrigger form a kind of platform, on part of which same canoes were first noted by Torres in 1606 earth Lx usually laid by way ofa fireplace. At the (Stevens & Barwick. 1930; 159; Hilder.l 980:76). end of each side of the platform is built a sort of although the most accurate early descriptions netting in which to keep provisions, fisfting tackle

were made by Flinders (1814. I:xxni;H:ih). Mac- Ac .. They sometimes carry a large mat sail of Gilhvray (1852, It J 6-17) noted construction of an oblong shape which is stuck up in the bow of canoes near Cape York using Bombox sp. and the canoe, there being two masts in one step but Erythhna sp. limbers. wide apart at the top, and the sail being trimmed Wlnle canoes may have been constructed out by hftiding of the masts aft, or vice verse of Bombox sp., particularly B. ceiba, the wild (Sweatman, 1842-47:70-72; Allen & Corris. kapok tree, which is a light softtimber. Esythrina 1977*35} sp. timbers would generally have been suitable The variety of canoes used in the Torres Strait only for outriggers as the wood is very soft and and Fly estuary can be attributed to the functional spongy. According to Maiden (1975:386, 426- needs of the Islanders and coastal Papuans for:

427) such timbers have been commonly used by *The main utility of the canoe ... was in moving Australian Aboriginal people as watexcrart Had* small communities from one island to another don (1912. IV207.214, fig.209) stated that and in hunting turtle und dugong. While a xnudl

decorated vertical boards were inserted in iIil* canoe migltt be adequate for fishing, a large

bows and sterns of the canoes in former times canoe was clearly advantageous in hunting ... According to Landtman (1933:77| it was also With more people on htmrd, there Wl$ ij/w; common practice for the people of Ihe Fly estuary greater security in the event of a hostile en- to place these oblong shicid-like boards in the counter' (Beckett J972:3I3). bows of canoes supported by stays and decorated At present ihe coastal Papuan peoples, espe- with leaves. The carved and ochred design was cially the Kiwai-^peakirig peoples of the SW

into 1 placed facing the canoe (Landtman, 93 3:2 ! coast and coastal dwelling Agob, Gizra, Bine and fig*22). Gope, as Landtman termed these boards, Gidra-speaking peoples retain, mainly due to the were also hung outside longhoaises as protection high cost of fuel and other economic reasons, a CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 343

along the coast and estuary can easily distinguish one group of canoes from another. One example is known of a single outrigger canoe from the SW coast in a museum collection (Appendix F. 10; Fig.55). A The second type of dugout log canoe is the puputo (pe) used principally by the Kiwai people near Daru, but also by some Oriomo and Binaturi River people who obtained their canoes from their eastern neighbours. The puputo has two outriggers, built up washstrakes and a large plat- form deck built over raised planked sides (Figs 56-59); the main sail is square. The puputo is used by littoral Kiwai as an all- purpose fishing vessel and for carrying groups of people to and from Torres Strait and Fly estuary vil lages. The puputo is similar to the larger motomoto (pe) but is lighter

FIG. 54. Tataku loaded with tradestore goods leaving and carries only one mast and two sails. It is Dam for the Fly estuary. useful in coastal waters and can be handled by a smaller crew. variety of sailing canoes (jw) based on the The motomoto is the largest double outrigger original dugout principle (Figs 53, 54). The main canoe used in Torres Strait; it has two masts and coastal and riverine watercraft is the tataku (pe), three sails, gaff rigged in lugger style (Figs 60- a small single outrigger canoe. It is long and 62). The motomoto is heavy and slow and re- narrow, and therefore used for fishing, travelling quires a large crew but is excellent on long trips, to garden places along the rivers and in the fish- especially to the middle of the Torres Strait or the for-garden foods exchange between riverine Warrior Reef, as it can safely transport a large dwelling peoples and the littoral dwelling Kiwai. group of people, together with considerable Generally, a tataku takes three or four people cargo. Turtles can be carried under the platform comfortably and can be either paddled or sailed, erected over the outrigger booms although using a single cloth sail. Along the SW coast, the dugong are usually carried on top of this platform Kiwai, particularly in Katatai and Kadawa area due to their bulk and weight. Motomoto are now near Dam, use a square cloth sail. The Fly estuary almost exclusively used by the Mabudawan and people, and particularly the Kiwai Islanders, use Masingara people who must, by necessity, travel an inverted triangular sail (Fig. 54). Thus people long distances over difficult waters to reach Daru

FIG. 55. Portion of tataku showing attachment holes for booms (QM E10O48). 344 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

FIG. 56. Adding a platform deck and planked sides to a canoe hull using adze fitted with a metal blade, Kadawa village, SW coast.

W

FIG. 57. Double outrigger, single masted pupto canoe 'Delasa' and single outrigger, single masted tataku canoe at Dam. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 345

k

FIG. 58. 'Delasa' loaded and being made ready for sail, Fly estuary.

FIG. 59 'Delasa' fully loaded and sail set, pandanus mats and tradestore goods on platform deck, leaving Kadawa for Kiwai Is. 346 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

small platform but is used in conjunction with an outboard motor and no sail. Gorowae canoes are uncomfortable and dangerous as passengers are completely exposed. However, they are fast and can be used in swampy areas or in the narrow rivers around Daru Island and the nearby coastal fishing areas but cannot be used on long open sea voyages. While used to carry supplies to and from Daru the principal function of the gorowae is as a transport for small groups of people. The canoe was the most important item of material culture for both Torres Strait Islanders and coastal and riverine people of the SW coast of PNG prior to the introduction of European maritime technology. Occupation of island, inter- ethnic contact and the maintenance of some form FIG. 60. Villagers from Masingara manhandling of equilibrium in the subsistence pattern across motomoto across beach at Binaturi River. Torres Strait would not have been possible without a sufficiently sophisticated maritime or the Torres Strait islands. They are ideally technology. suited for carrying large cargoes of artefacts, Haddon (1908, VI: 186) and Landtman (1927: people, foodstuffs and raw materials. 214-215) described formal or ceremonial prac- People in the upper reaches of the Pahoturi tices associated with the exchange of valued

' River and at Waidoro, which has very restricted items. Although Landtman stated . .. in the canoe access to the open sea, use another form of canoe traffic, as in any otherform of barter, there is no called a gorowae. It has only one outrigger and a clearly marked difference between actual com-

FIG. 61 . Double outrigger, double masted motomoto canoe owned by the Masingara village leaving the Binaturi River mouth carrying garden foods for sale in Daru market. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 347

FIG. 62. Motomoto with sails set, leaving the mouth of the Binaturi River for fishing trip to Warrior Reef.

merce and the exchange offriendly presents ', he as the life of the canoe. Various middlemen along recorded precisely the formality of such an 'ex- the route taken by the canoe, accepted gifts or change of friendly presents' in the westerly armshells in payment. When the canoe was movement of canoes from the Fly estuary and broken up a portion of the canoe and an armshell into the Torres Strait and the easterly movement or a dog's teeth necklace were sent back to the of a variety of artefacts in 'payment' or exchange. maker as final payment. Transactions were per- Canoes were paid for in instalments for as long formed in an atmosphere of strict honesty and the seller of the canoe was obliged to provide food for the long journey from the maker's village to the purchaser's village. The middlemen who regulated movement of the canoe along the path from village to village and who received various presents and counter gifts, were also required to provide gifts of food and shelter for men making the journey. In the eastern islands, particularly on Mer, ex- ternal exchange with Papua passed through the hands of the Komet group of people. A man requiring a canoe from the Fly estuary gave an armshell to a man of the Komet clan who then

passed it, with other gifts, through intermediaries FIG. 63. Tiro mat made from strips of padanus leaf of in the Fly estuary. As a sewn together. In former times used as mat sail on to a maker canoes canoes, now used as as a sleeping mat or water proof symbol of the contract the canoe vendor (who cover. (JCU 86.4.7). was most likely the maker) returned a long bam- 3 98 MEMOIKS OF I HE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

boo pole, calked seker (u (Mcriamj, to which the archaeology of the obsidian trade* in the counter gifts, such as cassowary feathers, dance Admiralty Islands, stated (1978:328-29): The ornaments, bird of paradise plumes, dogs* teeth key to the success of the Manus traders was the necklaces, mats, bows and arrows and fibre skirts mobility and carrying capacity of their sailing were attached. This passed through the hands of canoes and the special products and specializa- various intermediaries from village to village, tion of the other groups they traded between*. island and to island > along the route taken by the This point was further reinforced by Allen's canoe from the Fly estuary back to Mer. Mid- statement: Vawes [in PNG] provided the means dlemen extracted gifts and added gifts and even- by which the economic systems ofthe coasts and tually the seker lu ended up in the hands of the Is took on a differentformfrom inland ones' Komel man who had sponsored the exchange. (AllenJ 982:203). The motivation to maintain ex- The sponsor and the purchaser symbolically cut change relations, often over long distances of 1 a cord, signifying the 'severing of the lien (Had- open sea, was social as well as economic. don, 1908, VI: 186) and presents were exchanged. Ambrose (1978:329) noted that the desire to While this system complements that described achieve status in the socially important internal by Landtman, there appears to be little contem- distributions of wealth was the driving force for porary knowledge of such a system. Sam Passi the maximization of external exchange ad- (pers comm., 1984) stated that the exchange sys- vantages. tem was based on exchange friendships Men The canoe was the means by which inter-eth- knew each others wauri tebud (literally armshell nic, as well as inira-ethnic exchange was friend) and Passi stated that the Komel clan had facilitated. Thus the utilisation of large canoes for wauri tebud right through the eastern islands and long distance voyaging provided Islanders and into PNG as well as into the western islands from Papuans with an expansion of a limited subsis- whom they obtained ochres and feathers. tence base and a means for the distribution of The formality of exchange partnerships, prin- surpluses during the good seasons and the ac- cipally based on the exchange of ornaments for quisition of food during the poor seasons. The canoes, the main artefact of subsistence for the maintenance of inter- ethnic kinship ties based on Islanders, stimulated and activated the How of clan associations, of intercommunity marriage other materia) culture items, notably artefacts of relations, and even of the conduct of local and ornamentation and dress but also other objects inter- regional warfare would not have been pos- used in daily life, recreation and warfare. sible for isolated insular and coastal groups The importance of a canoe to communities without the use of large canoes. involved in exchange relationships was em- The use of sailing canoes continues among the

phasised by Ambrose (1978) who s in his study of coastal Papuans Economic reasons, such as the

FIG. 64. Pandanus mat (NMF VK4902 :7 M CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 349

watercraft profoundly affected the customary ex- change system. As Islanders no longer required canoes obtained from PNG, they no longer needed to obtain shells for exchange. Papuans working on the pearling boats during this period were also in a more favoured position for obtain- ing their own shells and so customary exchange between Islanders and Papuans declined. Trades- tore goods and a cash economy, especially in the Torres Strait islands, further assisted the decline in customary exchange across the region.

Mats and Baskets Mats, baskets and other plaited articles, such as belts and bands, were important exchange items between Islanders and Papuans. The variety of FIG. 65. Pandanus mat, rolled, showing plaiting tech- forms and manufacture was noted by Quiggin nique (JCU 85.14.3). (1912:63) who also remarked: 'Basketry and high cost of outboard motors and the irregular plaitwork are the most important of the native supply of motor fuel, prevent widespread use of arts of the Torres Strait Islanders, though here European watercraft. Torres Strait Islanders no also, as isfound to be the case with so many other longer use sailing or motorized canoes. European artefacts now in use, importations from New watercraft completely superseded canoes, pos- Guinea are met ...' sibly around the 1930s, when the use of luggers While manufacture of basketry and mats is still became widespread. The adoption of European an important skill among Islander women, the

FIG. 66. Woman weaving fine pandanus leaf mat, Kadawa village. Coils of dyed and undyed pandanus on mat in foreground. 350 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

FIG. 67. Coconut leaf carrying basket (NMFVK 4902:3940).

'importation' of mats and baskets by the coastal The common form of pandanus mat was made Papuan people has a very significant place in the from slips of pandanus leaf sewn, not plaited, customary exchange system and continues to be together. This mat could also be folded one of the most visible aspects of its continuing lengthwise and then rolled up for storage (Landt- existence. Plaited mats, from both coconut or man, 1933:21, fig.22). Such mats are no longer pandanus leaf, are still items of daily use in Is- made nor used in Torres Strait but are still used lander and Papuan homes. This applies even in in coastal Papua where they are principally used as 'sleeping bags' they are mainland Australian cities. The spreading of mats because warm and waterproof if outside or on the has social as well as practical meaning. Guests used deck of a canoe. According to Landtman (1927:41) they are welcomed in Islander and Papuan homes by were also used as rain hoods. Quiggin (1912:67- placing clean, often new, mats on floors or out- 68) described this old form of mat and the tech- side sealing platforms. As Landtman (1933:64) nique of manufacture. In Kiwai it is usually stated in former times a man, conducted into a referred to as a tiro and Landtman (1927:41) mens' house, would have been filled with stated that this form of mat came originally from foreboding if no mats had been spread for him for Kiwai Island (Appendix F, 1 1 ,12; Fig. 63). it signified that blood could be shed without fear The now commonly used pandanus leaf mat, of soiling valued mats. Mais arc also cool and soft called in Kiwai hawa (Appendix F, 1 3,14; figs 64. to sleep on and, particularly in hot and rainy 65), was introduced to Kiwai Island from Mawat- times, are still preferred to European-style beds ta. It is therefore possible that the tiro was intro- and mattresses which cannot be aired nor dried duced into the Torres Strait from the Fly estuary easily. along with canoe hulls and other exchange items. In former times, plaited mats were used as sails Conversely, the coconut leaf mat commonly on canoes both in Torres Strait and the Fly estuary made in the eastern and central islands may have IV:65,67, figs (Haddon,1912 ( pl.26, 1,2). These been introduced to the coastal Papuan region mat sails were generally made from pandanus from the Torres Strait for it is generally con- leaf (Haddon,1912, 1V:209) although it is prob- sidered to be more recent in origin than the tiro able that coconut leaf mats were used as well. mat. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 351

by some older men as 'magic* bags. These bags are brought through the Agob and Bine areas from the Suki region of the middle Fly and for this reason are generally referred to as 'Sulci bags*. Soft plaited bags (Appendix F, 16; Fig.69; Moore, 1984:42, pl.l) are said to come from the area inland from Buji to the north of Saibai. A similar bag called by Quiggin in Haddon (1912,

IV:84, pi. 1 7, fig.2) a 'check basket of Flagellaria' v was obtained on Mer. It is apparent that Suki bags' were important exchange items and con- tinue to be popular accessories. Handles of bas- kets may be made from strips of fibre simply attached by knots, or may be elaborate plaited

bands, usually* of pandanus as it is softer than coconut leaf.

FIG. 68. 'Sulci* basket showing fine patterning (NMF VK4902:402).

Coconut leaf baskets have been made in the Torres Strait islands and in Papua; they are used principally for carrying garden foods and per- sonal belongings. One form of basket, made from the green coconut leaf, is also used as a disposable rubbish basket. However, the supermarket carry- bag is replacing this form of basket and, along with the disposable plastics, cans and containers, is adding to environmental problems around vil- lage areas. Quiggin (1912:72-86) detailed the form, type, function and manufacture of Torres Strait bas- ketry, and stated that all basketry was plaited (with the exception of one basket, of unknown origin, used to hold a stone top seen on Mer). Landtman noted (1927:40) that, in the coastal Papuan region adjacent to Torres Strait, basketry was made by exactly the same method as des- cribed by Quiggin (Fig.67). This still appears to be the case. Another type of fine grass or tuberous root

basket is readily available on Daru. These soft and beautifully decorated baskets (Landtman, FIG. 69. Dugong harpoon showing shaft and butt ends 1927:41; Appendix F, 15; Fig.68) were, and still and harpoon dart (NMF VK4902: 586. 587, & 588). are, used largely by men for personal articles and 352 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

FIG. 70. Dugong rope from plaited bush fibre (NMF VK4902:527).

Dugong Harpoons sowary feathers and the butt end finely carved or Along the SW coast canoes were used for fish- incised (Haddon,1912, IV, pl.23). Landtman col- ing and for hunting dugong and turtle. In former lected a similar harpoon from Mawatta (Appen- times, dugong were also hunted from stationary dix F, 17-19; Fig.69). As items of exchange the harpooning platforms (narato). The technique of dugong harpoon was highly regarded. This was using a dugong harpoon was taught to the coastal noted by Haddon: 'The Miriam [eastern Island- Papuans by the Torres Strait Islanders along with ers] valued them [harpoons] more as ornaments rituals and magic used in association with hunting or works ofart, and like the imported spears they (see Landtman, 1933:26-29). The principal ar- indicated the wealth of the owner; they were tefact used by both Islanders and coastal Papuans exchanged or given as presents at marriages. The in hunting dugong was the harpoon, wop (Torres wooden shafts of fishing spears, likewise, con- Strait) or wapo (Kiwai). The harpoon consisted stituted important items of exchange.* (Haddon, of a small barbed head, often made from a piece 1912, IV: 169). Thus the harpoon, like many other of broken harpoon shaft, inserted into a terminal artefacts, could have both subsistence as well as hole in the butt end of the harpoon itself (Had- ceremonial functions. don,1912, IV:166, pi. 23, fig. 1-4; Landtman, 1933:27,28). The harpoon dart was attached to a Ropes long buoyant rope which was tied, either to the Ropes made from lawyer cane (Calamus sp.) or canoe, or in former times, to the dugong platform. possibly coconut root fibres as well as eight-ply The harpoon, especially the butt end, was often dugong ropes (Appendix F, 20, Fig.70) made made from wongai wood brought from the from the tough climbing Apocynacea plant were Papuan mainland, for although wongai grows on also brought from Papua into the Torres Strait. many Torres Strait islands its timber is not con- This buoyant rope was an essential part of the sidered as suitable as that from the mainland. Fine dugong harpoon equipment. dugong harpoons were still being made on Boigu Island by Charlie Gibuma, who obtained his won- Brooms gai timber from the Buji people on the PNG Brooms made from coconut leaf midribs have mainland. Haddon (1912, IV: 169) stated that been exchange items since former times. Brooms originally fine harpoons came from Muralag and continue to be significant items of exchange be- Mabuiag Islands. The shaft ends of the harpoons, tween Papuans and Islanders although they are in former times, were often decorated with cas- rarely collected by museums. It is still common ' )

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 353

for boih Islander and Papuan women, both in the understand this decline, this is in the Bamu ft Torres Strait region and on the Australian main- They [the Bamu River people] sold to the Wabada land, to use coconut leaf bnooms both indoors and people, whi> res-old to the Kiwai people and then outdoors in preference to European style brooms. on to Mawatta and the Straits

Bamboo Water Containers ARTEFACTS OF ORNAMENTATION AND Bamboo water containers (Landtman. 1933 61 DRESS were used on canoes and by people travelling to gardens and fishing places (Appendix F. 21; Fig. Shells 71) In former times Torres Strait Islander and Other subsistence items, noted in both oral coastal Papuan men generally went naked. testimony and historical documentary literature, However, as Landtman (1933:33) and Haddon such as stone heads for clubs, bows and arrows, I 1935 (;297) noted, a common item of men's spears and spearthrowers, cassowary bene dag- ; along the S W coast, in the Fly estuary and gers and bamboo knives will be examined under in the Torres Strait, in former times was the the heading - artefacts used in warfare - for these pubic shell (Appendix F, 22). The pubic shell objects, despite alternative uses, wci pally u as not worn at all times and, according to oral used as weapons by their makers. testimony, the inland riverine dwelling peoples did not wear pubic shells al all, Pubic shells European Tradbstore Goods were generally made from bailer (Melo sp.) The introduction of European tradestore goods shells and were often incised with designs. In such as metal axes, knives, metal spikes, ropes, most cases the pubic sheli covered the genitals s-.ii Is and textiles, saw the decline in the use of However, Landtman (1933:34. fig.40) showed many of the items noted above. European trades- the pubic shell worn as a cover only over the lore goods were functional substitutes for ; For warfare or for ceremonial occasions Materia] culture items used and made by boih and dances, coconut leaf skirts and belts were Islanders and Papuans prior to European contact. worn with a variety of other* often elaborate, John Cowling who had run a pearling station and ornamentation, such as arm. leg, nose and ear store in (Haddon. 1898:225 . decorations, masks, headdresses, necklaces on Mabuiag 1898 : commented on the distances over which trades- and breast ornaments. tore goods passed from hand to hand across the Haddon collected a shell pubic cover in I S^S Torres Strait when he wrote:' when I first went on Mer similar to those prnvenanced to Kiwai to the Bamu in (18] 98 1 was surprised So see the Island and the Fly River ( Moore,! 984 ^ 7, prints the natives were wearing that I had sold in pl.76). Other examples in the Landtman col- Mabuiag. / know they were mine as I bought them lection are not decorated with incised designs from patterns sent from Manchester and im- and show the usual variety in size. A shell pubic ported direct, no otfier store had them, buff) cover from Mer (Appendix F, 23; Fig. 71 one instance of the distance trade-goods described as dance ornaments worn on the hips. trawl and change hands, to give you another Shell pubic covers may be decorated with but- instance, I visited a village in the Bamu that I had tons and calico attachments (Appendix F, 24), difficulty //i making friends, 1 found there a neck- An example (Appendix F, 25 )< collected in River, indicates their lace of scented bark they told me they rW % 1886 from the Fly wide from another distant village. geographical distribution. The museum Some indication of the long-term impact of register states that since the introduction of the European tradestore goods and the ttttec ;s petticoat" shell pubic covers have not European watercrafton customary exchange was worn. However, this is inaccurate for the given in a letter from Cowling, then at Mibu fibre skins were worn by women and thepublic plantation, to Gunrvar Landtman dated June 2, shells by men

191 1 (Landtman n.±): 'When I first come to the The introduction of European clothing, and

Straits [in] 1S96 Mawatta was a great trading mission control led to the demise of both the Shcl I centre in canoes the ' used to sail d er to pubic cover worn by men, and the fibre skirt worn the Straits in the .Vorfth] West and sell them, now by women, on all occasions except when d own boars; also the Strait native and this ores* was acceptable, in which case the shell was trade has now dwindled away, but W the fountain worn on men's hips miner (nan as a pubic cover.

head the canoes were made, [they t tin r It U*:n became common tor the fibre skirts, to be where ] ,

354 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

worn by women over cotton dresses and for men Use of the to wear the pubic shells over lava-lavas. leaves of the All pubic shells and all shells used as body 'water wort or ornaments, were obtained, by exchange, from flag* plant, known Torres Strait Islanders. as tagar (western islands) or teger (eastern islands), and possibly of the Rbre Skirts s Philydrum p . Women, from puberty, wore a fibre skirt as a was common for covering below the waist. The fibres were tied fibre skirts in both into a plaited belt which was then worn the Torres Strait wrapped around the waist and tied, in the Tor- islands and among res Strait this 'petticoat' (Haddon,1912, IV:60) the Aboriginal was continuous around the body and some- people of nearby times more than one fibre skirt was worn. In the Cape York (Had- 'top' western islands of Dauan and Saibai, Had- don, 1912, IV: don (1912, IV:60) noted that the band of fibre 611 was not continuous and the right thigh was shown. Hair and Nose Women's skirts were made from a variety of Ornaments

fibres, such as Philydrum sp., Ficussp. t Hibis- The hair of both cus sp., or even banana (Musa sp.) and sago men and women basts. The fibres may have been left in their was adorned with natural coiour or dyed with vegetable dyes, the combs, ochres or more common being red dye from crushed clays and women mangrove roots. These fibres and dyes were generally clipped obtained from the Papuan mainland. The fibre their hair and wore

'petticoats' of the Kiwai women in former it short. This was times consisted of two fringes, one longer than also common in the other, joined by a plaited band (Appendix neighbouring F, 26). The longer fringe wom at the back was coastal Papua. The brought forward between the legs and tucked useofwigsbymen into the waist band forming a thick fibre apron. in the Torres Strait The connection between Papuan and Islander was a common women's coverings was documented by Landt- pre-European man (1933:34): 'The same type of petticoat is fashion. Ochres

seen in Waboda, Sageru [ Wabuda Isiand, Segera were obtained village near Dibin Island] and Mawata and is from the Aborig- said by my Muwata informants to have been worn inal groups at in ancient times by the women in the Torres Strait Cape York. Torres islands.' Strait Islanders A fibre skirt (Appendix F, 27) collected in and coastal Pap- 1907 consisis of a continuous band of sago uans wore a wide palm bast plaited into a fibre waist band. Sago variety of orna- bast was obtained from mainland PNG and the ments, notably FIG. 71. Bamboo water carrier women in the eastern Torres Strait islands com- those made from (NMFVK 4902:4 12). monly a wore continuous band of fibre as an shells and teeth. In apron while the women in the western islands early times the septum of the nose was pierced wore a discontinuous band probably the result and smooth curved pieces of clam shell (Tridacna of influence from New Guinea' (Haddon, sp,), Conus sp., Cassis sp,, or even Mela sp. 1912, IV:60). A contemporary fibre skirt (Ap- pointed at both ends, inserted pendix F, 28; Fig. 73) made for use as a dance were or thick stubs skirt indicates that the methods of manufacture of clam at Cassis sp. shell were worn Long nose of the old form of women's covering arc still sticks were worn on ceremonial occasions, while understood. short nose plugs were worn more commonly CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 355

Necklaces and Breast Ornaments Necklaces and chest pendants or breast orna- ments of many types were worn. A distinction is made between necklaces, which were worn close to the throat, and breast ornaments, which were usually attached to a cord and hung to the middle of the chest. Necklaces were usually fashioned from shell, teeth or seeds. Along with breast ornaments made from the Conus sp. some of the most valued items of exchange were necklaces made from dogs' teeth attached to fibre cords. They were valuable because only the four canine teeth were taken from one dog. Dogs* teeth neck- laces were only worn by women and girls (Had- don, 191 2, IV:41). Other forms of necklaces made from many types of reef shells were also worn. One form of necklace, made from * olive' shells (Oliva sp.) was of considerable value and, ac- cording to Haddon (1912, IV:41,44), could be used as part of exchange for canoes. Shells were common ornaments worn by eastern Islanders. Seed necklaces, usually made from Coix sp. seeds, were also worn although they were more common in the western islands, where the plant was more plentiful. FIG. 72, Shell pubic cover. (QM QE4661/B). Landtman (1933:41) noted that dogs' teeth (Haddon,1912, IV:39). Nose slicks and plugs of necklaces (Appendix F, 33; Fig.74) were among similar types were worn by Islanders and Papuans the most valued ornaments of the Kiwai people. (Appendix F, 29-31; Moore,l 984:45. 69, pis 5, He stated that the base of each tooth was per- 33). forated and the tooth then attached by fibre, be- tween two fibre bands. Landtman further

FIG. 73. Fibre Skirt (JCU 86.13.3). 35fl MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

*. Dog's teeth necklace (NMF VK 4902:203). commented thai the high value placed on dogs' ibj Offair sue would be equal in value to a necklaces that strings teeth teeth was such of large shell annlet .. , to a canoe, to a dugong

ied a ' considerable part oFlhe price of a canoe harpoon, or to a wife. Three or four dibidibi he gj fcs given in exchange for a bride' . TTiey would constitute an annual instalment for a were also worn for display on ceremonial oc- canot casions. Necklaces of dogs" teelh were common- Erub Islanders obtained cone shells from rvtcr ly found along the whole SW coast as far as Irian and exchanged them with the Meuranvle who Jaya, and were, no doubt, valuable exchange lived at Kcivari on the NE side of Erub (Teske 6 :2, 60). The cone shel then passed to the Crescent-shaped breast ornaments of pearl- ?J Is Peidu-le, who lived between Bikar and Karedog shell were common tn all Torres Strati islands and constituted important exchange items right across on the NW side of Erub, then to Ugar Islanders, finally the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region. It i>: Tudu Islanders and to the coastal Papuan generally understood that pearl-shell from the peoples of the SW coast and Fly estuary. Torres Strait was exchanged as far inland as the The unmodified cone shell was perhaps the central highlands of PNG (Hughes, 1977:25). single most important item of exchange pos- Usually, most of the shell was left undecorated sessed by the Torres Strait Islanders and was in and only the outer edge incised or lightly demand by the coastal Papuan, particularly the decorated, small hole, for attachment of a cord A Kiwai -speaking people, in former times, One ex- or fibre, was bored through (he base. The shape ample, consisting of six cone shell bases strung fie pearl-shell itself was generally retained together on a plaited base forms part of the (Appendix F, 34). Landtman collection (Appendix F, 35). However, One of the most valued items of ornamentation strings of bidibidi were not as common as the was the circular polished base of the cone shell single bidibidi breast pendant found through the (MooTe.1984 70/pJ.36; Fig.75; Appends F, 36- 38) Termed bidibidi (Kiwai) and dibidibi Torres Strait and Fly estuary in former times.

(Meriam) or dihidih (Kala Lagaw Ya) it Was the Other breast ornaments of shell, European most valuable breast ornament worn by Islanders, tradestore cloth 3nd even boars' tusks were also and of singular value in the exchange of shells for worn as ornaments. Boars' tusk breast ornaments canoe hulls, particularly between Islanders and were obtained from PNG and, according to Had- Papuans. The whole of the flattened spine of the don (1912, 1 V:50), were worn on Mer at initiation shell was removed and ground down to make a ceremonies by the important men who controlled thin white disk with the upper surface generally the Malo-Bomat cult ceremonies (Moore, 1984: convex. Occasionally the edge was nicked and a 78, pi. 47). Boars' tusks were also worn as hole was bored into the side. Fibre or cloth was armlets attached as a cord. Haddon (1912, 1 V;44) stated, Haddon (1912, IV:51) observed that imitation regarding the estimated value of these shells* boars' tusk pendants could be made from the shell 'The dibidibi, even more than most ornaments, of the giant clam {Tridacna sp.) or, in the Torres except the waiwi orv/auri [armshells] ... served Strait, the shell also as- a kind oj currency. They varied much in from of the large Trochus sp. The size ami finish and had a corresponding value, tusks of wild boars were obtained from the coas- thus no table of equable exchange can be drawn tal Papuans who hunted in the open savanna lands Up* I |HaddonJ gathered that ten or twelve between the inland riverine swamps. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 357

tacean claw and a goa seed (Panguim edule). Plaited armlets and leglets were often worn by Islanders and Papuans for dances and warfare. Armlets could also be made from plaited rattan or coconut leaf. At dances crotons or other coloured leaves were inserted in these arm and leg bands which, like belts, could be plain or decorated. Forearm guards, usually worn as protection against the recoil of bow strings, and made from sago palm spathe or plaited rattan, were worn by men. Plaited armlets were often ornamented with shells, seeds or calico (Appen- ,-' dix F, 40; Fig.76). The Haddon collection also contains numerous examples of armlets called put (eastern islands) or musur (western islands) (Moore, 1984:46, 47, 58,72, pis 5,6,21 ,37). Armlets plaited from cane, coconut midrib or fibre were commonly worn across the whole Torres Strait and Fly estuary region (Appendix F, 41). Haddon also noted, basing his comments on information from John Bruce of Mer, that the fibre of the tereg plant {Philydrum sp.) used in the manufacture of armlets in the western islands and on Mer was obtained from 'New Guinea' (Haddon,1912, IV: 55). The forearm bracer was an integral part of costume during warfare and is still a part of contemporary dance accoutrements. It was usual- ly decorated with an armguard branch or plumes of cassowary feathers. The armguard described FIG. 75. Shell breast pendant dibidibi orbidibidi made by Haddon (1912, IV:57-58) was a loop or series from the base of Conus sp. (QM QE43 10). of loops of cane, often decorated with cloth or cassowary and pigeon feathers. This, cane loop Belts was representative of one or more spare bowstr- Attached to belts were varieties of shell and ings worn by coastal Papuans on the lower arm, seed ornaments, the more usual being of cowrie and had become a 'functionless dance ornament' shells (Cypraea sp.) or sp. seeds. of Coix Many in the Torres Strait islands, called kadig tarn or belts as rattles the shells which hung from served kadig tang (western islands) or tage lu (eastern especially in In coastal various dance. Papua islands). seeds shells, most commonly small cowries, and Landtman (1933:43) noted that this ornament, were attached to belts and armlets as decoration called koima (Kiwai), was commonly worn by all (Landtman, 1933:44). those Papuan peoples who habitually carried bows and arrows for hunting and fighting Armlets and Leglets (Moore, 1984:78, pl.47; Appendix F, 42, 43). Pigs 1 tusks were worn as armlets on the upper Landtman (1933:43) agreed with Haddon' s inter- arm. Haddon (1912, IV:55, fig.75) collected ex- pretation that the koima represented a spare amples from Mer where he stated they were bowstring modified to become an ornament. called girput. Two of these consisted of two tusks Undoubtedly, the most prized armlets, and the bound together with calico. Such armlets were most important artefacts in the pre-European ex- often decorated with Coix sp. seed and seed tas- change of shells for canoe hulls, were the sels (Moore,1984:77, pl.46). A similar object armshells made from Conus sp. and called wawri (Appendix F, 39) consists of two boars' tusks (western islands), wauri (eastern islands) and bound with fibre; hanging from a cord attached mabuo (Kiwai) (Appendix F, 44-46; Fig.77). through a hole in one tusk is a variety of decora- Both Haddon (1912, IV:56) and Landtman tive items including a European button, a crus- (1933:43) attested to the prized value of these arm 358 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

ornaments. Bases Both Haddon (1912, IV:56) and Landtman of cone shells were (1933:43) stated that the most highly prized cone made into breast shells were Conus litteratus. There can be little ornaments; the doubt that this finely spotted species was highly

middle parts of the valued for ornaments. However, it appears that shells were cut off armshells made from the large but not so finely and the circlets of spotted C. leopardus were more commonly used shell, with faint by Islanders and Papuans. The difference in black spots, were species may be slight however, for Kay used as ornaments (1979:374) stated that C. litteratus mille punc- for the upper arm. tatus [sic] is often used incorrectly as a synonym Even more prized, for C. leopardus although Cernohorsky especially if the (1978:129) stated that C. litteratus is smaller and shells were large, has definite markings, particularly large squarish were the top por- blackish-brown spots and a violet brown stained tions of the cone base, which are not found in C. leopardus. Had- after the removal don (1904, V:294) stated the finest shells, usually of the bases. obtained from Tudu Island or the Warrior Reef Few examples of and reefs to the east, were the principal items these valued exchanged for canoe hulls. armlets have been Armshells are no longer highly prized among collected by the Kiwai although some elders, especially men museums. The with a sense of history, still treasure old armshells Landtman collec- and are proud to display them. tion has no ex- amples of mabuo Headdresses armlets although These were made from plaited fibres, rattan and they were seen in feathers. Even the fur of the cuscus (Phalanger the field (Landt- sp.) was worn as a decorative fillet. Haddon man,1933, fig.52). (1912, IV:35) collected a cuscus fur head decora- It is perhaps in- tion at Tudu in 1888 which he stated had come dicative of the high FIG. 'from New Guinea* and Landtman 1 col- 76. Plaited upper armband value placed on ( 933:39) decoratedu with shells and a lected from Kiwai Island a similar head decora- such objects that singlei a a /xTfc*ir a>i7 J seed pod (NMF VK f , tion, with shells and rattles made from goa seeds 4902*327) Landtman was not (Appendix F, 47). It appears that these fur head- able to obtain ex- dresses were only worn during certain amples for those photographed are fine ceremonies. specimens. The shell armlets collected by the The most commonly worn men's headdress author were obtained from the official provincial was made of black cassowary feathers and was government artefact outlet on Daru. called samera oxdagui (western islands) and sam ;

FIG. 77. Armlets made from cone shells worn, in former times, as decoration for the upper arms (JCU 86.4.5 a,b & 86.13.12). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 359

5 4-56, Fig. 79), pigeon or cockatoo feathers, or pieces of European tradestore cloth (rami). In some cases the whole bird of paradise was used, its beak being used as a *pin\ All bird of paradise FIG. Cassowary feather headdress (JCU 86.4.2). 78. plumes were obtained by or dagui (eastern islands) (Haddon,191 2, IV:36). exchange This was the headdress, daguri (Kiwai), most from PNG. commonly worn by men of the SW coast of Papua The daguri and the Fly estuary (Landtman, 1933:37). was an impor- The daguri headdress in Papua was worn by tant item of mature men at dances or ceremonies or, in former male head- times, into fights and raids According to dress in war- Landtman (1933:37) young boys first put on the fare and headdress at initiation. The basic form of the dance and the headdress remained the same. Small bunches of exchange of plain, undecorated cassowary feathers were such head- bound together tightly and then, inserted into a dresses, or which usually had a stiffening plaited headband portions of of rattan. The shape of tbe headband varied only them such as slightly but the usual ceremonial or dance band bundles of was a lozenge with curved sides Two thin cords cassowary attached at the sharpened edges tied it to the head. feathers or The cassowary feathers were tightly plaited into bird of the woven fibres at the back, and the front was paradise often decorated with over plaiting and then plumes, were ochred. importan t Such headdresses (Appendix F, 48,49; Fig.78) items of ex- FIG. 79. Bundle of paradise are still made in the inland villages, notably near change be- feathers for use as attachments to Wipim, and are exchanged with riverine dwelling tween coastal cassowary feather headdresses peoples. They arc worn, nowadays, only at dan- Papuans and QMQE1M79). ces and are in much demand at Independence Day Tories Strait dance competitions. Islanders. Haddon (1912, IV:36) stated that the cassowary However, the finest headdress worn by Tones feather headdress was the most common head- Strait Islanders and coastal Kiwai-speaking dress worn by male Torres Strait Islanders in peoples was the deri (western islands), dari ( east- former limes and collected a number of examples ern islands) or dori (Kiwai) (Appendix F, 57,58; (Moore,1984:48,76,77,102, pis 7.45,78). Ac- Moore, 1984:76, pi. 44). Its importance as a cul- cording to Landtman (1933:37) it was also the that it is a most visible symbol 'most usual' head ornament of the coastal tural item is such particularly for Papuans (Appendix F, 50-53). of Torres Strait Islander culture, Variety was added to these headdresses by the the eastern Islanders. The headress consists of a addition of bird of paradise plumes (Appendix F. woven rattan frame in either an n or an m shape. v<> MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUS

Cords at the feet of the frame were lied amund ARTEFACTS OF RECREATION. the forehead so that the rattan frame stood high CEREMONY AND DANCE above the head, The feathers of the while reef heron {Demiegretta sacra) were inserted iota the The exchange of rituals, ceremonies and dances of inter-group trame To form a fan shape, Often ode long frigate constituted important symbols bonding Lipset (1985:84) slated: '...the trade bird feather, preferably black, was inserted in the of dances and insignui was an attempt to make the top so as to extend vertically. Al the base of the overseas sphere info the \nllage writ large. which leather a red bean iSfuatna spj was also placed. they [the Mutik of the Sepik estuary] tried to do The white feather tips were also clipped into h\ trading upon the » cry features by which they various stylised shapes for effect and Iwu :i tied themselves as jurat persons and ethnic at the feathers projected from the base almost groi>; level of the wearer's cheeks. The dan were often The artefacts of recreation, ceremonies and large and elaborate and, when worn in nigh* dance likewise constituted important exchange dances, particularly those imitating the actions of ilems for indeed, without such artefacts, dances the reef heron, could be most spectacular and and ceremonies could not have been performed. effective. The dari in 'Island dance' served lo Among the many artefacts of dance performance frame the face and special dance effects were the drum was the most important. achieved by turning the head suddenly so that the headdre-s seemed lo appear and disappear. A Drum s their waisted variety of dan arc worn in contemporary dance, Torres StraJt Islanders obtained coastal Papua many made from modern European materials. drum* from (Haddon* 1912, IV:2?8> The common Torres Strait drum used on The roost complete details of headdress con- al! present day dancing and music occasions i> struction (Haddon, 191 2, IV37-39) stated that all still obtained from PNG, such headdresses were imported from New According to Haddon (1912. IV:278) there Guinea. However, as only the coastal Kiwai were two different types of waisted drums. The speaking people perform dances with dari and y first, the older form, was generally referred to in generally they also refer to this style of dance as the Torres Strait Islands as warup (western is- Islander-style dancing, it would appear that the lands), or in coastal Papua as warupa (Kiwai). dance and the headdress were borrowed from the The warup consisted of a hollowed out single Torres Strait, most likely from the eastern Is- piece of wood, with a definite waisted central landers, and incorporated into coastal Kiwai portion and a 'bowl-like' tympanum end. Ac- dance culture, The mutual exchange of songs and cording to Landlman (1933:68) the warup dances has also been an integral part of the ex- originated in Saibai and the word warupa was change system The exchange of rituals and also of Saibai origin. Landtman (1933:68) believed that the warup ceremonies was a^ much a part of this system as {warupa) constituted the older form of drum: that of the exchange of material objects. According to tradition, the first drum in Mawata

was a warupa, and it camefrom Saibai, which is Frontlets said to be the original home of all drums in that A large variety of stiff frontlets made from part ofthe country, the inhabitants of that island rattan or fibre plaited on to a bamboo frame arc worn across the forehead and tied at the back of the head. The frontlet may be triangular, semi- ovoid or even lozenge shaped (Appendix F, 59.60; Fig. 80). These frontlets were used with and without cassowary feather decorations. Ac-

cording to Haddon (191 2, IV:38-39) they formed the framework of dari headdresses and he noted

that " ... all these head-dresses are importedfrom

New Guinea, and I am under the impression that they are definitely [or perhaps originally were] war accoutrements in the districts where they FIG. 80. Woven frontlet with cassowary and bird of were made\ paradise decorations (NMF VK4902:109). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 361

not having learnt the art of making drums from Open-mouthed drums, representative perhaps any other peopled of crocodile or shark jaws, were described by

Such drums arc still referred to as Saihai Jukes (1847, 1:176) and Haddon (1912. IV . drums* , even though they are no longer manufac- and most certainly represent an older form of tured. A fine warup (Edge-Partington, 1969, I, drum commonly used in ceremony and dance in pi 332-1), which was made for Rev. Samuel Mac- the Torres Strait. Other open-mouthed drums, farlane on Saibai and is now located in the British simpler in form and provenanced to Mer (Appen- Museum, conforms to the description noted by dix F, 64,65) were obtained from Ktwai Island both Haddon and Landtman. Such drums were ( Haddon, 191 2, IV;280). exchanged across Tones Strait. The tympanum Therefore, drums were exchanged widely could be covered with snake, lixard or wallaby across the Torres Strait and Fly estuary re| skin, although lizard skin was the most common. and constituted an important item of exchange, it

Wallaby skin, if used, gave a deeper sound. Bees- is probable that songs and dances were ex- wax added to the tympanum was healed over a changed with such sound-producing instruments. fire in front of the drummer and the small pieces The sacred MaJo drum of the people of Mer, acted both as a tightener to the skin and in give named Wasikor (Fig. 83), is st ill kept on Mer the skin and the hand a sticky surface which made under the protection of the Noah family of drumming with the flat of the hand more effec- Kcwaid village. It belongs to the Zagareb-Ie and tive. The outer surface of the old warup was was used in the last re-enactment of the MaJo/ heavily ornamented and often cassowary feathers Bomai dances performed by Murray Island and shells decorated the open end, people in 1977 for the St. James Church building Warup were distinctive for their open 'shark' fund. Originally part of a pair of drums the com- or 'crocodile' mouth ends. Few warup remain, panion. Neman, was burnt by the crew of the even in museum collections. One warup (Appen- beche-de-mer boat the Woodlark about I860 dix F, 61; Fig. 81) was exchanged to Nagi via (HaddonJ908,VI:43J90,296;Fisher.l85fV57). Tudu from Mawatta. Although these paths of According to Haddon (1912, IV279) Wasikor exchange were noted by Haddon (1912, IVlfoot- h intermediate in form between the warup and note 278), it should not be assumed that this drum the second form of drum, the huruburu (western was originally made in Mawatta. Fine old drums islands), boroboro (eastern islands) or gama often had individual names and, like famous (Kiwai) (Appendix f\ 66). The buruburu form canoes, were often mentioned in stones. (Appendix F, 67-71; Fig.84) was more cylindri- Haddon noted thai the average length of the cal in shape, with a waist generally central across warup was about lm with a diameter at the tym- the drum. The open circular end was not cut into panum end of about 20cm. a 'shark' mouth. Landtman (!933;68,70)also A similar warup (Appendix F, 63; Fig. 82), from noted that at Mawatta, a similar drum, made out Erub, conforms to the style and measurements: of a remodelled drum obtained through Buji was noted by Haddon. Haddon also collected one named after a district in Port Moresby where its

warup from Tudu in 1888 (Moore. 1 984:55, pi. owner had been. The common form of buruburu 18) used in Torres Strait today has been used in the

FIG- 81- Old styled, shark mouth warup, or warupa drum, decorated with cassowary feathers and white shell (Auckland Museum 15809). Photo by H.R. Lawrence. 362 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

islands and along the coast of PNG for at least Drums were, and are, important artefacts of 100 years. exchange in the region. Perhaps the reason for Oral testimony stales that drums of this type, this is that no readily transportable functional now used throughout the Torres Strait and by substitute has been found that could reproduce Islander dance groups on the mainland, the quality of sound and visual impact of the originated from the villages located in the inland wooden hand drum. hill region at the headwaters of the Pahoturi, Binaturi and Oriomo rivers. Shell Trumpets Buruburu from the inland region near Wipim Shell trumpets, bu (Kala lagawya) or tuture all have handles carved from the same piece of (Kiwai) (Appendix F, 74,75; Fig. 86), were made timber as the drum. Present day drums are about by boring a lateral mouth hole in the whorl of a lm length with an even symmetrical shape, Fusus sp., Syrinx sp., or Triton (Charonia tri- decorated at the base with carved diamond and tonis) shell. They were used by men in canoes for triangular patterns. These carvings are usually signalling success in hunting and warfare. They repeated around the handle boss. The drums are were also used to decorate burial places or placed exchanged between the Fly River estuary and the on the central poles of the old style round nouses Torres Strait. Originally the drums are unpainted of the eastern Islanders (Haddon,1912, IV:283;

although the outer surface is usually blackened Landtman, 1933:73). Trumpet shells were ob- with charcoal before carving. At the present time tained in the Torres Strait and exchanged into the these drums are used by most Torres Strait Is- Fly estuary. lander dance groups on the Australian mainland and in the islands. They are often recarved and Rattles overpainted with bright acrylic paint which adds Various objects were held in the hand during to their visual impact and the drum-head or tym- dances and the variety of dance ornaments was panum is usually covered with the skin of the extensive. Hand held rattles made from the shells common file or water snake {Acrochordus sp.) or of seeds of the goa (Pangium edule) tree were large lizard (Varanus sp.) (Appendix F, 72, 73; used in both action and 'sit down* dances by the Fig.85). Torres Strait Islanders (Appendix F, 76,77;

FIG. 82. Old styled, shark mouth warup, or warupa drum, decoraled with cassowary feathers and white shell

(QM El 3/ 1 62). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 363

FIG. 83. 'Wasikor', the last Malo/Bomai ceremonial drum on Mer.

Fig.87). They are still employed by Islanders and mask, was also obtained at Mawatta by Landtman Papuans, and are often made by Papuans for (Appendix F, 83). exchange across the Torres Strait. Haddon noted (1912, IV:296) that two varieties of mask existed in the Torres Strait. Masks were either made from a single block of wood or con- structed of pieces of turtle shell stitched together. Masks In 1 888, Haddon (1888:5,6), obtained turtle-shell Masks, either of wood or turtle-shell, were also masks, drums, armlets and breast ornaments, as characteristic of Torres Strait art. One beautiful well as tobacco pipes, bows and arrow on Nagi. mask (Appendix F, 78) made of turtle-shell on a He noted that all these objects originated on the wooden base, with a fillet of cassowary feathers Papuan mainland and that their principal use was and other adornments, was acquired on the SW in ceremonies and dances. coast of Papua late last century. A similar mask Haddon collected a number of fine turtle-shell comes from Erub (Appendix F, No. 79). Adorn- from the central, western and eastern is- ments to masks such as goa shell rattles and masks cassowary feathers were objects of exchange. A lands (Moore,1984:48,59,75, pl.7, fig.73; pl.22, well made wooden mask with pearl-shell buttons fig. 186; pl.41, figs 363,364; pl.42, fig.365). Thus for eyes (Appendix F, 80) provenanced to the exchange of masks, with rituals and dances, Mawatta, is similar to masks from Mer and Saibai was an important part of exchange relations (Appendix F, 81,82). A heavily decorated piece across Torres Strait. Fraser (1959,1978) of turtle-shell, most likely part of a turtle-shell produced interesting theories concerning culture

FIG. 84. Common form of waisted drum used in both the Torres Strait and the SW coast of PNG (JCU 85.14. 12). 364 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

the mainland north of the Fly and was generally known as sukuba (Kiwai) or minor variations of that name (Haddon,1912, IV: 143). Sukuba is still the general name for tobacco or cigarettes among coastal Kiwai-speaking people. The exterior of the pipe, but not the small bowl, was most often heavily decorated with pecked or incised designs representing animals, or geometric and stylized patterns. Such pipes were observed in use among Aboriginals on Cape York by Moseley (1 892:356) who stated that they were obtained by the Gudang at Cape York from eastern Islanders through 'barter*. Macgillivray (Haddon, 1912, IV: 142) also noted that the Aboriginal people of Cape York used tobacco pipes. Introduction of European tradestore tobacco in the form of 'black stick' tobacco had an immediate impact. By 1910-1912, stick tobacco had become a virtual

'currency ' and had quickly entered the customary exchange system. Landtman (1933:65-66) FIG. 85. Goanna skin tympanum attached to waisted 'Nowadays trade- tobacco, drum. Skin held in place by rattan coil bound in remarked: manufac- coloured cotton. Three bees wax drops have been applied as an aid to drumming and for added resonance (JCU 81.1.78).

areas and their relationships to mask production. However, his study of masks as fine art placed little emphasis on linguistic or cultural groupings in the Torres Strait region. Since then no detailed study of Torres Strait masks has been undertaken. While material, such as cassowary feathers and goa shells, were probably obtained from Papua,

it is also likely that masks used on the mainland were constructed of materials, such as turtle shell and ochres, obtained through the Torres Strait.

Bamboo Tobacco Pipes Tobacco was, according to Haddon (1912, IV:141) the only narcotic used by the Torres Strait Islanders. However, in the coastal Papuan and Fly estuary region the use of Kava, known as gamoda (Piper methysticum) was widespread. Tobacco pipes of the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region consisted of a length of stout bamboo containing two or more nodes (Appendix F, 84- 87; Fig. 89). In the node at one end a hole was bored, and near the other end on the side, a hole was cut in the surface. A thin wooden tube, with a slightly curved-in base, was filled with tobacco which was then lit and inserted into the hole on the side. Smoke was either sucked into the bam- boo pipe or blown into the pipe through the small tobacco bowl and the pipe then passed to another who inhaled the smoke. 'Native' tobacco was probably introduced into the Torres Strait from FIG. 86. Shell trumpet. (QM QE 9779). CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 365

aware that the material culture, as well as the social and ceremonial life of the people of tire eastern Cape York region 'bears the strongest evidence of a dominant Papuan influence, com- ing through Torres Strait* (Thomson, 1939a:82)

ARTEFACTS OF WARFARE

Inter- and intra-ethnic warfare was endemic in Torres Strait and coastal Papua prior to European administration and mission control after the 1870s. Warfare consisted of sporadic surprise raids on isolated groups or villages and is described in oral testimony, as well as in songs and in dances. The memory of specific raids, particularly those of the Tugeri people (Marind- amin) from the then Dutch territory to the west is still keen among coastal Papuans near Buji and

FIG. 87. Goa seed rattles used in dances (JCU 86.13.9 a,b) tured in Australia under Government control, is almost exclusively used among the natives, it is muck in demand among them and constitutes one of the principal articles of barter with them* Some older Kiwai men still use black slick tobac- co in preference lo commercially produced cigarettes. Another fine pipe (Appendix F, 88; Fig.90) was obtained by Captain V. Lovett-Cameron, in or before 1876 from the western islands of the

Torres Strait. It belonged to an Islander of the Baidam (shark) clan. Baidam clans were repre- sented on Mabuiag, Moa, Muralag, Nagi, Tudu, Yam and Saibai as well as among the Kadawarubi (Kiwai-speaking people) of Mawalta and Ture- ture (Haddon,1904, V:151-157). Among the Miriam-speaking eastern Islanders the baizam boat (shark men) were the most important mem- bers of the Malo/Bomai cult (Haddon.1908, V 1:285-286). This type of pipe was to be found throughout the Kiwai district and neighbouring districts, and both Haddon (1912, IV:141) and Landtman (1933:66) referred to them as 'Papuan pipes.' Tobacco and tobacco pipes were important ex- change items between the western Islanders and the Cape York Aboriginals. Thomson ( 1 939a: 82) commented that Torres Strait or Papuan tobacco pipes and tobacco were found among the Aboriginal people of eastern Cape York Penin- sula and were probably introduced by Torres Strait Islanders. The full extent of Papuan cultural influences on the east coast Aboriginal peoples FIG. 88. Wooden mask used in dances and ceremonies (QM E5930). has still not been fully described. Thomson was 366 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Skulls A number of human skulls are housed in the Queensland Museum col- lection. As these are held under restricted access only catalogue details were available, No photographs were available. These skulls were collected, in the main, by Captain C.E. de F. Pennefather and acquired by the Museum in January 1883. A number were also acquired by H.C. Everill during the 1885 expedition to the Fly River and donated by the Royal Geographical Society in

1 886. All were prov- enanced to the Fly River, or Kiwai Island. Other ex- amples were acquired in 1914 from E.B. Connolly and provenanced to Masig, while two items were provenanced to Moa and Badu respectively,

Cassowary Bone Dag- gers According to Landtman (1933:57), cassowary bone daggers were used by both men and women to disable prisoners taken during raids

but it appears that they were also used as coconut bus- kers. Some were decorated FIG. 89. Bamboo tobacco-smoking pipe (QM with crabs-eye seeds QE4288). (Abrus precatorius) (Ap- pendix F, 89; Fig.91). One the Pahoturi River, and on nearby Saibai and example in the Haddon col- FIG. 90. Bamboo Boigu. These raids were usually made by groups (Moore, lection 1984:64, tobacco-smoking of armed men in canoes accompanied by their pl.29, fig.243) is recorded pipe(JCU80Al). women carrying digging sticks or cassowary as 'imported from New bone knives (Landtman, 1933:31). The object of Guinea' and having been used as a coconut hus- ker these quick sporadic attacks was to kill as many on Mer. people as possible and obtain a number of human heads before retreating in their fast war canoes. Bows and Arrows The taking of human heads was common practice In former times, the principal weapons of the among the Kiwai, Tugeri and some Islander Torres Strait Islanders were the bow and arrow groups, particularly the central and western Is- and the stone-headed club. Split bamboo bows, landers in formertimes. It appears that thecastcrn often up to 2m long, were in common use as Islanders were less war-like. weapons prior to the 1880s (Haddon,! 91 2, CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 367

IV: 174). They were obtained from coastal Papua. swamps and The principal manufacturer of high quality bows marshes of were, and still arc, the A gob, Gizra and Bine coastal PNG, people of coastal areas N of Boigu and Saibai and not on the is- in the riverine regions of Ihe Pahoturi and lands of Torres Bineturi Rivers (Figs 92, 93). Papuan bows can Strait and, still be obtained through Buji and Boigu. though secondly, in some arc now obtained from the Morehead River former times, people to the west Bows are today used only as arrow-heads dance accessories or for hunting. The bowstring were made was made from a thin tt\ 125mm wide) .strip of from cassow- green bamboo, which was then knotted into two ary or wallaby loops at cither end and pulled over the points of I e g h o n e s , the bow stave. These bows are, contrary to which were Haddon's (1912, IV 174) poor opinion, very ac- only hunted in curate and powerful. At close range they can the riverine and drive a steel tipped arrow completely through a inland bush small wallaby The form of bow did not vary lands of coast;* I throughout the coastal region and. although the Papua. Arrows of this region Kiwai-spcaking people had words for bow and were all con arrow, they did not use these weapons for hunting structed from a or warfare, preferring the stone-headed club. reed shaft and a Landtman collected bows from Kiwai Island separate arrow- (Appendix F, 90) which are of a form common head The throughout coastal Papua W of the Fly estuary. variety of Similar bows were collected on Mcr (Appendix arrow was, F, 91 ,92), Kuru a village formerly located in the ( however, very middle Oriomo River area (Appendix F, 93) or wide for the Boigu and recorded as 'traded from [the] Mai 1 type of arrow- Kussai . The wide distribution of bows is evidence head w as direc- Of their importance as hunting and fighting im- tly related to ib plements and of their use as items of exchange. function. The bows and arrows observed by Cook in 1 770 Among the in at Possession Island near Cape York (Had- land and river- don,1935, 1:4; Flinders,1814, I:xv) were most ine dwelling likely in the hands of western Islanders rather people, this than Cape York Aboriginals, Bows and arrows functional clas- used today as dance ornaments by Islanders are sification of ar- all obtained from coastal Papuans, because not all rows still bamboo is sui table for bow construction. The best applies. The in its flexible state bamboo green comes from the various types FIG. 9). Cassowary bone daggers riverine regions of coastal Papua. and uses for ar- (NMF VK4902:493,494). Item H addon (1912, IV:174) remarked that by 1888 rows were ex- 493 has a handle decorated with Abrus precaiorius seeds. the Torres Strait Islanders had long since given amined in up the use of the bow as a hunting weapon. detail by Had- riverine inland dwelling However, among the and don (1912. IV: 175-190)and Landtman (1933:50- people of the SW coast of PNG the bow remains 55). the most practical, economical and popular hunt- The most attractive and highly prized arrows ing implement. With a variety of arrows, it is used came through Buji and were made by the Agob- by men to hunt birds, wallabies, deer, cassowaries speaking people who lived between the Mai and wild pig. the Pahoturi River. continue All arrows used by Torres Strait Islanders came Kussa and The Agob from Papua (Haddon,19l2, IV.175). There were to make fine arrows and diey are still used by two reasons for this. Firstly, the thin reed used for neighbouring groups who refer to them as 'Buji making arrow shafts grows in the riverine arrows.' These arrows are decorated with an in 368 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Man-arrows This, the most distinctive arrow of the region (Haddon, 1912,lV:J84-186;UndtmanJ933:50)

is constructed from two different materials with the lower portion of the arrow-head finely carved to represent a man. Although not strictly used in warfare man-arrows retain the ceremonial role of a weapon. According to oral evidence, these ar- rows were used in nrual woundings and killings, particularly in cases of adultury. Man-arrows, which are specifically objects of ritual and ceremony for the Gizra, and Bine peoples, originate among the clan groups of Waidoro and Kulalae (Togo) (Fig. 94) area and are directly associated with the legend ofGeadap and Muiam (Appendix E, stories 22-25). The man-arrow was carved to represent Muiam who was heavily tatooed. Man-arrows therefore belonged to clan groups and, contrary to the state-

ment in Moore ( 1 984: 1 03), they were never used in warfare or hunting. The arrows were used in secret ceremonies and by the clan to wound people found breaking custom. Their full practice

and use is still guarded. As Dirimu and Masingara villages have kinship ties with the Gizra, clan arrows were distributed through these groups. This would therefore account for their distribu- tion .amongst the Bine-speaking peoples and into the Torres Strait islands. Landtman stated that man-arrows were com- monly found in the Drimu [Dirimu], Misingle [Masingara) and Mawatta districts. Haddon

( 19 1 2, IV: 1 84- 1 86) described the general charac- teristics of man-arrows in considerable detail but made no comment on their origins, meanings or FIG 92. Man from Watdofo village making a bow uses. One example in the Haddon collection

from green bamboo. (Moore, 1 984: 103, pl.79, fig.700), attributed to the Torres Strait in general, was collected in Unite variety of designs using the three colours; 1888. Haddon (1894:51) remarked that man^ar- red, black and white. The red dye js made from rows were known in both the western and eastern mangrove root, black from charcoal mixed with islands of Torres Slrait as parulaig (Kala Lagaw juice, and white from lime made by baking and Ya) or opop (Meriam) meaning, that it had a

crushing shells. Buji arrows may still be obtained Yam and Mer have close kin links with the through Roigu Island. Gizra-and Bine-speaking coastal Papuans, and one can assume that clan ties permitted the ex- Landtman ( 1933:52) noted that Buji arrows change material symbols kinship linkages could be obtained in Tirio at the mouth of the Fly of of (Appendix F, 95,96; Fig.95), River and therefore concluded 'hat there was A unprovenanccd man-arrow (Appendix F. 97) direct contact between the middle Fly and Agob may have been collected by Lawrence Hargrave, peoples of ihe SW coast. Exchange between who had travelled with Macleay and Stone in central and lower Fly River peoples and the coas- 1875 and with D'Albertis to the Fly River in tal Papuans through the in peoples dwelling the 1876. Hargrave deposited man-arrows in the central inland regions was regular and has been Australian Museum collection in 1915, stating

noted in oral testimony . their origin as the Katau (Binaturi) River which CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 369

FIG. 93. Making bow string from the outer rind of green bamboo, Waidoro village. he had visited in May and September 1876 may have been used in ceremonies, particularly (Grainger, 1978:86,90). the Malo/Bomai cult in the eastern islands, or in dances (Haddon,1912, IV:lj92). Stone-headed Clubs The most common weapon of the Kiwai in former times was the stone-headed club or gabagaba. The stone was obtained from Torres Strait Islanders. Stone heads were usually flat or biconvex stones with a hole in the centre through which a stout rattan stick was inserted. Clubs were often carried in the hand, or over the shoulder on a cord loop. Stone-headed clubs were also used as a weapon by Torres Strait Islanders and their use was noted by Jukes (1847, 11:19). The most common form used (Haddon,1912, IV:191-192) was biconvex and disc-shaped with a central hole. This com- mon form was collected by Haddon from Muralag (Moore, 1984:52, pl.13, fig.121) and Yam in 1888 (Moore, 1984:57, pi .20, fig.171), and from Mer in 1898 (Moore, 1984:96, pi .75, fig.614). The second form collected by Haddon was the star-shaped stone-headed club. Such examples (Moore,1984:52, pl.13, fig.122, pl.75, fig.617) FIG. 94. 'Man arrows' at Kulalae village, PNG. 370 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

FIG. 95. Bundle of arrows containing hunting, Fishing, and ceremonial arrows. A 'man* arrow is shown at the top(QME4632-2)

Biconvex stone-headed clubs were collected severed heads. The loop of rattan was passed from among Kiwai-speaking coastal Papuans either through the mouth of the severed head and (Appendix F, 98,99), the eastern islands (Appen- the cut neck, or through the floor of the mouth, so dix F, 100,101; Fig.96)and Yam (Appendix F, that the cross-piece rested against the lower jaw 102). According to Teske ([1987?]:26) the club (Landtman,1933:57; Haddon,1912, IV:200). of Kebisu, the warleader of the Tudu people, is Headcarriers were valued by families and clans still retained by his descendants on Yam Island. as reminders of past glories of ancestors and were Haddon (1912, IV: 191) also recorded informa- even included in ceremonies and dances. Three tion collected by Wilkin in Mabuiag which stated examples from Kiwai Island (Appendix F, 105) that stone-headed clubs came from Dauan, Saibai incorporate old dugong harpoon darts as cross-

and Mer. Haddon (1912, IV:19I) doubted this pieces. One (Appendix F, 1 06; Fig.97) from Mur- information but noted that 'a disc or star stone- ray Island, is attached to a bamboo knife and has headed club cost one wap [dugong harpoon] or been decorated with three goa shells indicating one wauri [armshell] ...' The high value of ex- that it was possibly used as a dance object. A change no doubt related to its importance as a number of contemporary Islander dances have defensive as well as an offensive weapon. incorporated bows, arrows, arrow strings and Unusual clubs from the mouth of the Fly River dance objects representing stone clubs. (Appendix F, 103,104) incorporated metal heads in place of stone heads. One example, possibly a Bamboo Knives brass plate from a ship, had a metal head, attached A second distinctive artefact of warfare from by three iron nails, with three large screw and bolt coastal Papua was the bamboo 'headhunting' holes and a small piece of angled metal attached knife. Haddon collected one at Mabuiag (Moore, by two screws to the plate. A transitional phase 1984:52, pi. 13) and a 'model* of a beheading in the move from stone head to metal head oc- knife and headcarrier at Mer (Moore, 1984:84, curred around the turn of the century in the Fly pi. 55). He also collected another bamboo knife at estuary region, no doubt during the early pacifica- Tudu in 1888 (Haddon,1912, IV: 199). It is ap- tion period after the 1890s. parent therefore that, in former times, the bamboo knife and headcarrier were used not just by coas- Bamboo Headcarriers tal Kiwai-speaking peoples on the Papuan main- A distinctive artefact of warfare found in land but throughout the Torres Strait islands. museum collections and definitely Kiwai in The bamboo knife consisted of a split piece of origin is the bamboo headcarrier. As noted by stout bamboo c.30-50cm long. Into one concave

Haddon ( 1 9 1 2, IV : 1 99-200), the headcarrier con- end a piece of wood or pith was placed and this sisted of a loop of rattan with the ends tightly was bound with fine cord or string into a handle. lashed to a cross-piece which was sometimes The binding was often patterned. The edge of the made from the dart of an old dugong harpoon knife was sharpened by cutting a notch near the (Haddon,1912,IV:199). Supplementary bindings handle and removing a sliver of bamboo Haddon made of coconut fibre held the rattan and cross- (1912, IV:200). This left the blade with a sharp bracing together. This simple but distinctive ar- clean-cutting edge. Bamboo knives could also be tefact was used during former times to carry used for cutting other flesh, for example, dugong CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 371

or fish, though Haddon (1912, IV: 199) stated that Ceremonial dress and decoration were carefully the number of notches in the handle indicated the made and were of high value, for a man's renown number of heads cut. According to Landtman and style was tested by his skill as a warrior and (1933:55-56), the Kiwai of Iasa village pre- a warrior wore only his finest ceremonial dress viously employed shells as knives but learnt the and accoutrements into battle. art of making bamboo knives from the people of Material culture of customary exchange in the Kubira village. Landtman (1933:56) also Torres Strait and Fly estuary region was varied described with some colour the various methods and complex. This is demonstrated with refer- used in severing heads. ence to the collections of A.C. Haddon, Gunnar An old bamboo knife (Appendix F, 107) with a Landtman and Australian museum collections. finely plaited cord handle was collected on Kiwai This reflects the vitality of the exchange system Island. Another (Appendix F, 108) was collected and its long and varied history. The dispropor- on Mer, and is attached to a headcarrier (Fig.97). tionate number of artefacts from subsistence, Beheading knives, like headcarriers, were warfare, ornamentation and dress, and dance re- valued objects and were possibly exchanged be- flected the primary importance of these items. tween close kin for they were closely associated The customary exchange system survives in an with respected ancestors among both Islanders altered form to this day, despite the imposition of and Papuans. Many of the items worn as dress in quarantine and immigration regulations and bor- warfare, such as cassowary feather headdresses, der treaties between Australia and PNG. boar's tusk ornaments, fibre skirts and pubic The ceremonial life of the peoples of the Torres shells have been discussed previously. Strait and Fly estuary was rich and complex. However, few ceremonial objects survive in museum collections apart from finely crafted masks. These have been the subject of only one detailed study from the perspective of fine art (Fraser,1978). A recent study by Wilson (1988) primarily aimed at school audiences contains ex- cellent illustrations with commentary extracted from Haddon (1901-1935). The Torres Strait and Fly estuary region is still an area in which consid- erable scope for continuing material culture re- search exists.

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE IN CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVE

'The survival of exchange systems into the present, in more or less modifiedform, is at once indicative oftheirfundamental importance to the maintenance ofMelanesian societies and oftheir resilience in the face of colonial intervention.' (Maclntyre & Young, 1982:207). Considering the long term impact of colonial administration, missionization and legal and governmental policies in the Torres Strait region, the survival of elements of customary exchange is certainly evidence of its resilience. The social com- ponent of commodity exchange, irrespective of the origin of goods, accounted for this persistence. The economic, social and cultural respon- sibilities associated with kinship, marriage rela- tions, mortuary obligations, feasting and religious observances determined the fundamen- FIG. 96. Stone headed club gabagaba (QM E13/152). tal patterns of exchange across Torres Strait. 372 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

and Papua New Guinea, is of particular concern to Papuans and Islanders. The border issue between Australia and PNG has only recently been resolved. The recommen- dations of a Parliamentary Joint Committee (Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence 1976) supported Australian sovereignty over the Torres Strait, including the northern islands of Saibai, Dauan and Boigu, as well as the extensive reef fishing grounds of Warrior Reef (Wapa) and Bramble Cay. This recommendation largely con- firmed the border line determined by Queensland in 1879. An important recommendation of the Committee proposed a Protected Zone in the Torres Strait, within which freedom of passage for both Islanders and Papuans would be recog- nized. The Committee sought to ensure the con- tinuation of existing rights of free access for Islanders and Papuans within the bounds of recognized agreements concerning illegal ac- tivities, quarantine regulations, immigration restrictions and other such concerns, such as air space, vessel movement, etc. These proposals were aimed at protecting the indigenous cultures of Islanders and Papuans. With ratification of the Torres Strait Treaty on 15 February 1985, the border between PNG and Australia was formally established to the satisfac- tion of both governments. The Treaty, initially noted by both governments in 1978, recognized not only the need for conservation, protection,

FIG. 97. Headcarrier and bamboo knife (QM E4282/I management, exploration and exploitation of the & 4282/2). marine resources of the Torres Strait but also: ' ... the importance ofprotecting the traditional way Peterson & Peterson (1977:558) argued that of life and livelihood of Australians who are exchange of commodities across hunter-gatherer Torres Strait Islanders and of Papua New and horticulturist boundaries permitted a Guineans who live in the coastal area of Papua broadening of the 'food web', for exchange * New Guinea in and adjacent to the Torres Strait. provides greater resource variety across ethnic (Australia. Treaties, 1978:1). boundaries. Such exchange systems were the The Treaty specifically recognizes the cus- means of survival for people inhabiting ecologi- tomary rights of Islanders and Papuans. 'Tradi- cal zones with limited or insufficient resource tional activities', as noted in the Treaty allocations. (Australia. Treaties 1978:3-5), were defined as: Formerly, this was particularly true for the *(k)... activities performed by the traditional Papuan peoples inhabiting the Torres Strait and inhabitants in accordance with local tradition, Fly estuary region. The present situation for both and includes, when performed- (i) activities on Papuans and Islanders is more complex. land, including gardening, collection offood and Peoples of the region had the ability to come to hunting; (ii) activities on water, including tradi- terms with externally imposed limitations and tional fishing; (Hi) religious and secular restrictions on both free movement and free as- ceremon ies or gatheringsfor social purposes, for sociation, as well as with severe restrictions on example, marriage celebrations and settlement of the circulation of some foodstuffs and exchange disputes; and (iv) barter and market trade. items. In terms of fishing and exchange the im- In the application of this definition, except in pact of the Torres Strait Treaty between Australia relation to activities of a commercial nature, CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRESS STRAIT 373

traditional shall be interpreted liberally and in situations within a SE Cape York Aboriginal the light ofprexulling custom, society). A variety of economic strategies, such (!) traditional fishing means the taking, by as wage labour on plantations, pearling and fish- traditional inhabitants for their own or their

... >; Australia Treaties, 1978: i fk), 0) dnd or non-traditionality it ts the result radurr, of

This complex issue of definition was one point It is therefore inappropriate to regard an ex- examined by Nietsehnuinn (1983: 127 154); change system, such as that which operated 'Traditional live in small-scale societies across the Torres Strait and Fly estuary region as people ( with a common territory whose subsistence in decay. This interpretation fails to allow that livelihood is based on kinship and customary change and adaptation are essential charac-

rights and obUgothns ... They practise, varying teristics of such a system. However, oral tes- tyjtes and mixtures of ecologically-integrated timony as presented here illustrates the manner in sustained-yield subsistence activities that often which the people themselves perceive the con- produce surplusfor local and regional trade with tinuing processes of customary exchange in the neighbouring groups. They make their living in light of external and internal influences. The large part from internal production and cinvla complexity of customary laws (Australian Law turn of local resources, rather than earning one Reform Commission, 1986) is recognized in from market exchange of labour and resources guidelines recommended for adoption in Federal, for cash and goods produced by distant State and Territory legislation; for administrative economies. Resource u.%e, circulation and purposes, definition of 'traditional' should focus management are socially regulated by local on the activity being undertaken rather than on authorities and kinship ties.' (Nictschmann, the method. Therefore the incorporation of rvew 1983:130). materials especially European manufactured So called 'traditional' societies like all goods, into activities such as hunting and fishing societies, are not culturally frozen in time. Within may still be recognized as 'traditional' under law the pdrameters of their spatial and cultural (Australian Law Reform Commission, 1986:79). autonomy and internally directed economy, Ihey The Law Reform Commission further recom- evolve with tradition (Nietschmann, 1983: 130). mended the adoption of a broader definition of Islanders and Papuans operated within a range subsistence that incorporates ceremonial ex- »if multiple enterprise subsistence economics change ai»d the satisfaction of kinship obliia (See Anderson. 1W50 for a dist f similar tions. Thus, consumption of goods which occurs .

374 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

THE TORRES STRAIT PROTECTED ZONE the Torres Strait Fisheries Scientific Advisory Committee, the Torres Strait Fishing Industry and Islander Consultative Committee and the Torres Strait Environment Management Committee. Precise geographical and political boundaries of the Protected Zone was one matter of concern in the establishment of the Treaty. As Burmester

TORRES STRAIT * darnlev (1982:330) stated, the rigidity of map delineation

PROTECTED ZONE Y

• MAHUIAG. vicinity of the zone was also declared. This

QADU |, £\ flexible definition of the precise limits of the V\A»QA boundary meant that although it may vary accord- ing to context, and be imprecise according to law, SPECIAL QUARANTINE ZONE its flexibility ensured adequate protection of the rights of people of the Fly estuary to maintain customary use of Torres Strait marine resources. An agreed note of discussion of 21 May 1984,

pamphlet has been produced to The Torres Strai! Trealy allows tor the This Section B, with respect to the purpose of assisting the role continuation of many ol the traditional help you understand you can that good Quarantine lifestyle activities between the play in ensuring in the determination of the meaning of the term is maintained in the Torres Strait. peoples Of the Torres Strati and from southern Papua New Guinea. n NOTE: Traditional visitors 'traditional inhabitant*, under Article 1 ( paras. Papua New Guinea are only allowed However It Is vital that Quarantine to travel within the limits ot the Torres 1 1, 12, 16 and 28) of the Treaty, the area 'in the conlrols romain and are observed. Strait Protected Zone. vicinity of the Protected Zone' was further described, in relation to Australia as: 'the area of FIG, 98. Map of protected zone recognized under the Australian jurisdiction outside the Protected Torress Strait Treaty. Reproduced from pamphlet 141°00' issued by Dept. of Primary Industries detailing Zone between the meridians oflongitude quarantine regulations in force. and 145V0' E, and north of the parallel of ' latitude 10°30'S. In relation to PNG the 'vicinity within the local family or kinship groups should would be the area ofPNGjurisdiction outside the be regarded as 'traditional* even if elements of Protected Zone and south of the parallel of f barter or exchange take place. latitude 9°00 S and west of the meridian of lon- However, trade, exchange or sale outside the gitude I44V0'E, together with the whole of the local community (and this presumably means remainder of Parama Island and the villages of outside the kinship system) should be regarded as Sui and Sewerimabu [Severimabu], subject to the a commercial transaction (Australian Law possibility offurther areas being included * Reform Commission 1986:79). The agreed note of discussion recognized that The Torres Strait Treaty sought to protect cus- the term 'vicinity' was broader than the Treaty tomary practices of Islanders and Papuans within provisions. Therefore, subject to agreement be- the confining parameters of international law. tween PNG and Australia, further inclusions in Papuan and Islander rights to 'barter and market respect of PNG, for example, Samari [Samarel on trade', as customary exchange was termed in the Kiwai Island, were to be considered. Areas out- Treaty, were to be formally recognized in the side the declared Protected Zone whose in- Treaty, within the area designated as the Torres habitants have specific interests in respect of Strait Protected Zone (Fig.98). access to the resources of Torres Strait was a The Treaty made provision for the free move- specific point of consideration by Australian and ment and 'traditional' fishing rights of access for PNG authorities. In effect this extension of the Islanders and Papuans subject to the proviso that permitted zone of free movement for 'traditional' Australian and PNG quarantine, customs, health purposes means that Torres Strait Islanders are and immigration restrictions be adhered to. A permitted to travel as far as 9 q00'S and to visit the formal advisory and consultative body, the Tor- villages of Parama, Sui and Severimabu. In res Strait Joint Advisory Council, was also return, Papuan people may travel as far as 10° formed to consider and review any matters aris- 30*S. However, specific commercial transactions ing from the implementation of the Treaty. Cur- involving business dealings, employment for rently a number of other committees report to the money and commercial fishing are prohibited. Joint Advisory Committee. These include the The complexities of the delimitation agreement Torres Strait Fisheries Management Committee, between Australia and PNG are beyond the scope 1 1

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRESS STRAI *ra

of this research. The detail* of the international (TenakaaaU986;38). The ten coastal villages, legal implications, and the structure of the seabed predominantly Kiwai-speaking, investigated and fisheries jurisdiction lines and their fall and were Buji. Ber, Sigabaduru, Mabudaw;m. proper description, can be found in reference to Mawatta, Tureture, Kadawa, Katatai. Parama and

the Treaty itself (Australia. Treaties, 1 978) or to Sui.

Burmesler < 1982) which contains an appraisal of Tenakanai (1986:40) stated that 'trading the Treaty and Ihe negotiation and agreement expeditions* in the recent past were combined

process. with fishing expeditions and ventured as far (0(1 1 1 Protection of the customary practices and into the Torres Strait as Badu and Moa, and as far livelihood of Islanders and Papuans has to a large east as Mer, Erub, Ugar and Masig, Reciprocal extent been achieved by the establishment of the visits by Islanders, from Mer, Erub. Ugar and Torres Strait Protected Zone despite the fact that Masig, as well as Islanders from Saibai and the zone, which essentially comprises die whole Boigu. were made to Daru. Tenakanai (1986:40) of the central Torres Strait and includes the also naiad the close relationship between ihe islands and reefs at the eastern and western Agob-spcaking Papuans and Saibai and Dauan entrances of the Torres Strait, excludes the peoples nod the close relationship between the administrative areas of Thursday Island and Kiwai-speakmg people of Mabudawan and D;iru Saibai Islanders. Use of reefs and fishing areas of In small scale societies, resource management Torres Strait was confined to Papuan villages

practices, such ft£ complex exchange networks, where ocean-going canoes were still being con- developed over long periods of time. As pari of structed such as BujL Sigabaduru, Mabudawan.

the foundations of the sociaJ and economic Mawatta, Tureture, Katatai (and Kadawa i stability of the societies of this region, resource Parama (Tenakanai J 986:41). Tt was from these strategies and management plans, such as those villages that the majority of Papuan pearling and instituted by the Torres Strait Treaty, widen the fishing boat crews were also drawn Access to die gap between the traditional diverse resource resources of Torres Strait has always been of utilization strategies and what becomes sectoral paramount importance to the economic wdl- development designed to increase the economic bemg of villagers along the SW coast of PNG. well-being of $ depressed region' (Burbridgc, Hi 'wever, Papuan need for access to Torres Strait 1982:377). The difficulty has been maintenance is more critical than islander needs for of the functional integrity erf (ho :usiomary access to ti*e SW coast. Economic changes in the economic base while managing for broad-scale 19th century, resulting from commercial ex- economic and social development In the light of ploitation q( pearl-shell and beche-de-mer, al- these complex issues the Treaty also sought to tered Islander perspectives on customary establish guidelines for Ihe conservation and exchange. Mission and administrative control management of commercial fisheries in the fsTandex .social and economic life further Protected Zone while still maintaining the changed Islander perceptions viability of the traditional fisheries' base. Main- The runes Strait Protected Zone Join! tenance of the traditional fisheries' base is highly Authority is charged with monitoring the joint significant to the customary exchange system. Australian und Queensland fisheries and. accord- Exchange of fish and other seafoods for garden ing to the annual report (Torres Strait Protected foods and sago constituted an important part of Zone Authority, 1988; l»2)» the formulation ci exchange across the Torres Strait and Fly estuary policy concerning management of commercial region. It is still an important feature of exchange and traditional fisheries in the Zone. The along the SW coast of PNG Authority consists of two members, the Com- Research projects into the traditional fisheries monwealth Minister for Primary Industry and the activities of Papuans and Islanders have being Queensland State Minister for Primary industry undertaken by separate instrumentalities of the The Authority implemented a study of traditional PNG and Australian governments. The objec- fishing activities in Torres Strait, which set out tives of the PNG traditional fisheries study were in: * document ihe use offish and fisheries

7<0 record ailpresen t and historicalfishing trade, products hy traditional inhabitants, and ide> and other movements through the Treaty area, to existing and potential problems relating to the delineate the extent of die traditional fishing impact ofcommercialfishing on traditionalfish- grounds, record traditionalfishing right* and lo lug '(Tones ^iiait Protected Zone Joint Auth- record changes in fishing and craft technology' ority, 1987:7. 376 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

It was also noted that the potentially destructive system, particularly between kin and fictive kin. competition among traditional fishermen from Subsistence fishing remains important both so- different areas in Torres Strait, and by implication cially and economically. The low level of com- from PNG, as well as other socio-economic and munity exploitation of fisheries has assisted in the biological problems faced by traditional fisher- preservation of marine resources in the Torres men were problems under examination. How- Strait region and the 'Islanders greatest ever, the preliminary results indicate that, with economic asset is Torres Strait's productive and the exception of dugong, marine resources on relatively unspoiled marine environment which traditional fisheries were based are not (Johannes & MacFarlane, 1991:201). fully utilized (Torres Strait Protected Zone Joint However, the retreat of Torres Strait Islander Authority,1988:9). control over access to extended reefs has resulted Early reports of the study (Johannes & Macfar- in abuse of certain areas under customary control. lane, 1986:31-32; 1984:256-261) categorized For example, Kadawa villagers still regularly 'traditional fishing rights' into 'Home Reef Fish- hunt dugong and turtle on the rich Wapa and ing Rights' which included access to fringing Warrior Reefs, usually during exchange trips en reefs surrounding inhabited islands and 'Ex- route to Masig, Yam or Erub. Johannes & Mac-

tended Fishing Rights' which referred to access farlane ( 1 984:263) noted that in the 1 950s Papuan rights to waters and reefs beyond the immediate boat crews were reported to have killed large home reefs. 'Extended Fishing Rights' were no numbers of nesting turtles on Bramble Cay. Such longer being observed in the Torres Strait today activities severely tested the customary relation- (Johannes & Macfarlane, 1986:34). Reduction of ships maintained across the Torres Strait. fishing grounds had important implications. In former times, control of extended reef and Dugong and turtle meat were, and still are, island resources by Islanders may have been preferred foods for Torres Strait Islanders and directly responsible for regulating the flow of contribute important foodstuffs in the customary valuable exchange items such as cone shells and exchange system, particularly amongst kin. Ac- pearl-shell from the Torres Strait. Johannes & cess to home reefs is still largely confined to Macfarlane (1 984:262) noted that cone shells and inhabitants of the Torres Strait Islands or with bailer shells were mainly obtained from the War- permission, to outsiders. For example, Mabud- rior Reef and the reefs to the east, including awan people regularly fish on reefs to the east of Bramble Cay. Saibai. In the past, Saibai Islanders hunted on the The Torres Strait Islanders were, in former mainland of PNG on Sigabaduru land. Such times, in a more favoured position economically reciprocal rights were protected by the need to than the coastal Papuans. Loss of control over seek approval for access. Kinship and fictive ties extended reef rights because of government and strengthened the close relationships between Is- mission control over Islander resources and the landers and Papuans. uncontrolled commercial exploitation of reefs by Johnannes&MacFarlane(1991) found rates of Europeans would have seriously weakened the seafood consumption that were among the position of Torres Strait Islanders in the cus- highest in the world with an estimated average tomary exchange system had not European annual catch of about one green turtle (Chelonia maritime technology and European tradestore mydas) per capita produced an average consump- goods became available. Thus the substitution of tion rate of about 125gm of turtle meat per day. dinghies for canoes, calico for fibre skirts, Dugong consumption was also high in the trousers for pubic shells and store goods for sago Protected Zone. However, consumption patterns and other garden foods did not seriously weaken varied according to resource access. Dugong con- the favoured position of Islanders in customary sumption was high in the western islands, par- exchange. In fact these items entered the ex- ticularly Mabuiag, while turtle consumption was change system and became items of exchange in high in the 'top' western island of Boigu and the much demand by coastal Papuans. central island of Yorke (Johnannes & MacFar- The coastal Papuans, on the other hand, found lane, 1991:195-197, table 16). Data from these themselves once more in a position of disad- islands do not reflect consumption patterns across vantage. Physical isolation in a difficult environ- all Torres Strait islander communities. However, ment, poor garden lands, limited access to what is important is that turtle and dugong meat education, inadequate medical care and the lack

remains significant in the Islander diet and it of government assisted welfare support have con-

continues to form part of the internal exchange tinued to keep the standard of 1 i vi ng of the coastal CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRESS STRAIT 377

an indication of the proportion of use of the Torres Strait by Papuans. These figures are of considerable importance for, with the exception of zone 4 which covers the region of the eastern islands of the Torres Strait, zones 5, 6, 2 and 3 cover the whole of the remain- ing portion of the Torres Strait Protected Zone. As both Hudson and Marsh (1986:323 and 324) reported on difficulties encountered using the ZONE 2 i surveillance data and the varying quality of the available data, it may be assumed that, to some considerable extent, Papuan canoes still travel C^rV ZONE 1 over the entire Protected Zone for both fishing and visiting purposes. The fishing reefs of the Wapa Reef area, the Dagagota/ Kumaderi/Parakari Reefs in Zone 5, FIG. 99. Division of Torress Strait into six zones on the and the Moon Passage and Tudu area in Zone 3, basis of boundaries defined by the Torres Strait Treaty which are in easy reach of the Papuan coast by and meridians of longitude (Hudson & Marsh 1986: motorized canoes {gorowae) (Fig. 100) are the 318, 328 to 333). most important. Statistics of the locations of sightings of 'traditional canoes' with sails Papuans below that of Islanders. In recent years (tataku, puputo or motomoto) indicate mat sail- some Papuans have resettled on Torres Strait ing canoes use the rich fishing grounds around islands but, despite some economic advantages Kokope, Kumaderi, Wapa, and Parakari Reefs and better access to medical and educational and Moon Passage (Fig. 101). Torres Strait is- facilities, their social and cultural status remains lands which are inhabited and most commonly that of second class citizens or aliens despite their visited by sailing canoe include Yam and Boigu, claims to kinship ties with Islanders. while visits to uninhabited islands include Tudu, Economic advantage, and possibly a relief from Turu Cay and Gebar. Sightings of sailing canoes the boredom of village life, was the primary (Hudson Marsh, 1986:328) indicate that zones reason why young Papuans left the village and & (Daru), (Saibai, sought work in the Torres Strait fishing and pearl- 5 zone 6 Dauan, Boigu) and zone of the Torres Strait) areas ing industries. To some extent the indentured 3 (central islands were work experience served as a new initiation of heavy concentration. This confirms statements local informants that the regular process for young Papuans and, like initiation, the made by most enforced separation from women and the village, canoe voyages made by coastal Papuans were the struggle for status and the return laden with along the SW coast, the Warrior Reef area and valuables appears to have been incorporated into also the central islands, particularly Yam Island. another cultural experience. This experience is Monthly sighting figures for zone 5 reported a total still recounted by older men in coastal Papuan of 43 sightings of canoes in 1980 (Hudson villages who continue to encourage their young 6 Marsh,1986:325). The highest number, 23, men to venture into the Torres Strait in search of was sighted in December 1980. The favourable status and valuables. NW winds at this time and the opportunity af- Hudson & Marsh (1986) supported the con- forded by holidays and Christmas enabled coastal clusion that Papuan use of Torres Strait is con- Papuans to make community visits to the eastern fined to the northern and parts of central Torres and centra] islands or to take extended Fishing Strait. They examined data from daily observa- trips to the Wapa and Warrior Reef complex. The tional surveillance flights over Torres Strait, fact that no sightings were reported in June and during 1980, 1982 and 1983 (Hudson & Marsh, July suggests that, as has been customary for 1986:322, 323, 325, 328) and noted that in zones many decades, the prevailing winds from the SE 5, 3, 6 and 2 (Fig. 99), significant sightings of make long distance travelling difficult. canoes (84 sightings in 1982 and 43 sightings in Further refinement of statistics such as those 1983) with turtle or dugong catches on board presented by Hudson & Marsh could be of con- were in vessels labelled 'traditional canoes'. No siderable use in studies on patterns of exchange figures are given for the number of canoes sighted movements. As would be expected, concentra- with no turtles or dugong but these figures are still tions of canoe sightings for 1980, 1982 and 1983 I

378 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

i it :

IC1GU ir.i'wii "~ cross the border between Australia and PNG. ,,. ,,,. 1 MBNUi iiuitdi fiMdrffli Permits were issued in Daru and Thursday Island, {[RWP1 V or alternatively, permission was given by island councils, but this had been largely ineffective for

'

1 purely practical reasons. .utmo::

ivim.jwi. i-.i,-. The Torres Strait Treaty has created two T-" quarantine divisions in the Torres Strait. These -.mum fliuWl 1

'.Ixj H'.iANUi 1 are the Torres Strait Protected Zone, the area KIM i»i.lM 1

!.; . | . to the coastline, and the 1 north of 10°28'S PNG

1 Quarantine Zone, the area comprising • lirtrti WHtKHI. IflM Huil«ir> j»0 Hafil 1986 l»l Special Wayben, Narupay and adjacent territorial seas. FIG. 100. Location and sightings of motorized canoes Under this system and for the purposes of 'tradi- (Motomoto) Torres St. 1980, 1982, and 1983. tional trading', the movement of specified goods within the Protected Zone is exempt from quaran- confirm the importance of the reef and fishing tine restrictions. The aim of these regulations has waters of zone 5 and the islands and reefs of zone been to stop uncontrolled movement of people 6, particularly Boigu, Saibai and Dauan, all of and goods across what has been in many ways an which are directly accessible from coastal Papuan open door. villages. Thus Papuan use of Torres Strait is The report on the adequacy of quarantine concentrated in the northern portion of the regulations (Australia. Parliament. Senate Stand- Protected Zone. ing Committee on National Resources, 1986:89- Hudson & Marsh (1986:327) noted that 90 [Appendix 7]) contains the extract from the upgraded information of this type would be par- Australian Government Gazette of 1985 detailing ticularly useful for obtaining information on the geographical range of canoes, areas of high usage in the Torres Strait, seasonal changes in usage, changes in technology (especially the use out- of . . . u . . board motors) and changes in average crew size.

Some of these questions have been provided in 1 .

!

- 1 : 1 the historical evidence and oral testimony 1 i liiHB

. i. presented above. However, continuing changes M MJWl

; 1

ilAII.U, , «l|:,,

in technology and usage of the Torres Strait could riM.ii,,, i, STtMl ""'" certainly be obtained from more refined surveil- lance data. The Senate Standing Committee (Australia.

Parliament. Senate Standing Committee on Na- . tional Resources 1986), reporting on the ade- UUUl «,., quacy of quarantine regulations in the Torres r A Strait in 1986, noted that the application of -nil ,'. Ul («MI«Ot) Z2 quarantine, immigration, customs and health pro- I

1

cedures was, under the conditions of the Torres ' nil

1 Strait Treaty, not to the .1 designed prevent move- BHIKI lltlW ment of people nor the performance of traditional '41IIU1 IUMUI HMMfl rights. However, the Torres Strait was considered

1 an area of high risk for the introduction of exotic 1

iu.li ,i. ,\:,m- pests and diseases into Australia and adequate 1 safeguards needed to be kept. Australia and PNG 1 jhubii:..- • 111(111; :-i 1 MM

retain rights, under the Torres Strait Treaty, to 1

....:, ,. .!,.«,. implement national controls concerning illegal -i i 11 entry, evasion ofjustice, and prejudicial practices contrary to effective immigration, customs, health and quarantine protection. FIG. 101. Location and sightings of sail canoes The Torres Strait had, prior to the ratification (Tataku/Puputo or Motomoto) Torres St. 1980, 1982, of the Treaty, ineffective been an quarantine bar- and 1983. rier. In the matter of customary movement, CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRESS STRAIT m

TRADE VISITS voucAivwi:..w

FIG. 102. Portion of pamphlet issued by DPI listing * track* items and h lilted in exchange transactions across Torres Strait. the nature and extent of those items of material included as part of customary exchange of both culture permitted to be exchanged across the foodstuffs and artefacts. common border between PNG and Australia. The Treaty and the quarantine regulations Included is a list of garden foods, fish and which permit Free access to and from the shellfish permitted to be carried for the purposes Protected Zone, within the regulations prescribed of 'traditional trading' in non-commercial quan- under the laws of Australia and Papuan New tities. This list of permitted items was incor- Guinea certainly make considerable allowances porated in a pamphlet (Fig. 102) which stated that for the continuation of the customary exchange visits by Papuans were only permitted within the system. It is to be regretted that press reports such

Torres Strait Protected Zone. The permitted ex- as Cribb ( 1 988: 1 6), which are based on an incor- change items included: drums made of softwood rect assessment of the facts, do much to present with skin tympanums (incorrectly termed kundu in the Torres Strait region as the 'unguarded' door the pamphlet); pandanus mats and skirts; coconut of Australia. From a defence and broad security palm and pandanus leaf baskets: bamboo and black viewpoint the Torres Strait is unlikely, "in the palm bows; bamboo, mangrove and wmgai spears event of future defence contingencies' to 'attract (presumably arrows and harpoon timbers) with an opponent's priority attention'. Apart from metal, not bone, tips; beads made of seeds; wexxien shipping routes the area is economically under- carvings; woven and pandanus armbands; woven developed, has poor infrastructure and little fibre belts; shells; as well as fish, crabmeat, dugong strategic importance compared with other north- and turtle meat, coconuts, yams and sago. Thus the ern and off-shore areas (Babbage,1990). Treaty protects the movement of some items of The customs and quarantine assessment is subsistence and a number of types of artefacts notably different and the belief that the Torres which have been part of the customary exchange for Strait constitutes the area of greatest quarantine generations (Fig. 103 ). risk in northern Australia appears to be a reflec- However, Papuans and Torres Strait Islanders tion of official government policy (Australia. are prohibited from carrying live plant material, Department of Primary Industry and Energy, fresh fruit or vegetables, soil, animals, uncanned Quarantine Review Committee, 1988:190). meat, uncanned milk, eggs, hides, skins or Swain & Trapnell (1985) stated that the enor- feathers to and from the Protected Zone or from mous difficulty in controlling free movement the Special Quarantine Zone to any part of actOSS Torres Strait is compounded by si2e of the Australia. Many of these prohibited items were region and low population, as well as the fact that 380 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

' *£s and bows and arrows can be obtained from '-•,>- r :i #2!'™* riveri ne dwel ling peoples on request. Drums, cas- sowary feather headdresses and plumes can be obtained from Gidra-speaking peoples. This usually occurs before special occasions, such as dance festivals and Independence Day. Drums can also be obtained through the Bine-speaking people from Masingara who make more regular trips to Daru than the people from the upper Oriomo river. Canoes can be obtained through Fly estuary Kiwai people or from the Bamu River people who now reside permanently either on Daru or in one of the small villages which have relocated along the Oriomo River. The procedure by which coastal Papuans obtain canoes from the Fly estuary has changed with the common use of community radio. Generally, a 'service message' is made over the radio from FIG. 103. Child on Boigu with display of foods and Daru stating that a canoe can be purchased from atrefacts exchanged from Agob speaking villages of Buji, Ber, Thoez [Torze], Reproduced from Teske the market. The price is stated and coastal people (I986a:35). may then make the journey to Daru to negotiate the purchase. an estimation of population movement in the The best sago still comes from Kiwai Island and Torres Strait indicates that as much as 50-60% of is therefore more readily available during the people) of the island the population, (3000-4000 barramundi season when Fly estuary people, par- 'travel between the islands each communities ticularly from Sui village, come to Daru daily. year in traditional visits'. During the barramundi season, therefore, a com- the coastal villages along the coast, Among SW mon food in the villages is barramundi grilled in still takes a regular basis. For exchange place on sago. people ex- example, Kulalae and Mabudawan Seasonality of supply, the irregular nature of change vegetable foods for fish, as do Masingara transportation, lack of storage and uncertain wea- and Mawatta people. This exchange is not only ther conditions continue to hinder the full dev- cross-ecological but cross-cultural. Exchange in elopment of the Daru market. The islands of the these situations occurs without cash transactions Torres Strait, particularly Boigu and Saibai, are between regular exchange participants. The ex- often easier to reach than the Daru markets. The change of produce and some artefacts for cash market is also poor in quality compared with now occurs at Daru in the government established those on other majorregional centres of PNG. For market. Despite severe transportation and com- this reason people from the SW coast of Papua munication problems Daru remains the central still see the Torres Strait as a source for purchas- administrative, legal and medical centre for the ing daily commodities as well as luxury items. coastal and Fly estuary Papuan peoples. The prin- Taste also is an important factor in determining cipal barramundi freezer plant as well as trades- choice of market. Australian rice and sugar are tores at Daru also draw Fly estuary and Kiwai 'sweeter' and 'whiter' than the local Ramu Island fishermen to Daru during the barramundi brands which are disparagingly called 'blue' rice season. and 'blue' sugar. Petrol is also cheaper in the Coastal Papuan people from as far as Buji Torres Strait. The high cost of petrol, even if regularly bring other fish, turtle meat and some obtained from the Torres Strait islands, is largely shellfish, as well as baskets, mats and brooms, for responsible for the continued use of canoes along sale at Daru market. However, the sale of dugong the SW coast. The majority of canoes coming to at the market is strictly prohibited. The riverine Daru during the barramundi season are sailing dwelling people from the Pahoturi and Bineturi canoes. Gorowae, and now 'banana' boats Rivers bring vegetable foods, especially bananas, (fibreglass dinghies with outboard motors), are used sweet potato, taro, coconuts and some sago to the for short distance runs near Daru. market, together with meat, particularly wallaby Customary exchange continues to be an in- or deer. Baskets, cassowary feather headdresses, tegral part of inter-community relations across CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRESS STRAIT m

ihe Torres Sjtrait and Fly estuary region. How- Cape York Peninsula' (Royal Society of ever, the Torres Strait Treaty has largely formal- Queensland: Brisbane). ized these patterns of exchange by imposing a set 1981. Queensland. Pp. 53-114. In Peterson, N. i>f legal restrictions. The exchange system is now (ed.). 'Aboriginal landrights'. (Australian In enclosed within a set of parameters which have stituie of Aboriginal Studies. Canberra). been decided, with some due respect for cus- ANELL, B. I960. 'Hunting and trapping methods jn tomary tradition, by the dictates of international Australia and Oceania*. (Almquist & Wiksell: law. Uppsala). ANNUAL REPORTS ON BRITISH NEW GUINEA 1886/87-1905/06. Votes and Proceedings of LITERATURE CI TED Queensland, Parliament. (Government Primer. Brisbane). ANNUAL REPORTS ON PAPUA, 1906/07- ADAMS, R.McC. 1974. Anthropological perspeciives 1919/20. Parliamentary papers, Commonwealth on ancient trade. Current Anthropology 15: 239- of Australia. (Government Printer. Melbourne). 258. ANONYMOUS. 1961 Torres Strait Islands. Current ADAMS, W.H. 1976. Trade networks and interaction Affairs Bulletin 29; 35-48. spheres-a view from Silcott. Historical Archaeol- AUSTEN, L. 1925. D'Albertis' exploration of the ogy 10.99-112. Upper F*y River. Royal Australian Historical AKERMAN, K. 1980. Material culture and trade in ihc Society . Journal and Proceedings 1 1: 251-262. Kimberleys today. Pp. 243-251. In Berndt,R.M. AUSTIN, T. 1972. F.W Walker and Papuan Industries & Berndt. C.H. (eds). Aborigines of the West, Ltd. Journal of the Papua New Guinea Society 2nd rev, ed. (University Western Australia of 6:38-62. Press: Perth). AUSTRALIA. Commonwealth Bureau of Census and 3. 1977a. traffic, trade and expanding ALLEN, Sea Statistics. 1931-1945 Aboriginal census, vol.7, horizons. 387-41 7. In Allen, J. Golson. J. Pp. & part4A, (A.I.A.S. File 71/3145). (Australian In- Jones, (eds), Sahul'. (Academic R. Sunda and sticuteof Aboriginal Studies; Canberra). Press: York) New AUSTRALIA. Dept. of Primary Industry and Energy. 1977b. Fishing for wallabies: trade as a mechanism Quaramine Review Committee. 1988. Austrarian for BOCiaJ interaction, integration and elaboration quarantine requirements for (he future. on the central Papuan coast. Pp. 419-455. In I.A.G.P.S.: Canberra) Friedman, J. &. Rowlands, M.J. (eds). 'The evolu- AUSTRALIA. Department of Transport. 1980. 'Sea tion of social systems*. (Duckworth: London) transport serving the Torres Strait area*. 1977c. Management of resources in prehistoric I A.G.P.S.. Canberra). coastal Papua. Pp. 35-44. In Winslow, J.H. AUSTRALIA. Parliament, Senate. Standing Commit

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APPENDIX A APPENDIX B

Names of Torres Strait islands in contem- Estimated population statistics for the Torres porary use and some alternative names used in Strait islands and southwest coast and Fly es- documentary sources. Island names in italics are tuary villages of PNG. those in contemporary use (source Fuary,1986).

'TOP' WESTERN ISLANDS ISLAND DATE POP. SOURCE BOIGU TALBOT Hunt (1899:5) quoting Jukes but BURU TURNAGAIN 1846 700 Haddon (1935,1: DAUAN Mt. CORNWALLIS 95)states Flinders SAIBAI SAYBAY 1874 753 Gill(1874a,b) WESTERN ISLANDS MER 1888 3-400 McFarlane(1888)

BADU MULGRAVE, BADHU 1889 400 Hunt (1899:5)

KIRIRI HAMMOND 1900 481 Douglas (1900) MABUIAG JERVIS, MABUYAG Macgregor 1911 458 MOA BANKS, MUA (1911:22) MURALAG PRINCE OF WALES 1917 450 White (1917:51) MER/DAUAR 800- MURI Mt. ADOLPHUS 1872/3 Beckett (1972:312) AVAIER 1000 NARUPAY HORN pre 1871 500 Beckett (1972:3 12) PABAJU ALBANY 1874 179 Gill(1874a,b) WAYBEN THURSDAY, WAIBEN ERUB 1898 217 Myers [1899?] CENTRAL ISLANDS 1900 250 Douglas (1900) AWRIDH AUREED, AURID Macgregor 1911 315 DALRYMPLE, DAMOOD, (1911:22) DHAMVDH DAMUD, DAMUT UGAR 1911 42 Macgregor (191 1) GEBAR TWO BROTHERS, GABBA, GABA 1873 600 Moresby (1876:133) MASIG YORKE, MASSIG, MASSID 1884 130 Strachan (1888:24) MVKAR CAP SAIBAI Macgregor 1911 265 NAGI ML ERNEST, NAGHIR, NAGHEER (1911:22) PURUMA COCONUT, PAREMAR, PURAMA pre 1885 350 Strachan (1888:131) SASI LONG, SASSIE BOIGU 17 Mcfarlane 1888 TUDU WARRIOR, TOOD, TUD, TUTU families (1888:106) 100 WARRABER SUE, WARABER, WARABIR DAUAN 1881 Moresby (1876:133) 6 fams. YAM TURTLE BACKED, YAMA, IAMA MASIG 1873 80-90 Beckett (1972:312) ZEGEY DUNGENESS 18 EASTERN ISLANDS canoes, 1870 Chester (1870:1,3) DAUAR DAWAR, DOWAR TUDU approx. 43 men ERUB DARNLEY , EROOB, ERROB. ERROOB 1872 250 Gill(1874a,b) MAIZABKAUR BRAMBLE CA Y 1873 20Q+- Beckett: (1972:312) MER MURRAY, YAM/TUDU Macgregor MAER 1911 84 UGAR STEPHEN, OOGAR, AUGAR (1911:22) Macgillivray ZABKER CAMPBELL, ZAPKER 1849 300 (1852,11:16) Macgillivray 1849 100 NAGI (1852,11:42)

Haddon (1901/03, 1849-52 200 lit

1888 15 Haddon (1888) :

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 401

A [Mubalee] makes bamboo canoe, and pad- 'SLANT DATE i POP SOURCE Macgregor dles along with tide to Mauat. He wonders what MOA 1911 *» (191 122) he is going to do ? 'better 1 take canoe belong BnerlyMSS a]hgator'. He catches alligator, teDs it to open MURALAG 1849 50 (Moore 1974) mouth so he can go inside: but after entering,

1871 114 Chester (1871: 5j decides to come out again as he might be mis- 1872 300+ Beckett 0972:312) taken for the animal and killed, so he decides to take his bamboo canoe again. MABUlAG 1874 300 Gill 0874) Pulls into Kamoos reef: makes fire on canoe, 1875/6 250 Macfarlane (1888) cooks kai-kai. Ii is big low water, and canoe is Macgregor 1911 253 on top of reef. He sees Wappa reef when tide (191 1:22) falls, follows it to Wappa reef, then to Moon Passage, where he sleeps for the night. At

POP. | VILLAGE DATE SOURCE daylight, sees another reef, close to Warrior 400-500 1891 Macgregor. 1892 pulls to sandbank Ta-bai-an (which he names MASINGARA after his own village in N.G.). Sees Warrior Annual Reports on [Island] close by now: pulls again all night 1894 400 , BNG 1893/93 catches Warrior at daylight. Finds no one there: Annua! Reports on BUJI 1898 250 everybody on other sidc. BNG 1987/98 OnS[outh].E[ast] side are two brothers, named PARAMA 1874 500 Gill (1874 a.b) Waiu and Kereba. They wonder where A TURETURE 1874 SOU Gill (1874 a: 126) [Mubalee] comes from, and question him. Tells 1889 5000 Macgregor (1890 b) them he has run away from N.G. because of the fCiwai IS. 1903 4000 Chalmers! 1903b) big pig: but has left his wife who has family. SAGUANE 1889 250 MacsrcRor( 1890 b) Shows them his canoe and gives them bananas. SAMARJ 400 W[aiu] and K(ebera] invite A [Mubalee] to join Ibem. the two brothers have children: A IASA 500+ [Mubalee] takes child of one, and makes her his KUBJRA 300 wife. When she 'got picaninny', K [ebera] and SUMA1 500 W [am] take same, and the family keep on ex WIORUBI 700-800 changing to make 'plenty people'. IPISIA(AREA) 1000 Meanwhile, wife of A [Mubal eel, at home, has KATAU/ her child. Names him Uibalu. When almost 8 1874 400 Gill (1874 a: 126) MAW AIT A years old, asks 'where my papa T (They live in a high tree house, because of the wild pig) Mother tells him - T speak you one time, why wc APPENDIX C stop on top: he got sometime underneath: your father been run away, frightened, he take bam

Story to account for [the] close relationship boo canoe. He put your name, Uibalu' . Boy asks between [the] people of Warrior Island why they can't remove from there, as something (Tutu) [Tudul and New Guinea in trading may come and kill tbem: he wants to go down, etc. and will not listen to mother. Collected by Rev W. Macfarlane (Macfarlane Seeing his determination, mother makes him 1928/29. see also Haddon 1935.1: 81-83) bow, and shows him how his father used a bow tells him to try it. He shoots five cuckoos, which In N [ew] G [uinea], at Deeramo, inside Kadau mother cooks Then he goes out and shoots a River (where P [rirnary] I Industries] station now wallaby, 'he got tail which name that thing": is), plenty of wild pig used to roam - one in mother tells him beu-sar (wallaby). He goes particular was noted for its great size - it had 'all again and shoots a big kangaroo: mother kisses same cane growing all over body* (long bristles), ? him and praises him. They Kop-maori the and used to 'kai-kai people all time*. kangaroo on ground, take cooked meat on lop Living there was a man named Amubalee: about sundown. After dark, pig comes out, when his wife was preg [nant] he said to her. making big noise: they see him moving about in 'when you born boy, bye and bye, put name for bush. rum Ui-balec' 'bye and bye I shoot him .... \ Mother tcllshim 402 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

'you can't; your lather run away from him, boy'. dance: hears his father's singing, and

Mother gives him big bow belonging to his recognises it. Goes 'close to\ and sees his father: the two of them fit a string and make it father's house. Hears father speaking to wife: taut. Moiher gets arrows. Boy bends, the big bow listens: woman calls her son Newia. All sleep 'all same man'. Mother is excited: he strong all now. A [Mubalee] goes to his house to sleep: N same his father. [ewial goes to same house with his wife U Boy takes bow and arrow to ground: sleeps, I ibalu] goes in. and sleeps between father and but only lo be awakened ai sundown. Moiher son. Has rubbed himself with coconut oil: A 4 awakens him: he tells her to sleep. She says, all (Mubalee J smells him, ah f he same belong 'S'pose pig kai-kai you, bye and bye I kill New Guinea ! Who belong there T U [ibaluj tells myself. him what he has done: shows father 4 bananas secrets himself: moves .. .. ? Pig 'long Boy and legs of pig. Cuts leg: throws pieces all over way' Boy hear coming and prepares: takes him Warrior Island, and now people 'come up all big arrow (girowa), fires, hits pig in rib- fires over' That why Warrior Island got plenty again kills and him. Leaves bow and arrow and people'. goes on top to sleep, but does not tell mother L f ibalu) decides to return. Cuts 5 sticks what he has done. She goes to cook: sees down IKoopee] and gives to father and tells him to pig: retreats in fright: sees arrows in side, and come in 5 days time. Goes back in same gftsS finds pig is dead. Boy still sleeps: mother kisses canoe: travels all night: sundown at sandbank. him - 'Father run away but you got proper strong Gets inside river, and so home. Tells mother he heart" has found father at place called Tudee or Tud Mother takes out *cane' bristles from pig, and ('can't call name Tutu proper*): Mother kisses throws towards villages round about that have him. 'No boy like you: you make people tost their people through the pig: towards Pe-wa- everywhere'. dai, Ku-kuriam, Jibiam. Mageroobee, Gooroo- He waits 4 days, then goes to big tree .. .. day roo, Massingaia, Boorau. (She does this so thai plenty canoes come. All canoes come along people of villages can come up again*). She Sauree (nutside river) Man takes boo shell and continues turning towards Badurubee, Urupiam, sticks in circle in mud. Takefs] Baib (made of Jibar, Togo. Twisting she throws one 'close to', turtle shell, worn on head) and puts alongside lo Kuini, then near ? village, and another to boo. They say to these objects, "when some lrarru people come from Warrior (Tutu) Island, you got After this Ihey cut up the pig. The boy wants open your eye, and N.G. people will say all legs and arms - 'you kopmaori body and head for Warrior (Tutu) people come*. All go to tree in kai-kai* . They go to garden place, cut 4 bunches Guinea. [Mubalee] sees his wife son: bananas and 4 bunches taro. Leave kaikai clo>e New A and very happy. people go to different villages. to river. Basket with legs, etc., is placed Some

Remain for 2 days, make .. .. friends: then all alongside mother wonders why boy does this. They take kopmaori: smash meat with stone return lo Warrior. Find N lewial has taken a axe: mother and son kaikai. Son asks where woman, and she has family. Son named Maida. father went - in which direction ? Moiher tells Maida in turn has daughter, Sigee: she marries him: and he decides to seek father. She tells him Yasabab (of Yam): they have two sons, Kutu- father's name. saga and Kututai.

Boy Uibalu leaves mother and goes off. Makes (Yasabab is very bigman: big : some large canoe of grass, like alligator: goes inside. Grass bones found on Yam some back high up in floats with U [ibalu] inside: he is satisfied, and stones, said to belong to him. These were sent to prepares food to take with him Tells moiher lhat Sydney to Dr. Vernon. T (hursdayj I [sland if he dies, pigeons will make noise at tree where Maid a came lo Yam Island: and grew up fami- she lives Bids her farewell and goes off. ly there. Yasabab belongs to Yam. Maida was a U [ibalu] reaches sandbank: comes out and great fighter, 'fight all over'. When he died. looks round Then goes on to Kamoos, thence to Y[asabab] took his place as fighting leader. Used Wappa, and at daylight gets place at Moon Pas- to fight against Waraber> Long Island, Cap Js sage where father had slept. Gets on top of land, Two Brothers and other places. (At one sandbank: thinks it is like his own home. Looks time. Long Island had population on west side. round: goes off again, and lands at Warrior. Puts There is also a story of the doings ofMaida and canoe ashore: walks about: hears people making Yasabab. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 4W

APPENDIX D a 'good morning' fish (puffer fish). He took this fish to his two mothers and asked if he could eat

it. They replied 'No - that is not an earing fii Story Of Sido Then he shot a bush fowl and again he asked his Told by Mageramo Mareke. Daru Town, lasa two rnotherN if he could cat this. They replied: village comer, Kiwai language. Yes'. In this way he shot all types of animals, and his mothers separated the eating ones from Tlvis man Sido was not created at U'uwo on the other ones. In this way he fed his mothers Kiwai Island. He was created at Dibiri, but tbe with ftsh and food from the bush. Dibiri people chased him away from there be- He saw his two mothers joined together and cause he was making magic. From there he went thought to himself that they could not work to U'uwo . At U'uwo there were two women. properly this way. One day, when his two They were joined together at the waist. One mothers went into the bush he waited where he Could bend down to the front, ihe other could knew they would pass on their way home. ran bend down to the back. When they walked one He near would foDow behind the other backwards. Tliey lo the road and sat the path where they went together everywhere. TTiey would go to would come. He made a hard ball of sago and iititke sa^o together and they would return waited . When they both came past he stood up together. and hit them hard with the ball of sago. It \plii When Sido went to U'uwo he did not know them into two separate people. One ran to the that these two women were living there. One day shore, the other ran to the bush. He started run- when they returned from making sago Sido saw ning after the one who ran to the bush. Be them. He hid in a staghorn fern on a tree when grabbed ber by the neck, turned her around and he saw them coming. One woman told the other made her run to the beach. She. followed the other to pull a leaf off the fern as they passed and the who (old her companion that Sido had been tbe other woman did this and put the leaf in her one who had hit them and caused them to be- basket Sido was hidden inside this leaf. They come separated. Sido caught up to them and told both went off to catch fish. When they went to them to go into the water and wash. The two the shore they had their wash. When they mothers told Sido that he had hit them badly but finished their wash one woman took the leaf and he said that he had only done it in order to wrapped it in a nipa palm leaf She then put this straighten their backs. Sido then told them to go on the fire. When she had finished cooking the and cook food. The women went and prepared leaf she put i t to one side. While the other woman food that Sido brought them. was looking the other way the cook started to eat One old man, Soose by name, was working in the leaf, but when she opened her mouth , and his gardens nearby. Sido did not know this man. breathed in she swallowed the whole leaf. After Sido was shooting birds for his mothers when has it had gone down her throat she said: 'Something arrow landed near this man in his garden. He was has happened to me'. The other woman who had walking around near the river looking for his finished eating her sago asked her what had arrow, tapping the water and talking to himself. happened to the leaf The first woman answered The old man working nearby heard these sounds that the leaf had been so small that she had eaten and when he saw Sido he said to himself: "What it all. The other woman replied: 'Maski\ that is. a fine boy. What a nice light- skinned boy*. He It does not matter.' put down his digging spade and went to Sido. He The woman who ate the leaf then became told Sido to come, with him to his house and sal pregnant. The other woman noticed that she- was him down and cut bananas for him. He gave Sido having a baby and said this to her. Together they coconut water to drink. He then told Sido to stay continued to go out and make sago, until she was at the house while he went to his gardens. Sido ready to give birth. She gave birth to Sido. This left in the eating but he also was Sido's rebirth. Both of them looked after was house was the old cut two S jrjo Be cause of his magic he grew very quickly. spying on old man. The man He quickly learnt to turn around, sit and eat and bundles of bananas, and two bundles of soon he could recognise his two mothers. He coconuts. Sido saw lhe old man working and

• behind him. While he was not looking : ry quickly became fully grown. went up He told his two mothers lo make him a bow Sido jumped over him* grabbed the bundles of and arrows. They made some for him and gave bananas and coconuts and ran away. The old man them to him First he went to the shore and shot followed Sido to the river, and searched the 404 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

banks for Sido's footprints. He was looking for (Flying fox - catfish), because they hung around Sido because he was worried about him. the young women and caused trouble, were after Sido took the bananas and coconuts to his two one young woman, the daughter of the old man. mothers. They asked him where this food came Her name was Sagaru. Sido heard of her by from, and Sido told them. He then told them to name, and told the old man he wanted to see her. cook the food and later the three ate it. Later he When the young men saw Sido with Sagaru they went back to the old man and tricked him into took fright and ran away. giving Sido his magic. The old man soon realized Two men, Kadea and Mopea, decided to cut that Sido was tricking him. Later, Sido took the the top of the magic tree that brought Sido to Iasa. old man to his mother's house where they began After Sido had seen Sagaru he thought of how to living together in one longhouse. He made the get back to U'uwo . When the old man hit Sido's old man his father. One day Sido heard the sound drum the beeswax fell off and the tree flew back of drums and asked the old man what was that to U'uwo without Sido because the string that noise. The old man told Sido who asked him to tied it to the house had been cut. The string of make a drum. Together, they went and killed a this tree is still kept at U'uwo in the care of the big snake. They took the skin off and dried it and Samuki family. When the tree flew back to attached it to the timber. The old man put the U'uwo , it shook the house and Sagaru's father drum in the sun to dry it. Later Sido asked him if said: 'Uuu-oh- Sido's transport is going back'. the drum was ready as it had been in the sun for Sido later came out of the house and found that a long time. The old man told him that it was not his magic tree had gone. He then realized that he ready yet. Sido went and got a ball of beeswax. had no means of transport. The old man stuck the wax on the skin. Sido was While Sagaru was working near the house, in a hurry to play the drum so he took it and struck Sido came up behind her. He grabbed her hand it. The drum called out: 'Sagaru-Sagaru', when and while holding her, she asked him: 'Who are

Sido struck it. The old man put four spots of wax you?' Both of them entered the house and began on the drum but still it called out: 'Sagaru- having sexual relations. Sido covered Sagaru Sagaru'. The old man told Sido not to play the and himself with a pandanus mat. From there drum but to take it to Iasa and take it inside the they started their journeys around the coast of longhouse there. Kiwai Island. One day, Sagaru ran away from Sido asked the old man for the use of a canoe. Sido, because she said that he did not satisfy her The old man showed him a small canoe that he sexually. Sido had argued with her about having used to go to his garden place, but Sido said that sexual relations in the house for he said that there it was too small. Sido wanted to use a large fruit were too many people in the room. tree with magic power and went near the lon- From there Sido travelled alone around the ghouse where the tree grew. The old man said coast past Iasa until he came to Iwoituri (a river that Sido could not use that tree as it was used by near Sepe). He still could not find Sagaru even the U'uwo village for decoration of the village. following her footprints. While looking for her Sido got angry when his father said that he must he stepped on a snake (Sagaru, using her magic, go by small canoe. Sido took the drum and ran had placed these obstacles in his way). He saw to the canoe. Hejumped into the canoe but he did some people and they told him that she had just not get into the canoe the correct way and it sank. passed this way. They told him to follow the Sido was wet, he ran to his father and told him river. When he saw something coming towards he had sunk the canoe. The old man did not him he jumped into the river, but he fell and hit believe him because he had no trouble using the his nose on a rock (This is why people have an canoe. When the old man went away from the indentation on the bridge of their noses). When longhouse to look for the canoe Sido got the he came out of the water he saw that his nose was drum and climbed the tree. The tree then swung no longer straight. him across Kiwai Island to Iasa. When the tree Sido sent his children in the form of birds to swung back the old man heard the noise and said: search for Sagaru. They were sent to tell her to 'Uuu-oh- that is Sido going up. The tree took come back to him. The bird children saw Sagaru Sido to Iasa Point. There was an old man with and they told her that Sido had sent them. She leprosy and Sido went to his house. The old man told them that they were too small to carry her asked Sido where he was from, then he got food back to Sido and sent them to tell Sido to send a and gave it to Sido and Sido ate. The young men canoe for her. When they went back they told of the village, called Sogeburo - Demagoburo Sido that they had seen their mother, Sagaru, and CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 405

that she had fed them. Sido also prepared food by one man cal led Meuri , who wanted Sagaru for for them. Then Sido began making a canoe. himself. Meuri and Sido began to fight over

Firstly he cut a nipa palm but the tree when it Sagaru at Boigu. Meuri cutoff Sido's head. After went into the water sank to the bottom. Sido cut he killed Sido, Sagaru asked Meuri for a drink of all types of tree but they were not good for water, because she was thirsty, and Meuri gave making canoes. Finally, he cut a large straight her water in Sido's head to drink. Sagaru drank tree called Erario. He dug the canoe properly, not the water from Sido's head but then she threw

a dugout, it was only a log with holes cut in the the head away and where it landed it turned into timber. He made room for food, bows and ar- a deep well, which can still be seen on Boigu. rows, and places to cook and sleep. He pushed Sagaru wanted to get away from Meuri, so she

the canoe to the water and it floated. Sido put his climbed a tree, but Meuri cut down the tree. bird children in the canoe and from there he When Sagaru fell she was killed because the tree sailed to Mibu but the water stopped him at the fell on her. The spirits of Sido and Sagaru edge of the sea. He was left at low tide far from returned to U'uwo on Kiwai Island. Sido's spirit a longhouse. Sido used magic to call on the water is still there and his grave can be seen at U'uwo to take him to the longhouse, and the water came . Where the spirit is sleeping, that place is always and took him closer. kept clean of leaves by the wind and the plants Sido was asleep and the canoe bumped the are always green and fresh. No-one knows where longhouse. The bird children told him to wake Sagaru' s spirit lives now. up. When Sido went into the longhouse to change his garments, the canoe bumped the lon- ghouse again and the longhouse fell down. The APPENDIX E canoe then went under the longhouse. The water went back and left the canoe on the land under the longhouse. Sido set to rebuilding the long- Story No. 1, Origin of Buji People house. Sagaru was out looking for food. When Told by Bapu Mose, Buji village, Agob lan- she came back from the garden, she started to guage strip the bark of the canoe hull while Sido was rebuilding the house. Sido looked out of the One day there was only a father named house when he heard her working and came out Ubrikubri, and his daughter, Girbut, living at of the house. When he saw her cutting the canoe. Buji. There was no one else. The daughter asked Sagaru asked: 'Is that you Sido?* Sido asked her her father: 'Can you find me a piglet that I can to for plenty prepare food him. She cooked of feed?' The daughter gave this task of finding the served food, and she them the food but there was piglet to her father because she was caring for no sago. Sido asked her if there was any sago. their gardens. The father went into the bush to She looked and said: 'Is this the food you were search for a wild piglet. He found one and talking about?' She Pointed towards what she brought it home but the daughter rejected it. He thought was a sago tree but was really an ant hill. asked her: isn't this the one that you like?', and hill. Sido went up and climbed the ant While she replied: 'No - I don't like that one'. So he Sido was climbing, Sagaru called all the bird returned to the bush and came back with a cas-

children and they began to eat all the food that sowary chick. Again she refused it. she had prepared. They finished all the food and He brought a wallaby.

then she sent the 'sons' away. After that Sagaru She refused it. also ran away because when Sido came back to He brought a black wallaby.

her he still could not satisfy her sexual needs. She refused it. When she was walking in the bush, she met He brought a bandicoot.

some people and told them that if anyone asks She refused it them if they have seen her they must answer He brought a bird.

'No'. Sido saw that Sagaru had gone. He fol- She refused it. lowed her until he came to Mabudawan. He She became very cross, saying that he did not climbed the big hill there. From the hill he bring her anything that she liked, so he began jumped down, and his footprints made a dent in searching the creeks and rivers. She told him to the rocks on the beach. The dents can still be dive into the river to look for her piglet.' At low seen. From Mabudawan, Sido followed Sagaru tide he found a baby crocodile. When he gave by canoe to Boigu Island. They were followed her this, she was very happy. 'Yes,' she said, 406 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

1

'thafs the ' piglet that 1 like ' When she look the would separate from each other. The elder crocodile she sent the old man away, and built a brother said: *1 will go into the water'. The shelter for herself and a fence for the crocodile. younger brother said: 'I will live on the land". The crocodile grew very large. One day she went The elder brother changed into a crocodile, and into the garden to get food for the crocodile. She the younger brother became a human being. This made an earth oven and cooked all the Yams and happened at a place called Akor. The crocodile taros. She took a container to her father and was called Sawi. The man was called Doburag. broke up the food with a stick. She said to her Doburag had children. The males were Done, father that because she was going into the garden Yakoe, Waba, Giwe, and Zawai, The females tomorrow that he must feed her 'pig.* She left a were Bairboi, Duez, and Monang. A girl named coconut shell for water and Instructed him to Tena got married at Akor and she named her feed the 'pig.* child Done. Tena brought Done to Sigabaduru, She went into the gardens and when the when he was a child. Kada brought Done and crocodile went- 'Urrr', the old man took the food Monang (Doburag's children) to Sigabaduru, and water to the crocodile. However the and they grew up there. Monang was later given crocodile refused the food and water, three to Warapa, in exchange to another clan,, for times. The old man then took food in Wis hands another woman named Naisa. He [the man who and reached through the fence. The crocodile was sitting next to the storyteller) is a descendent grabbed him and dragged him down to the beach. of Naisa, and he and his sister live here. TTieir The old man left excreta all over the beach whkh brothers and sisters are Daia (sister); Tarci became rocks. The crocodile took the old man's (sister); Pai (brother); and Nai (brother), his now body over to Boigu and put it in the channel forbidden for them to eat crocodile They can between Boigu and Buji. He then decided to catch it but not eat it. The crocodile also knows bring him back and placed him on the rocks at the magic words and can identify a man of this the end of the beach at a place now called clan. Ubrikubn. The dragging of the old man's body created the channel between the Island and the Story No. 3, Connections between Saibai mainland. In the afternoon the daughter returned and SigaBaduru from the gardens but she saw that her *pig' was gone and the fence broken, and her father Told by Pina Dania. SigaBaduru village. Agob nowhere to be.seen. She started to cut bamboos language to make a raft to look for her father. She left off her grass skins except for one and as she went There were Two Brothers named Saganbada she kept singing out her father's name, and Girimabua. their mother was Burburkut (a ^Ubrikubn e wa ya, Ubrikubn ba wa ya\ She large clam shell). Girimabua was the eldest. poked the bamboo pole into the water and found Girimabua said that he was going to live on the the body near the rocks She sang out: 'Where is mainland at Sigabaduru, but Saganbada said that Ubrikubri?' (She also called her crocodile this he would live on Saibai. Girimabua made a raft name). The crocodile showed her the old man's out of bamboos and a mat sail from the reeds in this body. She told him to leave it here and she moved growing the swamps, and using journeyed off to Onom. further down the coast. The bam- back and forth visiting his brother. boo raft broke open and the bamboos drifted to Some other people lived in the swamps on the shore, and began to grow there. The crocodile Saibai and Sagaribada married one woman from there Geiga. into an in- swam away and after stopping at Buru reef it named Girimabua went girl went to Badu, and can still be seen there swim- land place and married a from there (Weab?), ming in the channel between Badu and Moa. her name was Ait. Sagaribada had children on Saibai, their names were Yalu, Nowya, Isna, Sonai» Aken. Bupaburum (born on Sigabaduru Story No. 2, The Akron clan and called Wild Pig*). Told by Pai Done. StgaBaduru village, Agob Girimabua's children were born on language Sigabaduru and they were: Wake, Kaudi, Samare, Salika, Paidu, Gipai, Dangais, Maigi This is the story of how die Akron clan was and Imari. Because of this relationship Saibai created. There were i>ncc Two Brothers who had and Sigabaduru people look after each other. a tame pig. One day they killed it and made a There are no disputes and fishing grounds are feast. After the feast they decided that they open to all. From the grandparents time to now CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAP 407

they have been exchanging gifts. Saibai people settled on Saibai, they had children and some of aJso know this story. their desceodente are: Barnaga who died (the town in Cape York is named ;»f"cr frm). Wugea Story No. 4. The Samoguad clan who is alive, and Kala who is also alive. There arc now many grandchildren Told by Rubu Ag. SigaBadum village, Agob language Stofy No, 5, The Tabalut people

A man called Wagchau came from Saibai \o ii'id by Kadiba Gog, Tabatal village, Agob Guiar near the village between Sigabaduru and language Buji. There he met Pala, and Pala asked him;

1 'Why did you come he**? Wagebau said" *1 There was a man living at Tabatat, Simai was have come lo visit friends'. Pala pulled a lump his name, during the past, when there were tribal of grass and said if Wagahau killed (he Guiar fights, foe used to come and fight the enemies. He people, Pala would pay him with the woman was a man who was well respected by his peo pie Mogai from Guiar. There was a patch of jungle There were good times and bad times. Some- at Guiar and some of the young girls Wei* living times he would not help his people and many there- Their names were Basau, Abar, Podenen would be killed. Simai and his people lived and Dauar. Wagebau went back to Saibai inland but came to Ihe sea to fish The people without a woman. He Later heard that PaJa had tired oi Sirnai altera time and some decided to died returned He to the coast on thecanoe. When kill him . They came and told him of their idea to he got to the village called Mogai, between Buji kill him, so thai he could go away, but he told and Sigabaduru. he began to kill people. One them he had no idea of where to go or what to man, Kua, the younger brother of Pala, survived do They warned him for a second time, and then

fc and said to Wagebau: You have kilkrd enough a third time. Some people sided with Samai and already - leave the rest alone'. As soon as he protected him. His enemies came one day and heard this Wagebau decided to make friends. killed him. He left behind an object (it is forbid- Wagebau look some coconut leaf slicks and gave den to name this object), hut when those who had them to Kua, and told him that he should throw killed Sirnai returned to their homes they began one out every day. 'When there are two left, you dying, one by one, until only one man was tell will know I am returning from Saibai*. he said. ITus man moved to Widegmanan (another name Wagebau relumed to Saibaj, and later came but k for Tabatat) with his children, but they turned to the mainland. This time he brought a gun with into flying foxes. Some of these flying foxes him and fired it into the air to frighten the bush went to Pizazanen, others went to the other side people ofMogai. The villagers covered themsel- of the creek, to Tenatane. near the mangroves. ves with mud, and took their bows and arrows to where they lived as men again. They stayed there meet Wagebau. Wagebau fired a second time unlil the spirit of Sirnai told them to move out. into the air, Kua said to make friends and have a Tncsc people moved to Sigabaduru. The spirit of

feast, so he look Wagebau to the place where Simai still fcroaftsortlhc land. they slept. Kua then got all the girls mentioned

and dressed them al 1 the same in grass skirts, and Story No. 6, The Bibra clan sat them before Wagebau, and told him that the girl in the middle will be his wife. Wagebau took Told by Pina Darua, SigaBaduru village. Agob the girl and sat next to her during the feast and language K told Kua: \ will he going back to Saibai tomorrow*. Wagebau sang this song; Our great grandfathers used to live at 'Big cassowary (the girl) is going the big place Mabudawan. They planted coconuts, and man- (Saibai). When this man shook the Uzu tree, the goes and they used the name, Mabunardi. When seeds fell down. He got his prize and now he is the Kiwai arrived they could not pronounce this

Eoing back". name, and changed it to Mabudawan. When the Wagebau then slept, he got Mogai and look the Kiwai first came they landed on the Island called grass skirt off her, and hung it on a tree near the Zengel (Paho Island at the mouth of the Pahoturi shore at Gulaggulag Creek. As soon as he left River). When they landed there they thought that this creek, he and Mogai sailed to Saibai. The no-one Lived there, but they found people on the people did not know where she was going as they mainland who made friends with them, and gave did not know Saibai. When Wagebau and Mogai them the land to live on. The years passed. Then 408 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

the Kiwai started stealing the garden foods, taro, not know that there were people inside the tree. Yams, cassava, and sweet potatoes, they stole He was living in the bush at Kuru, and one day, women, and took coconuts and mangoes without when he was in his gardens, he saw an eagle permission. They then began quarrelling. They carrying a turtle bone. The eagle dropped this did this because they had nothing of their own. bone in the bush next to Bidedu. The old man

Even though they were given food freely, the picked it up and looked at it, and said: The fish Kiwai stole, so the Sigabaduru people moved we are eating here is not this type of bone'. He away from Mabudawan. They said that the thought that there must be other people at the Kiwai population had grown and that they spoke shore over in the direction that the eagle had a different language, so they would leave. They come. He said: 'I have to go and see whether the packed up and moved to Simabod, about 500 people are there'. From his gardens he took one metres from Mabudawan. Again, after they had of each type of foods. He also took his bow and planted gardens, the food was stolen. From arrow, and a cassowary-bone knife. When he Simabod, they moved to Darbud, (half way be- came to the shore, he heard people talking but he tween Mabudawan and Sigabaduru). Once again did not know where the sound of voices was their garden food was stolen. They moved to Pad. coming from. When he heard these sounds, he then to Again the same problem. They moved thought at first that it was bees flying, or the Kublailo (about 1 km. from Sigabaduru). There sound of the trees touching. He passed the fig well the was no water there so they found a near tree, but when he jumped over a log the voices present village called Old Mapokan. They ceased. He turned back and heard them again. He stayed. They then saw that the land near the shore went to the shore, and saw the ocean, waves, and was good, and moved closer to the beach. This Daru Island in the distance. He saw smoke rising is the present village. This land is now ours. from Daru Island, but could not see any people. He returned to near the fig tree, and once again Story No. 7, How the Kiwai came to jumped over the fallen log. Once again the Mabudawan people stopped talking. Bidedu thought that there must be people inside the fig tree behind Told by Pina Darua, SigaBaduru village, Agob the vine. He returned to the shore every day for language four days. On the fourth day , he took his cas- sowary-bone dagger and said to the people in- A [Kiwai] man named Kesave came to side: if you move a bit I will break the vine'. Mabudawan with the government patrol of- When he cut the tree, the first man out was Biza, ficers. He was from Kadawa (Mawatta), and he the next was Asiba. Bidedu told Biza to stand went back and told the people that Mabudawan behind him and that he would be his brother. He was a good place. When he returned the told Asiba to stand to one side and he would be Sigabaduru people gave him a woman called his cousin. The next man, called Purkipurki, he Makar, who was the widow of Kowdi. Her sent to stand with Asiba. They are all from the children were: Maiku, Isau, Bamaga, Gaso, Bunai and a Saibu, Daroa, Pinu, Maigi, Imari and Paidu. one family. After Gamea came Woida. people were also sent to Kesawe did not have children. He also had a wife woman These stand with Asiba. at Kadawa (Mawatta) called Kutai. At times he Bidedu asked them: 'What have you been stayed at Mabudawan, at other times at Kadawa. is water?' also asked That's how the Kiwai came to Mabudawan. eating, and where your He them: 'Where is your fire?' Bidedu took a fire Note: Kesave (also spelt Kesawe) is men- making cane, and a fire showing them tioned in Beaver (1920: 79-80) and in Annual made how to do it. said:"This is fire". they Report on British New Guinea (1892: 48). He When saw the fire and smoke they fell down unconscious.

From there he got one tree and burnt it on the fire, Story No. the Kiwai settled along 8, How and he put the stick on their eyes and noses and the coast (Part J) they woke up. He took them to the shore, and Told by Jawagi Maru, Mabudawan village, washed them in salt water. They ran away from Kiwai language the waves, saying: 'What are these things crash- ing on the ground?' Bidedu said: 'Don't be - - 1 . In the olden days, there were no people. scared those are waves the wind is making the They lived inside a fig tree, in a hole, with a vine waves'. From there, after washing, he took them wrapped around. One old man named Bidedu did back to the fire. Once again they fell down, and CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 409

once again he re vived them. He asked them agai n the fish to ihe shore The second time he speared to show him their food. He asked them for a saw-toothed shark. This was one that he could bananas, but they showed him mangrove fruit. cat. Next he speared a stingray. In the dream - Bidedu told them: This is not the right banana Bidedu told Biza io cook fish and give it to the 1 throw it away . He asked them for sago, and they dogs . I f the dogs did not die men he could eat the showed him sand. He told them that it was not fish. This is how he found out which fish to eat sago, and showed them the real sago. He took all He ate the fish and then went and speared more. Che garden foods that he had brought from Kuru His dogs names were Bigema and Wauri. He and showed them to the people. He took the took the fish to Doridori When he got there other foods from Kuru to this place Dudupartu. He people asked him where he had been, and he told carried them in a hag for seeds and magic which them that he had found a good place near the stretches when full. He took food and cooked il beach. He called it Mawatto-Dodomea (Dodo- for them- He gave them half and he ate half He rnea meaning good beach). Biza took the people showed them the way to plant and the way to along the beach to this place. Bidedu stayed cook. After that they planted all their foods, and behind in the bush with his people a! a place when harvest came they cooked their food and called Morohopu (meaning my lands/ground i said: These are good foods to cat*. He asked The people who came fi om the bush to the beach Ihcm for coconuts, but they showed him nipa were called Kadawarubi. palm fruits. He told them that this was not Bidedu 's family, the Osingle clan returned to coconut. From there he took a real coconut, Ihe hush Fmm there Bidedu said: 'You may go opened it and scraped the meat. He took young to the shore, but how will you travel around from coconuts and opened them and showed them place to place? When you find a place to settle 1 1 how to drink the milk. He drank half and gave will visit you there . They first made a place at them half. Tfiey were staying at Dudupartu, but Mawatto, then they crossed to Dam Island on moved to the other side ot the mouth of the rafts. From there they caught dugong and turtle Oriomo River. There he told Biza to make his and obtained water. They also held ceremonies gardens. Biza planted his garden foods and soon there- The Daru people, the Darurubi, spoke saw that they were growing well. Bidedu said: 'I Daruowera and Hiamoowera, and had canoes. want Biza to dream of* the garden", so the old man They taught the other people how to make cut the bark of a special uceand g*ve it fco Biza canoe*. When the first people had come out Of to eait. Biza ate the bark and went to sleep but the trees, they had seen dugong and turtle intes- dreamt of a kangaroo. Bidedu told Biz* when he tines in a mangrove tree. Bidedu had asked them was sleeping that when he woke he would make what fish they ate and they showed him these a bow and arrow. The first dream thai Biza had dried intestines. He taught them how to cook the showed him that when he next went on the way meat property. When they went to Daru they to the beach something would cross the road. showed the people how to cook dugong and Here he should turn to the side and find a special turtle. While they were at Mawatto, they had taro called Arahardo. When Biza saw this taro he heard drums beating, and when they went to was to take il and plant it in the garden. After he Daru they saw the ceremonies used for bunting planted the taro he was to go out and find the dugong. TTie Daru people went to Mawatto and beach. This was part of the subject of the first shared their hunt there. dream. Early in the morning, Biza woke up and 2. Gafoea thought that he must build another started to make his bow and arrow*. When he house/village So FtQfll tbtlC Gamea stalled finished he went out and saw the taro, he then down the c^asx looking for people. He started went to the shore and saw a nice beach. Biza collecting people from Kiwui Island. Panuna. thought that this would be a nice place for people Sui. etc., and some from this side down io Saihai to stay. He named the beach Mawatto, which and Boigu. As be tyjtf (ravelling th<: coa$t I he re means to take someone and cross to the other side was no fighting because he made magic while he of the river. To cross the river he made a log raft. was travelling. When he collected the people Ik Others had made rafts of mangrove but these had took two other men named Kaiku and Parana sunk. They had no canoes, but used rafts. At the from Daru and the village started to grow Today beach Biza speared a puffer fish called "Good that family is all here at this village called Un Morning' fish. In the dream Biza was lold that umere clan. They stayed a long time (at Mawat- the first fish he would spear would swell its to) and then moved to Gireuin (also culled MO-nttCh and he was to throw it away. He threw Netuie), which is the bav at the Point of Katatai. 4)0 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

called Koipomuba. Bidodu moved to ihis side of are now was the garden before. They stayed at Mawatto called Wiomuba, thai is the Poi nt of the the shore, but made good gardens. There were Oriomo River. He would look after the people iy of women at Kadawa and they married there and after he would drink otagamoda, and there, Each man had two wives, because there tell stories and listen to people talking to each were few men. The first wife helped with fishing other. They aba started making gardens, but and gardening, the second wife only had the because there was no water, and many children. This was how (hey lived in the old mosquitoes, ihey decided to mow to a better times. place. Also there were many people there. 4. One day a woman had a baby which she Gamea took sonic men; Mabul, Gagare, Herepe. abandoned at the shore, and the sea ants ate the Maiope, and his snn Wasomo, and journeyed baby's eyes, nose, mouth and ears. Thechild was down the coast Between Dauan and Boigu. unar called Pogomere (fatherless child). This caused Buru Island, ih >e turned over and many differences. Another woman, Bubuna, was Wasomo drowned. Gamea journeyed a second told by her husband, Hariba, to go and make a time from Daru, taking Maru as bis son from new skjrt from banana leaves. Together they Dam. When they left Mawatto they came 10 found the haby lying near the bushes close to the Karapo, a place near Oeabina. where there is a beach and look it to a place between the two big tree. He found a good place there and cleared longhouses, Hariba asked the people to make a the land and camped there . There is no-nne there, small house for the baby, called a Hageiboa not even a footprint, only a sandy beach. From mofto. Bubuna went into the house, Hariba made Cteabina, he found the Binaturi River. As he a mark down the longhouse and said; This side travelled the coast he named the rivers and will go with Gamea*. they were the KadftWai places: Binaturi. Kura, Ramezi Creek. Auga- The other side went with Hariba, and became the ramuba (the Point near Mabudawan), Gugihi Tureturerubi. The Tureturerubi stayed with Creek, Mamkura bland, Paho Island (where the Kuke, the headman, longhouses were built at dead are buried), Pahotun. Minimini Island. Mesebiaro. Ginea and Barumuba. Gamea named them all From Mabudawan he 5. One Turcture man speared a Kadawarubs

went to Saibai Dauan and Boigu in the canoe man w ith an arrow . The man who was killed was with a pandanus leaf sail He learnt to make this called Garibu. This caused fighting between the canoe from the Daru people. people The big men, Gamea and Kuke, tried to 3. On the second trip along the coast, Gamea slop the fighting, but the young people wanted put the canoe at Mabudawan. There was no to separate. Now the Kadawarubi and the Tuij- fighting or cutting ol heads, only peace and turerubi live apart. First the Tureturerubi went to friendship. Thai is why the islanders were Yomuso, then to Kuokawa. Then they went lo fnends. When he went to Boigu other people Doika. They wondered how they could make started visiting the I.sl.md then Foe the second fnends again. One woman was given by the trip they got a canoe from Kiw aa Island, and used Tureturerubi to the Kadawarubi to stop the fight- a coconut leaf sail. When he went to Saihai and ing. They put their fighting equipment around Boigu he found people there. Gamea was taken her. and on a stick called a Nunaota. She was care of by the people of Boigu and nnc Saihai dressed at Doika and taken to Binaturi. They man .v:nr luck to Mawatto. Gamea invited planted ihe stick in the ground, and left the Dag ai from Saibai to teach the people in Mawatto woman diere. Women were exchanged in this how to make dugong harpoons, and how lo hunt way with other places such as Boigu, etc., in the dugong Dagaj started making spears to go order to stop tribal fighting. This woman was fishing and dugong platforms. Dagaisaid he given to the Mabudawan (section) of the Village would tell his brother Wusuru from Boigu to to make peace. Her name was Erema. come and help him make spears. Wusuru came 6. Bidedu had taken the seeds of plants lo from Boigu, straight to Daru. and he and Gegera Turcture and he had spoilt the other gardens with and Iwotmo made a house at Mawatto. They later his magic. Biza was not aware of this. The moved to Binaturi, when Mawatto grew. There Kadawarubi did not harvest food for about three they married and the village grew. There was no years. Samuki Gamea said that he would cross Turcture village all the people were Kada- to Tureture and bring Bidedu back. Bidedu warubi. From Binaturi, they went to Oeabina. refused three times to return. He sent for one of They had a small house there, but moved to Old his three sons. This son, Sobi, brought his magic Mawatto (real name Kadawa). Where the houses ba>ke4. and Bidedu shared his magic. Bidedu :

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRATT 41!

told Samuki Gamea that he was to stay with him told Gagoro that they wished in have the child and be taught the garden magic. Bidedu asked and so Iana relumed to his clan. where the gardens were placed and he was told 2. The Kadawarubi people used to go out to the at a place called Poponatatio. Bidedu's second reefs and also to the Fly River to the Hagedai and sen had burnt a garden place at Anaipodo. Gemeadai people on Kiwai Island and bought Bidedu had taught his suns the garden magic. their canoes there. 'Oromo-oromo (coast people) Early in the morning Bidedu shouted to Bi?a that are coming', said the Kiwai Islanders. Gemea- Samuki Gamea would now look afier the gar- dai (Island people) are coming*, said the Ma- dens He also lold Biza that Bidedu (the second budawan people. People came from Hubo son) Gagari. Herepe. Maburu and Maiope mkul between Katatai and Gewi to Mabudawan, and also slay with Biza, The people took Bidcdtrs some of these people still live here. From tlkr son lo the village and made otagamoda for him. Kiwai people we learnt how lo make canoes Bidedu'sson stayed and they planted the gardens (tataku), so as to have access to the reef, how |i the next day. First they burnt the garden place, use paddles and how to fish on the reefs. In the then they filled a bowl with seeds and covered old days, they paddled from Kiwai Island. Then them with water and then they scattered the seeds they began to sail down on moiomoto, and now on the ground. The man making this magic was they use puputo. They bought canoes with bailer with flowers. are still decorated They using this shells, eggs and knives chest ornaments and garden place at Old Mawatto. Bidedu was loft at armband shells These they took to Kiwai Island. Tureture. The people who taught them how to fish came from Saibai and Boigu. Their family is here in Story No. 9, How the Kiwai settled along this village as well as on Saibai and Boigu. the coast (Fart 2) 3. Mabudawan was friends with Kunini and Masingara people, Gamea made these Told by Amabi, Mabudawan village. Kiwai friendships. He brought them out of the bush to language the shore, Masingara people came from right inside the bush. They are staying at Sare. The L There was no government or missionaries. Kadawa people brought them from SaTe 10 Our people lived in longhouses at Neture (also MasingJe, Mabudawan people sent the Masin- called Gireture, the bay to the Point of Old gara a pastor from Darnley Island Darnley Is- Katataj). Gamea's clan was called Unumere. land was the centre of the mission, and teachers U1u.su m's family, staying at Ganalimouro, and pastors returned to Mawatta from belonged to Gaidai clan. The man from Boigu training there. Missionaries to Mawatta. The named Baidamo was from the Wusuru family. came Old man who led the Masingara Marotopa. The old man's family was staying at Haroboba was near the Binaruri. These people were his great Marotopa climbed a tree on the Masingara road to spy, to see if the people were coming to fight. grandparents. ANai made a garden at Kadawa, then village. and was told not to go back to Doika The Old Mawatta was made into a The church to Western Province. Mr. Macfar- Kadawarubi gave Anai a wife and the old man is came descendent of this union. The Tureiure people lane came from Darnley to Old Mawatta becauv he saw from reef. went to moved closer lo the Kadawa people. Anai was smoke the When he from Marawadai clan and he was very small the coast there was still tribal fighting and people when his father Bidedu died. The wife of Anai were prepared to kill him because he wtt a was from the Darubi (Darurubi) people of the stranger but others were peaceful towards the Dagarubi clan. The wife's name was Genai. missionaries, and did no* want to kill him. So he They had a son called Iana. When ANai died the preached to them and they stopped lighting, fife wife was caring for the child, but the uncles let them know that he had come from Darnley. decided that this was not correct, so began to and he later relumed and took some people to Darnley. Their names were Mamoosa, Abai, look after the boy . Ana a nd Gagoro adopted Iana, because the wife, Genai, was from their clan and Gebuma, Gagu and Adagr All these sir the child was adopted out of his natural Kadawarubi (Mabudawan) men. They went lo father's clan. The people rested at Mabudawan learn missionary work, and he taught the 'Good when making gardens, because no people lived News.* When ihey returned they brought Bible there. After a time, the father's clan wanted the story books They taught the people how io boj back, because they said he will grow up not preach and showed them the stories and later knowing his own people. At the longhouse they built a small hut. The davs of work were Mondav 412 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

to Saturday, and Sunday was a Holy Day, when people on board and go to the Eastern and no work was done, They taught the village how Western Islands. 1974 was the last trip to to read the stones and sing songs about God. Darnley. Now they are mostly going to Yam. It was after that that they started to go to the Badu and Mabuiag every year. Tomes Strait islands - paddling and sailing. This the first time that they had contact with the was Story No. 10, Death of Para Eastern Island people. They went on canoes to Damley, Yorke, Murray, Yam, Mabuiag and Told by Kanai Tura, Mawatta village, Kiwai Badu. They found that the Eastern language was language [like] Papua Kiwai. The Eastern language was a It first brought the people to Daudai language, the same as Hiamo-hiamo. was Gamea who Here they started building canoes and From these villages they spread Christianity Mawatta dugong hunting platforms, and started going to through the Islands and the Western Province the reefs in the Torres Strait . One day when some These five people (the original men who went to people were going out to the reefs, the men of the mission) are known and respected in the Man and Jarai carne. During the daylight they Torres Strait Islands. hid in Kura Creek, but when the sun was setting 5. The next missionary, Lui, built a church at they began to move up the coast, some by canoe Old Mawalta. The missionaries were mostly and some on land. They came to the Binatun Samoan missionaries. The second church was at River, and waited for sunrise. The one who led Mabudawan. The L.M.S church building came them was Para, their leader and great chief. In from Cairns, Cooktown and TownsviUe. The the morning they met the men from this village memorial slone is from Thursday Island. In the and began righting on the beach. There was one old days , on the canoes, they carried water in white man. * Mr. Barton ?„ living in the village, bamboo tubes, and when it was finished they running the trade store. He also fought against planted the bamboo. The bamboo growing near the attackers, but while he was fighting his boots the Customs House on Thursday Island is from became stuck in the mud and Para lolled him. these containers. They worked for the white men Para then cut off the European man's head. The and ihe Japanese and they (built?) the lighthouse fight leader of this village was Kaire. When he near Bella's Creek on the Australian Mainland. sua die European die he shot Para with an arrow Seven men who died in the cyclone in May 1932 and killed him. He then cut off Para's head. The were from Mawatta. The Australian Govern- people who had gone to the reef also saw the paid their families pensions until World ment fighting and returned to help the men from their II. T.I. people are buried at War Some village. When Para was killed the fighting here Mabudawan. The mission went from to stopped. Para had two wives, and they came and Parama, Sui and Katatai to spread Christianity. took Para's body and carried it down to the 6. The first transport used was bamboo rafts, beach. They sang a song about the death of Para were used to to Island. people and go Yam Some which people still sing. The Mawatta people were swept as far as Cape York, some to Muri carried the body of the European back to the (murray) and some to T.I. The canoes were first: village. This was the last fight between the people of Morehead and this village. They never - raft mono came here again, and Para's hair is still kept by - tataku 1 outrigger, no sail the descendants of Kaire at Mabudawan. - motomoto no jib sail *Note: According to the Annual Report on motomoto - with jib sail British New Guinea 1888/89, Appendix H:68: - puputo small with I sail and 2 outriggers Last season [1888?] they [the Tugeri] went as Sail settings came from the luggers The far as Kadawa and killed there a European canoes on the beach were built in the 1950s. The named Martin.'' first motomoto was dug at the bank by Kebe T Dabu and called 'Surprise Canoes were made Story No. 1 1, Kadawa village at Saibai, and people copied them from ihere. They had no front sail. Name of the first canoe Told by Moses Somogi, Kadawa village, (from there) was 'Kobututui. These new Kiwai language motomolos could go right down to Cape York, Mapoon, Redpoint, Bamaga and to Escape RiveT The people of Kiwai Island lived at lasa. There to catch crocodiles. Thev could earn' 40 - 60 were no people on the coast then. When the lasa CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 411

people began moving some went to Manowete, thought that it was a sea monster. When they the North Bank of the Fly River. One old man sailed near there they stayed close to the main- named Sewota crossed from lasa to the mainland land Whenever they went close to the sandbank, on his single outrigger canoe. He took his son the crashing waves frightened them and they with him but on the journey the fire went out, At would return to Wasigena. They decided to find thai time there was no Mibu Island. He came to out if it was a real monster so they went and past Sui on the coast. His son began 10 cry planted a stick in the sand, they saw that it w as because he was hungry so Sewota stopped and land and called UOweaparama (Owea = found).

went lookng for fire but was unable lo find it. He They planted trees at Arimaturi. Some people finally came to Gibu. a small creek-north of left this old village and settled on Oweaparama. Gcwi. Here he left the canoe and went up this While they were living there conflict arose over creek. He shouted but found nobody. He came relationships between men and women and the out from the creek, found Gcwi Creek and came village decided to separate. They split in the to Hubo near Tore Passage and Huboturi River middle and some people stayed at Parama. they on the mainland opposite Gaziro. His son was were the Gebarubi, others went to Gaziro but fainting from hunger. He Jeft the canoe at H ubo, there was no water there so they crossed over to made a shelter and left his small son there. He the mainland and settled at Komako, also called told the boy to stay there while be went looking Katatai, they were the Katatairubi. They made for fire. He came all the way from Hubo to the their camp at Komako. One man named Bidcdu nver named Urugowoiuri near Old Katatai canto from Kuru and cut the vine tree. The Point. He saw one man here who asked him: Apuapu (vine) people came out. The Apuapu k "Who are you?' He replied: My name is Sewota people went to Dawanma, then moved to Neiun and 1 am looking for fire.' The man told him to and then came to Kadawa. Gamea and Kuke, stay where he was and that he would go and get Two BrtMhers, were from the ApUflpU people fire for him and bring it back. This man's, name Kuke was the elder, Gamea the younger brother. was Bagari. Bagan got the fire slick, he threw it Their mother, at one time, left Gamea on the lo Sewota from the other side of the river Sewota beach and their father said; 1 have plenty of boy ran after the fire stick and in doing so made a children." So he gave his son Gamea to the creek called Mugumuba. Sewota got the fire, and Mabudawan people, Kadawa-rubi Gamea and made a fire for his not; ai his camp al tfubo< He Kuke later moved west and Kuke later moved to fell asleep. Later, he wondered why Bagari did Tureture. not want him to cross the nver, so decided lo look One fellow named Sebea and his wife. Siwori for his footprints and follow him into the bush. came from lasa. Sebea left his wife in the canoe.

While looking for Bagari 's footprints he met a The village men said to him to come to the men's man named Biza al Wiomuba, the western side house. They gave him otagamoda to drink and of Donogori, and he made friends with Biza. He he went to sleep, While. Sebea was sleeping all slaved at Biza's hmghouse. He was told that me village men went and took his wife and there was one man on Daru Island named assaulted her. They started at night and con- Damabe. While this Damabe was staying at Daru tinued until early morning. Whet) Sebea woke in a man named Bani came from Boigu Island. the morning he weal 10 his wife and she told him Damabe told Bani that be could not slay on Daru, of her ordeal. He took her and started back to hut that there was a man on Hubo and he could lasa. Sebea put a black palm container under stay with him. This man was Sewoia. Sewota Siwori and when the container was full of fluids

told Bani thai he was !c> go to a place mlltd poured it over the side. When he came lo Doridon, which is also called Gibu, on the north Wadaewi he cut cane there for now strings and s»de of Gewi. and lolookafter that place He later took them to the people at Wasigena. He to Bani: 'Here is my small son - Take him with told them how the men had spoilt his wife. Sclwa you and teach him how to fight as 1 am getting and Ins Wife later arrived at lasa, and told their too old/ So Bani took the boy and settled at Gibu story to the people. They all prepared their fight- but named it Daridari (dori in Kiwai is dari in ing gear. They came down from lasa to Saibai language = Mens headdress]. Wasigena, and then to Kudin where they decided People from different villages came to form ngst themselves that Bani shouki fcad the Iwo long-houses called Kudin and Wasigena at fight. Bani's magic was powerful and before Arimaturi, near Gcwi. While they were slaying leading the group he made ntagiu and then they there they found a large sandbank but they sailed down in their canoes. They came to Hwhu 414 MEMOIRS OP THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

and left their canoes there. The men told the boys there were a lot of people. Big brother that is, the to stay behind with the canoes while the) moved elder clan, stayed al Parama, small brother, that to the village. They wen: told to move the canoes is. the younger clan, went to Katatai. On the Do (he village when they saw the first birds, flying mainland the younger brother stayed The in the morning. They were mid thai when they Katatai and Parama people axe one people. paddled past Gubcu headland they were to bum When they wcut to the Fly River, they went to coconut husks to create smoke that would attract Koabu, Madame. Severimabu, Sepe. lasu, attention. The men circled the village longhousc Samari. Madiri, Oromosapua, Ipisia, Agobaro,

i n£ hum the beach, and otheis from the bush. U'uwo , Wabada Island. Wapa'ura, Gcsoa, The men slept wailing for Ihe daylight, At morn- Twere (Dihiri Island). Maipani, BLna, Nos. I, 2, ing, the boys came along the coast. They lit their 3, 4, 5. 6, Gamaramo. They also went to Wasua flics and one woman who was washing at the and Teapopo and Sagera. They took dugong, to the KadaWarubi beach saw them and shouted fish , ro sell for sago. They used to bring the sago that the I&sa people were coining. When the men back to the village. They bought their canoes at from the longhousc ran out to see the canoes, the Madame. Koabu, Severimabu. men from lasu encircled Them Fighting started When they went to the Torres Strait, they took The lasa men killed some KadaWambi, but mats brooms and baskets. The Islanders used to Others ran away Those who ran were the an. give them clothes, dresses, shirts, trousers, and tors of the people who now live at Tureture and iiftur thiiL::., but not with money. Some of the Mabudawan. After this fight Kuke and Gamea Island people lived here and some Katatai people later to the lied to the west Gamea relumed lived there, mostly at Murray Island. They used village to it later sec if was empty. He went back to take trochus shells, bailer shells and some and settled there. other shells especially one called buamc (cowrie the people out ot the vine When Apuapu came shells) from the reefs. They also took these shells tree, there were people living at Knmako, now to the Torres Strait and they gave them plenty of d Karaiai. To form Katatai the old man's clothes in exchange. great-grandfather came from lasa and then to The Island is now called Murray Island A Hubo. The present village of Katatai was formed dugong went from here and he loaded all types by peoples fnjm all parts some Apuapu, some ol things such as laro. Yams, and bananas on his from Fly River Islands, some from Tones Strait hack. He also look all the bush materials such as Islands, SUCfl as Yam Island (fiaidin. his sen cane, bamboo, fruit etc.. and sugar cane. The Damabe, his son Ausa, his son Daida Ausa) dugong travelled right out to sea. but then started others from Boigu (Boigudai Clan), one man to sink- First, he turned towards the nigon winds from Murray Island (Namnni), and one from (southeast winds), then he turned towards the Yorkc Island (Warisi). They settled at Katatai, huiama winds (northwest winds), but both times but some moved to Kadawa when water cfis*- 7 he said: "No . He then turned back lowajds the turbed the village. hiea winds (southwest winds), and started to sink down on the reef. He settled there and now you St. »ry No. 12, Old Katatai village on see Murray Island in the shape of a dugong. Told by Awadau Simona, Katatai village, all the mainland crops and foods are there. Kiwai language When the people went to Wamero Reef, they went on tataku (single outrigger) canoes and they There was an old village of Dondori. Near built dugong hunting platforms there. They used there were two long-houses called Kudin and to put the rope in a coil and stand here waiting Wasigena. Kadawa people lived in Kudin. The for the dugong. One day a man called Ebage Parama people lived at Wasigena. From there climbed on the platform. When he saw the people went to the Torres Strait. They would go dugong coming he harpooned the dugong, but there and come back to the village. They also the rope Coiled around Ebagc's hand and he was went to the Fly River. They travelled up the ban k pulled off the platform. The dugong took him to of the Fly River and across to lasa (Kiwai Is- Komako, near Katatai, and they found both the land). They could go right up to Kikori District man and the dugong dead at that place. UK) hack to the village, From Dondori they There was fighting still going on when the first moved to Parama Island. In those days there missionary came to Katatai. The people were were no trees on Parama, only a sandbank. They then living al Gaziro. This pastor's name was saw Parama coming up. They separated because Wuniwuni, and his w ifc was Aba. He came here CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS tORRbS SJ RAIT 415

from Murray Island, and so to open this new door, she told him that he had left her for such a church they invited the Murray Island pet long time and then told him what had happened The descendents of the Wuniwuni family were to her. He left and went to his canoe and made it invited to be the ones to open the church. ready. He then went and cut some bark and made The first white man to come here was Tamatc a container called a Wakaru. He earned his wife (Chalmers). When he came here he also went to on his back and placed her over tins container in Turcture. There is a memorial stone al Old the canoe. When the fluid in her body dripped

Mawatta. There is also a memorial stone at Dam out it filled the container and the man emptied it in the Mabudawan comer. From Kaiaiai he fol- over the side. They sailed all night to Iasa and lowed the Fly River and Went Io Samaii. From arrived late in the evening. At Iasa, he laid his there he went lo the Kikori District to a village wife on a mat in a hut. The villagers were not named Dopima, where they broke his boat and about and no one knew what had happened. In killed him there. the morning, the man went out and made The village people went to Madin and Mibu gamoda. He then summoned the elders, and plantations 10 work on copra. Al Madiri they When they came they drank the gamoda, and then made oopra and rubber they made more My great grandfather came from Yam Island. Scbea was the village's leading Wamor. He His name was Gowai. Gowai came to Gaziro to threw weapons to the people and, because of a creek named Warione (Eagle's excreta). When what had happened to his wife, he told them to Gowai was staying there he married a WOOVM prepare for battle. He urged Ihcm to hurry down Sui, had a child from her name was Awea. They the coast as the Moguru was still being per- named Maipi. Maipi marncd and had a son, Siwi. formed and they would surprise the others. They married Siwi's son was Awadau, Awadau and prepared their weapons and canoes, the next day This was father. had a son Simona. man my they left for battle at Gaziro. They stopped at Kudjn and Wasigena, near Doridori. They met Slory No. 13, Origins of Kadawa one man there, and told him what had happened He prepared his weapons, and went with them. Told by Kamaira Mauga, Kadawa village, They anchored at Hubo Creek, where they black Kiwai language ened their bodies with charcoal. There were many canoes each manned by two men. They left There was one man named Sebea from Iasa. their canoes at Katatai, and walked along from His wife's name was Siwori. They came down there and at mght surrounded the Gebia village from Kiwai Island, and stopped at Gcwi. From where the Tureture and Mabudawan men were Gcwi they went through Toro Passage to Htibo living on the mainland in Gaziro where they witnessed the men of Ture- Early in the morning, a woman from Gebia was lure and Mabudawan performing the Moguru doing her washing and noticed the invaders. She ceremony, During the ceremony all gardening, raised the alarm and the villagers all ran to the hunting and fishing is prohibited. The tide was but invading canoes were low The two were met by people from a lon- shore some of the were taken by ghnusc. They asked them why ihey had come. already there. The Gebia men surprise and had no time to get their weapons. Sebea answered thai they were just following the to esCape. coast. The people then asked them their names. Many were killed but a few managed the waited in dieir The man was told to leave his wife in the canoe, Heads were collected and men survivors appear. Preg- and he went up to the longhouse. He became so canoes for the other to also killed and their heads engaged in conversation that he forgot his wife. nant women were appeared and The wife stayed in the canoe until the afternoon taken. Three men from Gebia when a woman from the longhouse came down abused the Iasa men because they were wearing * and asked her why she was sitting all alone in the masks. They were chased into the bush. Your canoe. She replied that she was wailing for her faces look like kararo (Hawkesbill Turtle)', the husband. The woman invited her up to the village Iasa shouted back. When the conch shell was with her belongings. When she entered die lon- blown three times the Iasa men returned taking ghouse some men looked at her admiringly, and their head trophies with them. On their way back rhey took her away and raped her all day. Her the Iasa men told the men of Katatai and Panama pelvic bone was broken. In the morning her to look after Gcwi Creek but to stay beyond the husband asked after her and he was told that she hcadPoint at Panama. When this fighting ended had gone into a longhouse. When he opened the the Katatai people then owned the lands from 416 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Gcwi to Kadawa. 'Iliis is how the Tureture and from Woroi. and some from Abam. They settled Mabudawan people were chased away from here at Dorogori. by the Iasa KiwaL After this, the Katatai and Parama men continually visited that place. Story No. 15, Daru (Yam) For many years they visited there, until one day they noticed smoke coming from the bush. The Told by Moses Somogi, Kadawa village, Pewedai, the bush people, were using the area. Kiwai language Hut when they saw the Parama and Katatai people they ran away. One man, named Daru, At first on Daru Island, there were no covered with sores was left behind in a hut. He mangrove trees. It was only a sandbank. There was left covered with bark. He was the only man were Hiamo-hiamo people on Daru, and Gaidiri that the Parama and Katatai people found. One from Yam Island married a Hiamo-hiamo man, named Namaru who wore the Government woman, called Bobo. The people at Daru - the uniform at Mabudawan, when the Government Hiamo-hiamo - originally came from Yam Is- was stationed there, was lold to take Daru to land. They were called Hiamo-hiamo by the Gaziro. He was told not to let the man be killed. Kiwai speaking people. Kiwai Island people and Mamusa and Namaru were both policemen at people from Katatai went from the mainland Mabudawan. But two men, Sarau and Basu, both planning to kill the Hiamo-hiamo people. Gaidiri brothers from Katatai, followed Namaru and and Bobo had died by this ti me. but thei r son was wanted to kill Daru. They wanted heads of the Damabe. When the fighting started Damabe was Pewedai people The two men walked to the end making his dugong harpoon. As there were no of the longhouse and fired their arrows. One trees, the Hiamo-hiamo could not hide and so killed Daru and Basu cut off the old man's head they were killed Damabe esCaped by covering and gave it to Sarau. The head was put on a head himself with a turtle shell. People jumped over carrier, At this time Kamaira Mauga and Daida the shell white he was hiding under it. When the Ausa were both young. They saw how their fighting finished they searched the Island for fathers used to kill people and cut off their heads. other people. They then returned to their canoes,

Note; I am grateful to Charles Tenakenai and sounded the conch shell and returned to the Nano Moses for their assistance in collecting and mainland. Damabe came out from under the shell translating this Bifid and swam to Goli (a Creek on Bobo Island) where he In a fire, The Katatai people saw the smoke coming from the bush. The Katatai people Story No. 14, How the bush people settled at came to Gob. but told Damabe not to be fright- Dorogori ened as they only came to get him not to kill him. Told by Kamaira Mauga, Kadawa village, When they took Damabe back to Katatai they Kiwai language lold Baru, a Boigu man, that they would give Damabe BanTs sister Mereke in marriage. The Katatai and Parama people. 3fter they had Damabe had children. The first was Ausa, the chased away the Tureture and Mabudawan second Daida. AuSft's son is Daida Ausa. (This people., camped at Dorogori which they called old man still lives at Kadawa village i Mawatta In the storytellers time, (60 - 70 years) the bush people came down to the beach and Story No. 16s Trading from Kadawa named it Dorogori, but its real name was tiawi. Inland from there was called Hawi-Gamera Told by Daida Ausa. Kadawa village, Kiwai

(Hawi, bush lands/gardens, and Hawi-go (Haw i language Creek). One old man named KaigttU uimc out and met Mamusa and Awadau. the son of Siwt, In the olden days, the old people did not have while they were walking and fishing along the motomoto, They used small canoes called beach. They asked him why be had come down tataku. These small canoes used to go to Murray from the bush, and he said that there were too Island, Dam ley Island, Masig (Yorke Island), many mosquitoes there. Kaigasi asked Awacbu and around the Torres Strait. The people only to build him a house so that he could call his went to those Islands to scl! their goods and come people down. Yasua killed a pig. They ate it at back. It was after this time that they started Dorogori, and they built Kaigasi a hottse. When making motomoto. When the Europeans came the house was finished, other inside people they started to work for them and they used to go began moving out. Some came from Kuru. some to lmuba (a Point on the reef) and to Jegei (Zagai CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 417

Island) and to Long Island for trochus. They also that one man had come and gone back He made went to Masig and Coconut Islands. After they a sign for Soriame to go to the south, so Soriame had been around ihese Islands they would return followed the Creek, and came to Kura on the to Kadawa and do their own work here When beach, and found the high land there which he they came back they had canoes but with no jib called Siblemete, He thought of bringing the sail. One European named Lenny Luff made the Walliame clan to this place, and so after resting nwtomoio and put on the jib sail and platform. It at Siblemete he journeyed back to Glulu and was from then that the villagers started putting after resting a few days, brought his clan to the on the jib and jib sail. From the motomoto they coast, and they stayed there. started making puputo. 2. While at Siblemete, a Masingle man from Note: Lenny Luff ran a tradestorc on Daru for Edamle caroc- The reason was that during the many years during the 1950s and 1960s dancing, the women of Masingle told the met) that they had sores on their private parts, and Ibe

Story No. 17, The Masingle people (Part I) single men were a,shamed, because according to custom, the women should not have said such Told by Sisa Muwe Soriame, Masingara vil- things in public. The leader of the Edamle, A I, lage. Bine language led the Masingle men from Edamle to Siblemete. When they arrived the people wanted lo know I. In the olden days, the people of Masa' ingle the reason for their journey, so they told them. lived together at GluJu One day water destroyed The chief of Siblemete was Waidubu, and they the village, and the people of the different clans spread mats on the ground and the men sat and started to look for a new settlement. My they brought a drug [Gamoda] and chewed it. grandfather, Soriame, took a long journey from The Siblemete men did not drink as they bad a Glulu, and going east came to Kuru ? where he plan to kill the Edamle men with their chief, Al found Bidedu, one of the Masingk men, Bidedu When the Edamle were drunk, the Siblemete loid him that he bad discovered that place so men got their cassowary bone daggers and Soname went to the south-west until he came to speared them on their thighs so that they could Wobo on the other skie of die Bullawe River. not escape They killed them and threw their There he found Woboiame, who told Soname bodies into a pit which they had dug. One that he had discovered that place, so again Edamle man escaped and went back to tell the Soriame continued his journey until he came to people thai the Edamle men were all killed by the banks of the Bullawe. He creased the river the Siblemete men. The people all mourned the and tasted the water but found that it was salty, The place where he crossed was called dead. The young men grew up and married ibe girls and the widows. Al's w ife was pregnant at Batarnutri. On the other side, there was no sign of any people, and no broken branches, so he that time and sht gave birth to a baby boy, whom father. he started naming the places as he came. He named she named AI after his dead When became a man, he asked his mother where had all the places as wc are calling them now. He Siblemete, came to Murnu, then to the beach which he his father been killed. She told htm at named Salaiegome at the mouth of the Binaturi and so A I prepared to fight the Siblemete men. Then he came loTotcpwaJc and Sargoand when So Al led his people to Siblemete. When they r - arrived there, aidubu, the chief of Siblemete it was sunset he slept at a place caJled Soriame W opo, which means 'the place which looks Jike my was in his gardens at Wobe with his wife. Al face'. In the morning, he met another Masingle asked the people in the Siblemete village about man called Inu, who told him that he had dis- Waidubu. When they told him that he was not covered that land, and so after talking with him here, he sent some to tell him that AI had come. Soriame departed, and journeyed to the Waidubu sent a message; Tell him to sit down*. southeast, naming places as he travelled, until he AI said he would not until Waidubu arrived. r met a dwarf who lived inside a tree. The dwarfs W aidubu sent the same message a second lime. name was Sasue, Soriame continued his journey Meanwhile, Waidubu had taken his bow and until he came to Soriasare, meaning 'this is the arrow and he started to run for Siblemete. His place of Soriame \ When he came to Bademope, wife followed him. When he arrived Waidubu he saw another dwarf who had no anas, no pulled on his bow string as a gesture pretending mouth, and was unable to talk- Soname asked to lire his arrow. AJ pulled his bow string ana him if anyone had come this way, but as he was Waidubu thought he was pretending but Al shot unable 10 Ulk, he raised one finger, indicating Waidubu through the chest and he fell to the .

418 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSLUM

ground. Th* Ettaoile men then speared ihe moved to Mumu, which was further along the Siblemete men with arrows. Men. women and river. They settled there for some time, until a children, all except those still in the gardens, man from Noawale came for hunting and heard were killed. When they returned in the evening, people talking. He asked them who they were they saw the dead Jying in the village. This is how and they told him that they were Walcame AI led the Edamle people to fight the Siblemete people. The man led them to Noawale and they people. stayed there. 3. Those who were not dead stayed at 5. One day the people of Noawale came to the Siblemete. The Siblemete people were friendly beach, at the mouth of the Binaturi.. to wail for with the lasa Kiwai people, who brought fish and Saika- My uncle Siwago was working in his sago in exchange for garden foods This hap- garden at Totapwale, when Malehope of pened for many days and many years. One day M&SingJe was waiting for Saika. This was the when the men were hunting the lasa people came time when Game* and Kuke were leading the and went up to Siblemete. The place where they people w<'Kt They had been to Dauan and to used to g«' to was vailed Emeregabe. The fasa Mabudawan and on their way back Gamea people came to the village, and in the village was stopped at Ihe mouth of the Binaturi because his small a woman who had just given birth. The lasa son Malwa was crying for food. Gamea people came and went to their friend's houses. saw Maletope and got ready his fighting One iasa man came to this woman's house and weapons. Gamea* s wife called him to stop and she said lhai she was sorry that she could not to ask Maletope for food for the boy. Gamea left his cook food but there was a coconut tree nearby weapons and jumped off the canoe and ap- proached Maletope. and he could climb it himself and get some He made a sign with rus hands that he was hungry, and he tied string coconuts. He said: 'No - you climb up the tree a around their hands which meant lhat he was for me*. The woman said: *l am not strong a friend. Maletope was Siwago's nephew and he enough yet. My body is still weak'- They began knew that his uncle was at arguing Finally, the woman agreed to climb the Totepwale, and so he ran lo his uncle's garden nearby. ttdd tree and got a string to put round her fee t As she He his uncle that his friend wanting was climbing the man looked up and saw her Gamea was food. At first Siwago wanted to go and kill but private parts. The woman threw down the Gamea Maletope convinced him that he had come as a coconut but when she climbed down the man friend, so they got taro and bananas and went to grabbed her and raped her. These lasa people the beach at the nver mouth. Saika of Yam Island returned to lasa. Later the Walcome men arrived and saw Gamea. He too wanted to kill finished hunting and came hack to the village. Gamea, but Maletope stood firmly. They left When the woman's husband entered the house their fighting weapons and gave Gamea' s people the woman threw her grass underskirt to her food. Later they took them to Noawale. This is husband. He understood this message. He could the end of how Soriame took the people of not talk from shame and putting down his bow Waleome clan to settle at Siblemete. and arrow, he took his small basket confining gamoda and went to the men's house. Here, he told the Siblemete men, and their headman, Story No. 18, The Molobo Badepiame cb*n Waidubu, what had happened Told by Pomame Buje, Masingara village. 4. So the good friendship between the lasa Bine language people and the Masingle people broke down. When the lasa people returned they were Our fathers name was Dagi from Glulu. His surprised to find that their former friends were first son was Nugu. From Glulu, Dagi *nd his now enemies. And so, the lasa people and the family moved to Waiaxgobagide. Nugu, the son, Masingle people fought each other at Siblemete had a wife and children. His eldest son was called until the time came when the Siblemete people Wobotame, his second son Debe, his third son found that the population was declining because Rawale. From Gobagide, Nugu. his wife and of warfare, and began jnoving away from the three sons moved to Irupe. He made a village coast. They came to Dolemisumisu, that is on the there but left the other Masingle people behind Binaturi river bank. They stayed there for some and settled with only his own family. While at years, there the hunting and collecting of Irupe, Nugu heard that the other Masingle people shellfish was not very good, because they were had also moved and established a village at Ugri frightened being so close to the coast so they Nugu, who held the customary laws, sent his son s

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 419

Woboiame to leach these people the feasting planted Yams and bamboos. He eventually laws called Abeietre and Dagaitre and others found her living with lriegide, and told lriegide which are very important in the traditional life, that she was his natural daughter but lriegide lite customary knowledge of these rites belongs denied this. lriegide and Mulke had made a false to Molobo Badepiame clan, and Nugu was wor- grave so that they could pretend that Mulke's ried that they would not be performed correcuY 'mother' was buried there. Woboiame couJd sec Woboiame look one wife with him but left from Mulke's face that she was his natural another wife behind at Ugri. This wife had a daughter but be returned to Ugri without her. daughter which she called Mulke. Later, the At Ugri. a wild pig started killing people, so father and the two women argued and so Mulkc the people began to move out of the village - packed her belongings and took food and water some eventually went to Yam Island on rafts, and started her journey from Ugri. When she Woboiame knew that his uncle, his father* rested she planted wild Yams and bamboos, first brother, lived on the other side of the Bullawe, at Dariegide. and then at Nogoparte. These can at a place called Budapupurangu. so he look his told still be seen She crossed the river and wal ked to family there The uncle Woboiame to build Dumegide where again she rested and planted a man's house at Wobogigi, and they stayed her wild Yams and bamboos. From Dumegide there for a long time. Woboiame had a son Mugi. and later sons she came to the swamp called Bade mope and as while living there Mugi had two she crossed the swamp she saw a dwarf called Gume and Yarbu. This family later moved to and from there to Bullawe, and from lriegide. Thus dwarf signalled to her not to be Damuwale there to Gugumcte. Another group joined them frightened, and later he adopted her as his behind the old village site. From daughter. Every morning the dwarf, who had a there, and this ts to the old village. This bow and arrow, would go to the edge of the Gugumete they moved was the last place in which they built a man's swamp, and shoot barramundi or mullet as they house From there they later moved to the present swam close to the bank. He would then cook this village now called Masingara food over hoi stones. He could not eat, and Mulkc was given all this food. She felt that this was not right, so one day she made a bar* con- Story No. 19, The Masingle people (Part 2) tainer, and took a sharpened bamboo, swamp Told by Side Saiade Ben (Daname clan, magic to grass and some yellow mud. She made Udida/iem Ubriam subclan), Masingara village. make heavy rain, and soon lriegide fell asleep. Bine language In the middle of the night she came close to her father and called his name. When he did not I. In the beginning, when we were living took wake, she put the grass on his mouth and together, war broke out and we scattered, and the sharp bamboo. She carefully measured her looked for places lo settle the clan. Udidarktii own mouth and then slit open her father's mouth. clan settled and named the places, Ugri and She then rubbed the opening with the yellow Bullawe, but from there water disturbed them mud. She did the same thing with his anus. She and they moved. Tibun, our grand- father, when ihen pretended to go to sleep. Early in the morn- they w^ere about to leave, left a pregnant wife ing, the wind started to blow and the father felt, there They built a house in a big tree. There were for the first time, the pressure of the wind on his bamboos near that tree. He told her to stay there,

mouth and his anus. He woke up and felt the if you give birth to a girl, name her Kic, if it is openings, Mulke was secretly watching him. He a boy, name turn Ornebwale. When he gels big came out and walked to the swamp and called send him to sec us', he told her. out 'Gluluame, Kukapuiame. Siblemeteameu.e. From there, they made bamboo rafts, and they people of Glulu, Kukapui, and Sibleroete) - 1 am came to a Creek they called Omebwale-Mope- - now a person before. I had no mouih or anus, Gome down to the Binaturi River. As they came and now I ha ve - my daughter Mulkc has opened they named the place Ablepupu, Gurewal, them for me - now 1 am calling with my own Casanhale, Eagibadc. Sair. Gulpupu, Tabem, voice'. He returned and thanked Mulke He gave Uliwainglesai, Kuremomo, Topitaromi, Dipe- tier some land on the edge of the swamp called maura, and Gaigome. Near the Creek junction Abaple. called Worne, some rafts sank and the people Mulke's natural father, Woboiame. started drowned. They continued past the Creeks called looking for his daughter. Following her journey Ugenarame and Trimaarame. From there they be found the sleeping places where she had came to lairue and settled there Later they 420 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

moved to Wobede,Mcrinea, Siturangu, Binaturi left behind. 1 have come to find my family' They andBusepuli gave him a young girl without brothers as his When they went towards the coast from the wife, and he brought her back to Ugri whert his river they came to the east to BuJagabe on the mother lived. He showed his wife to his mother coast, iomigape. near 2 big trees on the coast and she was proud. They had children and their Guriwale and to Magibade and Casambade, names were: Maza, Dese. Yange, Gine and They used the same names that they had used Tiburi. He lived there, and when he died, was along the river. Magibade is where the present buried at Bullawe near the men's ceremonial village of Tureture is situated on the beach. Be- ground. The sons scattered among the Masingle tween the coast and the inside, the places are peoples. Tuageu, Masinglc-gabe, and Gluiasamiware. 2. The story of Tibun (grandfather), Omeb- They were moving, trying to find a place to wale (son) and the people of Yam Island, Nibea settle. They had to move to lairue again because and Saika (eldest son of Nibea). at Jomigape the water was salty. Aft lairue they The people on Yam Island thought of their made a raft, and followed the river down to the relatives on the mainland. Saika was told that if sea. he wanted to, he could travel back to the main- They journeyed by raft to the reefs, and Is- land He came back to visit people and to travel lands. To GunwaL Casambade, Magibade, around the land. When he came he brought fish Tudamomo, Tabeani, and Garubui (Moon Pas- from the reef, dugong, turtle, coneshells, bailer sage), also to lame (Yam Island), and Tudomo shells, shellfish, and trumpet shells. The vil- (Tudu Island). When they returned from lagers met him and he gave them these things from the reef They brought him to the village, Tudomo they left behind a woman with a pig. slept there. At thai they used count- From Tudomo, they went to lame (Yam Island) and he time ing sucks to tell the of days. gave and settled there, and named the places with number They him seven sticks, and told him to come back names from the mainland. Such as, Sugisugi, a the last one was thrown out. They held water well, APala and Bullawe, the name of the when hands and took him to the canoe and gave him river. The people settled there and those names foods. They then said farewell. We now have are there. relatives on Yam, Masig (Yorke), Coconut, Tibuirs wife gave birth to a boy whom she Boigu and now on other Islands as well. This can called Omebwale, When he grew up his mother be proved. The bones of the dugong, turtle and told him that his grandparents and his father had fish can be seen opposite the village near the gone out from here and he should go and try to Creek. find them. When he was small his mother had fed him a special kind of taro called Oge which made him sleepy and he had a vision. In the Story No. 20, First contact with the men virion the sea spirit woman told him thai he from Somerset should find canoe, in of his a and go search Told by Pomamc Buje, lbaji and Gadua, people A pig Cried to kill people near his home Masingara village. Bine language so he killed it and cut it up and divided it. He got r into his canoe and set off down the river. W ben The name of the old village was Masingle. The he reached the ocean, near the reef, he threw the people brought this name with them on their pig's head into the sea and it aimed into a journey. There were four men's houses at the old dugong. He threw the pig's leg into the sea and village They were: Magamaer (Mother of the it became a turtle, the skin on the side became a men's houses); Palemete (Red skinned tree stingray. The other parts of the pig changed into men's hou.se); Dibepupu (Resting place men's fish. The sea spirit woman had given him a house); andNoawale (Red flower men's house). harpoon, which he used to spear those animals A man. Yange from Damlcame subclan got which he had caught. Secretly, he went to his married to a woman called Gibua. As he had no fathers house, and fell asleep between his father land nearby in which to plant banana suckers, and his eldest brother. His father awoke in the Gibua brought him lo her clan's land to plant his middle of the night, and wondered who this garden. During the day they would work there at young man was, so he woke his eldest son and a place called Palegide. One day he decided to asked him but he did not know. The young man go fishing at the junction of the Bullawe and smiled secretly to himself, then woke and said to Binaturi Rivers. In those days, when they went his father: 'I am the son of the pregnant woman fishing, they used fishing line made from CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT A2\

coconut husk fibres, hooks made from cane turned around and started walking towards hint thorns, and the sinker made from a ball of strong They trien shook hands with him. He told them day . Yange caught some fish including one eel. that he came to tell them what had happened to While fishing Y'ange fell asleep against a tree him_ They went with him to the Noawale men's leaning over the river. Suddenly he heard a noise house. The relatives of Yange g#ve him food to and saw a European boat in the river. He tried to eaL They then went to Y'ange 's men's house, escape but could not, so he tried to hide. The boat Dibepupu. When the message went about that came close to him and he heard one man call out: Yange had returned the people spread mai

I vee you. Don't hide". The men on the boat the black palm floors, and Y'ange started to tell caught him. Yange was frightened and shivering his story He told them that the Europeans who because he thought they were going to kill him. brought him back were Turibiname (friendly The European man also took the fish, the eel and people). After telling his story, he said that all the Yange's bow and arrow. The boat continued up goods brought were still at the mouth of the the river in search of other people but at Iremisiu Binaturi so they went to collect the stores and a tree bad fallen across the river blocking it. brought them back to the men's house, where the While the boat crew were trying to ctear the tree, people gathered around. Yange showed them the people of trcmisju attacked the boat. The men how to cook using saucepans. He served rice to on the boat fired their guns at the villagers who the people on plates which he had brought He ran away. The boat then turned around and sailed also served rice in coconut shells, called Wate. hack down the river They sailed to Somerset. He opened tinned fish and mixed the rice and Yange* s wife, brother-in-law and father-in-law fish. He then showed them how to eai using searched for htm and believing that he must have spoons. Some used spoons made from shells been taken by a crocodile sent a message from called hmerore and geserore. Tlie people tasted

Bullawe village to Masingle village. Yange's the food and saw that it was good. Yange ex- wife dressed in wioow's mourning clothes. Be- plained all the European foods such as flour, % they had no body to bury they dug a grave baking powder, tea, etc. He showed them how to and placed a trunk of a banana Iree called mis lea, wash clothes and bodies, how to use Edetane-doba in the hole and covered this with knives, axes, matches, and black tobacco, be- dirt They then held a funeral feast for him. cause they used to smoke iasuguba, native tobac- Meanwhile, Yange was Jiving at Somerset. co. Some women thought that soap was for The Europeans taught him how to cook rke, how eating but Yange told them it was only for wash- to make damper, tea, boil hot water, eat sugar. ing He showed them how to dress in European etc. He was also taught how to wash calico clothes. He shared everything among the village (clothes), use soap, and how id use towels. They people but some peopk missed out Yange told

taught how to use razor blades ! glass mirrors, them not to worry as the boot was returning and combs, knives, etc. He remained there for a they would be given stores then He showed while. Later they brought him back by boat. them the counting sticks and on the appointed They anchored at the mouth of the Binatun, there time the boat returned from Somerset This was was no village at Mawatta, and they unloaded all the second trip. his things, put them on the beach and covered Yange showed the people the boat . On the boat them. In those days, die river was only a Creek were also some fowls Yange explained these They gave Yange a set of counting sticks and told birds to them and the children leamt to make the l ------him that ihey would come back at a future date. noise Ob ga oh i we a i we a\ The Yange walked up the road to Masingle and the Europeans told Yange to unload the boat- The boat relumed to Somerset. The road lo Masingle sailors went with the peopk to Masingle village was called Masingle-gabe and went through the where they shook hands with the village people. present village site. At Ugular Creek, Yange was They shared stores with the people who had seen by some village people and they thought it missed out in the first place. Tlie boat then left was Yange's spirit returning because he was Masingle and returned to Somerset. Yange dressed in shirt, trousers, and hat. For tliis reason. remained behind. The Europeaas then told the European clothes were called Abletuglu. mean- mission at Somerset of this place and the mis- ing spirifs skin, i.e. the clothing is hiding the sionaries made a trip with the pastor from Mur- spirit. Frightened, the people ran away. Yange ray Island called Enoka. This man's European started calling out. I am not a spirit, I am not name was Enoch. The missionary made a settle- dead, lam still alive.' The people heard him and ment near Noawale men's house. This place is 422 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

called Aipupu [Wongai] because the pastor In the old days, the people lived at the beach

planted a tree called Oni in front of his house. near the canoe hut (about 1 km. east of Tureture). The pastor worked there for some years. He was a small boy then*, and they went to Masingle people and Irupe People were still school at Tureture. They were staying at the fighting wars but the pastor called the govern- beach but water spoiled the village, so they ment to come and make a stop to the wars. moved to Tureture village. From Tureture they William Macgregor took some police and came. started to go working for the Japanese at He brought trade goods and went up to Irupe with Thursday Island. They used to get a 'field break' some Masingle people. While he was trying to and return to the village for 2/3 months. They make peace the Irupe shot one Kiwai man named were working on the trochus and pearling boats Dabu (his family are now in Mabudawan). They in the Torres Strait, and they stayed at sea col- speared him. The police shot some men, the lecting shells until the boat was filled and then European shot one man. returned to Thursday Island. They lived like this Masingle and Irupe people became friends until the old people died. It was when they were after this. The pastor remained in the village and working on the luggers that they got ideas for some people went to Somerset where they making canoes and canoe sails. They started worked as labourers. They then went to work for making canoes and went to the Torres Strait the government at Malukuwa (also Marukara) Islands. They used to take mats, and food to the Island off Mabudawan. These workers planted Islands for sale. The Islands that they went to trees coconuts and mangoes at Malukuwa. These were: Badu, St. Paul (Moa), Nagi (when there are still there. After this the Kiwai people were people there), Dauan, Saibai, Darnley, travelled along the coast and settled at Mawatta Murray Island, Stephen Island, Coconut Island, after the missionaries. This was when Gamea Warraber, and Yam Island. They took the and Kuke came to Mawatta. There was no Kiwai women with them when they went, and later they village at Mawatta before the missionaries. would return to the village. The Islanders would Because there was not enough land and no sea tell them the date to return. They are still going passage at Malukuwa and Mabudawan, the to the Islands to visit their friends. They would government went to Yaru (Daru). There the also take dugongs and turtles to Daru - some for government settled for good. When the pastor sale, and others to eat. To catch dugong and left, some people moved to Bullawe with Muge, turtles, they would start at TudO Island and others went to Sair*, others to Gugumete and to Potomaza (Keseperege) Otamabu, Kimusu, Biabu. From there the government came again Baidamtaik, Silverreef. Bago, Parakiwo, right and told the people that they were one people and down to Tabaiane, and from there to Dugong should make one village, so they moved to the Stick. This is when they fished for these things. old village site near the graveyard. The There are other small places and on the Daru side Europeans changed the name from Masingle to there is Ibumuba. They brought turtles and Masingara. At this village the government dugong from all these reefs. Sometimes they brought the Union Jack and George ? Murray took turtles and dugongs to the Torres Strait came from Port Moresby and gave the people the Islands. They only took turtle and dugong, King's head (photograph). From there the crayfish and other fish for sale in Daru. governments and pastors continued to come until They moved from Tureture to the present now. I see you: the family of Yange still use this Kunini site in 1962. When old Tureture was name, now spelt Seeyou, formerly Siu. flooded, their councillor, Tatie Olewale, former- Note: * Spelt Sareere in Landtman (1917: 80) ly Premier of Western Province, said that they Note: Somerset was officially established by had to find a new place to live and so they went the Queensland and British Governments in to the Kunini site, cleared the trees and built their 1864. It was located on Cape York Peninsula houses. From there they to take turtles to opposite . The settlement was used Kiwai (Island) in for sago. closed in 1877 following the establishment of exchange canoes and are still still Port Kennedy on Thursday Island. They going now. Some canoes come from Kiwai Island but there are some trees near the village and they make their own canoes from Story No. 21, Kunini village them. The price of canoes (from Kiwai Island) is Told by Umua Jubi, Kunini village, Bine lan- determined by the owner of the canoe hull. A guage canoe is a big thing for them. Everytime they went to the reef they took the women with them )

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT «3

and the women used sadi (fish poison root) to kill in Saibai language 'Who are you?' Muiam fish. answered in Bine language They met and the Note: * About 70 years ago elder brother, Geadap, took Muiam to his home. Muiam asked Geadap if he had any children. Geadap answered that he had none. Muiam then Story No. 22, Geadap and Muiam (Pari I) taught him the way to have children. After he Told by Bamaga Imari. Waidoro village, Gizra taught him the wv ;, Geadap returned to language Normador (now called Mabudawan) and had children there. Our name (the Waidoro people) There - (the eldest were Two Brothers Geadap iv Gizra or Jibram, and we are Mutant's clan and Muiam (the youngest). Geadap had jwo They (the people of Kulalae) are Geadap's cLan. wives named Endar and Sinp. Because Geadap was so jealous of his two wives, the brothers Story No. 23, Geadap and Muiam (Part 2) quarrelled, and so Muiam left without saying a word to his older brother. There was no sea at Told by Jale Nog, Sair Buia (Muiam Clan), and mat time but as Muiam went along he burnt a fire laga Ngclc (Geadap Clan), Kulalae village* and the ashes created the ocean. He weut in a Gizra langauge small canoe with one outrigger and no sail While paddling from west to east, he created the There was once a woman with magic powers people of the coast from the words of his mouth. named Kumuz. She lived separately from The first group was at Kulalae, these are Geadap and Muiam. They did not know of each Geadap's people. The next were the people of others existence. Geadap and Muiam came into Waidoro, the Jibram people, and likewise the being at Basirpuk at the foot ofNorm andor. They

Bine and Gidra people . Eventually, Muiam came did not live there long because the soil was not to lasa (Kiwai Island) and he stopped there. He good. Kumuz also came into being at that place planted all the coconuts and sago palms there, and there arc separate stones mere for Geadap, and then decided to return to his home. He left Muiam and Kumuz. Muiam, the youngest the canoe at lasa, and as he walked he checked brother, was tatoocd on his body and because he up on the people that he had created to see if they was handsome Geadap hid him away in a were alive or dead. He told the people when he separate house. met them that. This is your land*. Here he killed One bright morning Geadap arose and saw, for unc wallaby, he decided not to cook il there but the first time, his shadow, and he thought: T am to carry it with him all the way. Muiam then actually two persons - myself and my shadow'. came to the Bine area called Irupc, He decided Out of that shadow he decided to create another to singe the wallaby's skin there. He had one dog man in his image On the dust where the shadow with him called Jibargab. He eventually came to lay he traced the outline. He scraped a dry the Gizra area called Getragiz. the Creek near mill ami with the meut and the juice of a Waidoro. Here he decided to rest and cook Ihc green coconut he formed a shape of a man by wallaby. As he was not sure if he could cat the mixing these things with Ihc dry dust With this meat he gave a piece of it to the dog. When he clay mixture, he modelled a man. He covered saw that the dog did not die he ate some and this model with tree bark and left it in the sun. found that it tasted good. This is why the Gidra Wliile the image was being hardened by the sun. and Bine speaking peoples did not eat wallaby. Geadap sat by it and used some bark to fan (he Finally, he came to a place called Bazra, and mound. As he fanned, he called out the sacred made a shelter there. After that he started making woid 'Dik' and breamed lifeinto the clay. As the a garden. He then decided to go hunting but sun became hotter the clay began to sweat and at while he was hunting his hut got up and walked midday, when the sun was hottest, it began 10 c into the garden and pulled up all the young taro move/ He called out: Buod\ and the image suckers. When Muiam came back from hunting, came into life at that moment Geadap went into he saw that the house was full of food. Muiam his gardens and when he returned the image was decided that this could not happen again so he sitting up Geadap named him Nizek. Geadap broke the posts of the house and moved on. He thought that Nizek required a mate so he created thought of his elder brother Geadap. While he a female in a similar manner, only the words of was walking from the west. They met not far creation were different. He took the last rib of from Waidoro village at a place called Nizek and put it in the clay of the female image. Sakalkupi. His brother saw him. Geadap asked Again he covered the image with bark and again s

424 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

be fanned it. He edited out her name which was Endar' s underskirt and tied it to one of Muiam* Suorze. He used the word: 'Qui*, to create life in arrows. He then shot Endar in the thigh (The her and so he created man and woman. When traditional punishment for infidelity). Geadap Geadap had finished these tasks the three of them also went to Muiam' s hut and also shot Muiam stood together and Geadap wondered how he in the thigh. Muiam had magic power, like could create more people for he thought that they Geadap, and told Geadap mat they were both should be together and populate the land, brothers but that he would return in another form The Gizra people are descendents of Nizek and and in another manner. Muiam left his house and Suorze. Ail this was done at Basirpuk. After he taking a dry coconut husk and some fire went to created these two people he sent them away and Basirpuk atid burnt a large fig tree. The tree burnt

, were destroyed he cursed that land so that it became large rocks to lhe ground and even the roots and sand and difficult to garden. It is now the sue The ground nearby was scared and from the of the village of Mabudawan. After this he ashes and soil the ocean was created created two wives for himself and named them Muiam had a canoe called 'Munul' madefrom Endar and Sinp He told them thai there were two the outer casing of the coconut fruit and in this Island. people at paths from his house one was kept clean at all he sailed for lasa on Kiwai The are Geadap's people, but times, the other lead to the gardens. The first path Kulalae and Kupere only a portion of MuianVs people, the Waidoro was forbidden to diem for it went to Muia live at house in the hush called Gumuri. Muiam was people, Kul forbidden to move around and Geadap took food to him every day. Muiam was only permitted to Story No. 24, Geadap and Muiam (Part 3); sit in his house and make arrows which he gave Story of Geadap to Geadap in exchange for food . These an Told by Jale Nog, Sair Buia and laga Ngele, were decorated like his body. One day Geadap Kulalae village, Gizra langauage left his two wives at Basirpuk while he went hunting, and to check the order of his lands and Kumuz's place was at Wamulkan. She did not gardens. However, while he was away, the know that Geadap had cursed the land and find- women's fire went out, and Endar. the youngest ing that her gardens did not grow, moved to wife, saw the smoke from Muiam' s fire rising Kumuzbasir, that is, lhe place of Kumuz. Kumuz straigla into lhe sky. She decided to go and see had two children, a boy, [rnamolovn, and a girl whose fire it was Sirip was very dear to Geadap Ziziburo. Imamolom, whose real name wasTati, reminded their instructions to and Endar of not was called Imamolom, which means father- path, adventurous use the but Endar was and less/motherless child because of the manner in walked towards the source of the smoke had She which he was created. Above the fire was a ball the well kept path thought that there seen and of eatable clay called Mark, which was dry inq in be interesting there. Eventually, must something the heat of the fire. This baft of clay began to she arrived at Muiam* s house. Muiam. from sweat, and turn around and it fell down between inside the house, sensed that someone was out- Kumuz' s legs as she was cooking, ll turned into 9 ' called is there side and out; 'Who Endar a baby boy, and Kumuz believed that she had replied that she had no fire, and that she had given birth lo it. Its first food was npe bananas. come to get some. Muiam told her not to come Ziziburo was lhe child of her relationship with close because of Geadap's instructions but he lap. threw a firestick out to her. Endar managed to Kumuz had a bullroarer, from which she see Muiam through a hole in the walls of the hut. derived most of her magic powers. One fine and became attracted to him, because of his night the air was very clean and dew was on the appearance and his tatoos. She took the firestick ground, Kumuz began conducting her rituals. and began to move away but stopped and then The noise of the bullroarer attracted Geadap, and returned to Muiam s hut, Endar and Muiam had when he walked towards the sound he saw intercourse there but some of Muiam' s latoos Kumuz. He asked her if she had a husbani but rubbed off. At the same time. Geadap out hunt- she told him: 'No', He asked her what the ing, saw his arrows snap and he knew then that bullroarer was. and Kumuz told him it was called one of his wives had broken his rules. He Agur and that it had special powers. Geadap returned to Basirpuk. Endar also returned to wanted possession of the bullroarer, and he and Basirpuk and when Geadap arrived both women Kumuz began to argue. Geadap won and took began to cry. He took a piece of grass from possession of it. He asked Kumuz to come with .

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 425

him to his home at Numunmert, the place he had Mabudawan. At Giza he dropped the Jibram moved to afler leaving Basirpuk. Kumuz said people. He sailed to Iasa, Kiwai Island. At lasa thai she had no knowledge of married life and hc met a man named Sido who bad two wives. producing children, but if Geadap wished he He gave a wife to Muiam. Then Muiam and this could visit her al night, and so they regularly had wife started creating children and as they intercourse logedier travelled back to the west they left children be- One day when her two children had grown, hind- In these places there were no people so Kumuz was sitting before the fire cooking *md Muiam and his wifecreated the people. He came her son Imamolom was silting directly opposite to Kuru. Here his dog Jihargab caught a wallaby her. He saw his mother's sex and began to cry. From lasa, Sido had given him sago and At first, Kumuz thought that he was hungry and coconuts for him to plant. So while he was com- offered him food, but his crying continued. She ing be was creating people as well as planting realized that he was looking al her and asked him sago and coconut palms Muiam did not eat the if he was crying for her sex. He said; *Yes\ wallaby that his dog caught, but Muiam brought Kumuz replied that relations between mother it along with his wife and dog to Ume. Bole, and son w ere forbidden and she took her bamboo Giringarede, Tali, Kunini. Masingaxa, Drageli, tongs, used for moving the hat stones in the earth Impe. When he came to Irupe, he burnt the hair oven, and struck and killed her son. The boy's of the wallaby, and cooked it and cut it up, but body immedi atelv disappeared, but reappeared he did not eat it there. He came to the place called al Geadap's place. Geadap asked what had hap- Getragiz and rested there. He gave the lungs and pened to him and he toldhim that his mother had the skin to the dog. The dog ale and did not die tried to kill him. When Geadap"? family saw so Muiam saw that the meal was good to eat. This Imamolom they decided to make a feast and later i> w by the Bine peoples did not eat wallaby, but iliev began to dance. Imamolorr/s sister recog- why the Gizra arid Agob peoples do eat wallaby nised her brother and saw that he had reappeared because Muiam lasted the meat here in the west. and demanded to know the full story from While he was having a rest a cold wind blew Geadap and her mother. As the dances ended, from the east. Geadap, his brother, felt this wind Kumuz asked Geadap where he had taken the and took it as a sign that Muiam was returning. boy. Geadap explained that Imamolom had just Geadap began looking for his brother, and walk- appeared to him Kumuz said that when she had ing, met him at Bazerl. Muiam spoke in Bine struck Imamolom the tongs had made a mark on language. Geadap spoke in Saibai language, his forehead, and she could see that this boy was called Sepam language. Geadap was frightened her son. The people were shocked at the tx and as he ran away he passed excreta. It turned behaviour and authorised that he be killed for a into stone and can still be seen there. Al a place second time, Kumuz struck her son for the called Bine, he lold Geadap to slop running. second time, and he died. This is why wc now Muiam brought this name with him from the die. If Kumuz had not struck her son the second Bine area. Jibram, the name of Waidoro people, time men would not die. was taken from Muiam' s dog, Geadap had two wives but no children. The people of Kulalae are Geadaps people. They are from the elder Story No. 25, Geadap and Muiam (Purl 4); brother. The Jibram at Waidoro are from Muiam. Story of Muiam the younger brother. The whole area is called Told by Bamaga Imari and Wali Menagu, Gizra. Waidoro village. Gizra langauage

Story No. 26, Relations with the Eastern Is- Muiam separated from Geadap because lands of the Torres Strait GesuJap's wife fell in love with him. Geadap shot Muiam with an arrow called Komtom. Then Told by Sair Buia, Kulalae village, Gizra lan- Muiam burnt his house and taking his canoe gauge loaded with pigs, dogs, birds and garden foods S£( sail. He used a coconut leaf sail. There was Our people were going to Gida for initiation no sea, but as the canoe went it created the sea ceremonies on the land where we learnt our lore.

before it. Because the canoe was so full the dogs During this time people used rafts to cross rivers and pigs fought in the canoe. He threw a male and at this time the wind was blowing from the and female dog, pig and bird on the way to the northwest and the current was very strong. On cast He started at the place now called the raft were many people, including a pregnant 42b MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

woman named Agor. They could not cross the we have people from uV village, living over river, ami began to be washed down the river. there, who have become Australian citizens, but TTiey had fruit and nuts from the bush, because they come back for holidays, especially at this was the lean time for food, before full fruit- Christmas. Somewhere between first contact and ing and before the good laro and bananas were now, we were living west of here at Togo. An ripe. The wind and current took them out into the Islander named Tanu Nona* from Badu came in sea and right over to Murray Island. Their tire a Heel of luggers to this place, Kulalae, and went out while they were travelling. There were brought flour, turtlesJcerosene, tin drums, rice, other people on Murray Island, and they asked clothes, saucepans, etc. In return we gave Yams, the people on the raft: *Where have you come mats, bananas, taro, etc. The name Kulalae, is a from?' The people told them that they were Torres Strait Islander name. Today because of Gizra people. The pregnant woman gave birth the restrictions, we do not see each other as much there, and the raft people mixed and married into as wc want to, but we do go 10 see them by getting the Murray Island people. On Murray Island permits from Customs. Now we want to bring there were no breadfruit trees, or nuts, etc., but back that relationship, which wc had before, but now these Islands are full of fruit trees that the wc cannot, because we do not understand the Gizra people look with them. laws our P.N.G. Government has imposed. The relationship we had before has been cut off, and Story No. 27, Contact with the Torres Strait now we want to make a move to become part of Islanders the Torres Strait Islands. Wc could go there illegally village, lan- Told by Zatc Nog, Kulalae Gizxa Note: • Tanu Nona's visit occurred about guage 1953/54 when Kulalae was the canoe landing lor Togo (Usakuk) village. The move to the river Our relationship with the Torres Strait Is- was made about 7/8 years ago. landers began a long time ago. when we lived at BasLrpuk, now called Mabudawari. The Islanders saw us there. At that time we wore only our Slory No. 28, Sui village traditional clothing, we had no knives, plates and Told by Tawai NVora, Sui village. Kiwai lan- other things. Our only method of transport was guage bamboo rafts. The Islanders^ seeing our way of life, gave us iron, knives, saucepans, etc. At that My great grandfather came from die Oriomo time our language was Saibalgar lamulkud. River (from Aramo near Old Zim). Later he went Saibai Island language. Today our language is to Mobi. and then to the coast at Agimobiri. the similar to Miriam, the eastern islands language. bush area near the north side of Doridori. Sui From that time, the Islanders relumed with gifts people were living there. He asked them: 'Why and our relationship grew stronger and stronger arc you staying here?' and they said: "There is a At that time, our method of Fishing was the use thing (monster) in this ocean*. Later ibey gave of baskets, and the Islanders taught \is how to use him a wife named Uba. He asked them to show fishing spears. The Islanders told us lo fish at Ait him this thing, and they showed him the waves Reef. This area was free for all to use. From then that indicated (hat the monster was coming. He to some young men went work for the Islanders speared it with his bow and arrow and by using in order to strengthen our relationship, and this magic words sent the monster to Gibuturame. practice still continues. Soon after we made con- The monster now lives near the Bamu River, and tact with the Islanders there was another rm can be seen coming up with the big waves. After lion of Kiwai people from the Fly River, and thev that the people went to live at the place where pushed us back inland by tribal fighting, and now Sui is now. they live at Mabudawan. Since the Kiwai came we have had trouble maintaining the relationship Slory No. village with the Islanders which was really working. 29, Madame This has had some effect on ihe language for now Told by Uduru Muru, Madame village, Kiwai we learn the Kiwai language. But it still did not language stop our old relationship. Today we trade regularly, and some still know ihe language well. In the old days the people moved from Madiri Intermarriages have taken place, and our men to Maoturi. There they built a longhouse. From have married Torres Slraii Islander girls. Today there they moved to Yowere, on a branch of the CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 427

Madameturi. There they built another lon- people saw this canoe and started decorating ghouse. From there they moved down to the their canoes in this style. The two men's names other side of the Madameturi. At that time, they are not known. were killing the Uwapi people, from the other side of Kiwai Island. They were fighting for one Story No. 31, Sepe village (Part I) woman named Aisi. From there they moved to Told by Apai, Sepe village, Kiwai language the other side of the river near the Creek behind the present village. There, at Namiri, they built They were created at Barasaro. From there a longhouse. They were living there when Wil- they separated and some went to Sumai. Some liam Macgregor came here. To that longhouse remained at Sumai and others went to Auti. They the Wederehiamo and Koabu people came and were staying at Auti and from there some went formed one village. The Wederehiamo people to the new village at Sepe. Today they are living came from Sepe, because the Sepe people were at Sepe. killing them. The Koabu people came from Mugu on Teapopo side. Badabada's brother brought them to this longhouse. Later Badabada Story No. 32, Sepe village (Part 2) burnt down this longhouse because he was angry Told by Surumo Oburo, Sepe village, Kiwai that his wife from Wederehiamo tricked him into language believing that she was having sexual relations with other men. When the longhouse was burnt, They were created at Barasaro, a place inland they moved to Madame. From there people went from Iasa. From there they went to Mibu Island. back to Wederehiamo and to Koabu. The There was not enough space there, so they Madame people were left there. They moved to separated. From Mibu they went to Emioro near the old place now taken by the water. From there Sui. They were staying there but there was not they moved back to the present site. They moved enough land for all, so again they separated and again to the old site, and then came back again. went Imari. They built a longhouse near the mouth of the They followed the coast with the old men, and Madameturi. To form this place some people came to Severimabu. When they reached came from Madiri. Starting from Madiri to Severimabu, they said: 'We have found good Tabio; that is their (land) mark. On the coast land to stay'. Later they crossed to Sumai in their there were only three villages: Tirio, Madame canoes and went to look over the place. They and Meai (near Severimabu). The places said: 'There is not enough land here for all of us*. Severimabu, Koabu and Wederehiamo are new So some separated. places. I am the owner of the land (village site). One woman went fishing alone while they My great grandfather Kuripu came from were staying at Sumai. Other women went out Wiorubi, Wapa'ura on Kiwai Island near now fol low i ng her. One old woman saw a large Creek Ibinio. called Ewoituri, the river near Auti. From there she went back and told the others that she had Story No. 30, The first canoes seen a big river and that the banks were very high and the water was fast flowing and that it was a Told by Were Waina of Tirio village, Madiri good place to stay. From there she returned to plantation, Bugumo language Sumai, and gathered all the people. If one woman had 4 children, then 2 went to one side Two Brothers started out from here by canoe, and 2 went to the other side. The eldest males and went to Gewi Creek. Their canoe sank there. and females went to Auti near the corner of Sepe The youngest brother said: 'Look at the big fish headland on the Madame side. The youngest coming up from the water*. The other brother children stayed at Sumai. This is how they said: 'Can you dive in the water and catch some separated. With the old woman, the eldest fish?* So while he was diving for fish he found brothers went to the river. They are all one vil- the canoe and he told his small brother that he lage, Severimabu and Sepe. Big brother is had found the canoe. So together they pulled the Severimabu, and smaller brother is Sepe. canoe out of the water. They fixed it properly, and sailed down to Daru. They then started fixing Story No. 33, The first canoe the canoe with two outriggers, like the Kadawa people. They decorated the canoe and painted Told by Ausi Bira, Sepe village, Kiwai lan- two barramundis on the sides. The Kadawa guage ia MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

some Busere-busere girls to help. They told the They first made a canoe called 'Burai' at girls that they would be needed to help the next Wawoi near Bamu River. The man who cut the day. While they were sleeping, one old man canoe hull was named lyapa. When >£ was time came and pushed the canoe into the water using to pull the canoe hull they called some Buserc- his penis. The canoe went straight into the water busere (young girls) to come and help, because but it sank to the bottom. When the owner woke they could not move it. They took off all their up in the early morning he saw bubbles coming clothes and pushed the canoe hull naked. They out of the water They tried to find ways in which helped lo push it to the water at Wawoi River, to take the canoe out of the water, but could not but the canoe hull did not float. It sank straight do so. They went to Emeu village and got an old away. Later, the canoe hull came up out of the man to come and sing a magic song The mot ha water, by magic, and lyapa took the canoe hull of the two men who made the canoe was sleeping to where he was living and made it into the canoe naked on the sticks used to make the canoe.

"Burai.' From Burai others learnt how to make When the canoe rose on the water it saw the dugouts and they brought that canoe here to Iasa naked woman's private parts, and said to itself; and of our great grandparents on that some came That is the way to the shore'. It passed right canoe. They went to Barasaro. Their great through her vagina and that is how it rose from grandparents visit other did not each because at the water and returned to the shore. The old man that time there was still fighting. Their cleaned the canoe w ilh the leaves of the Duumu. grandfathers used to take canoes and fill them Wabere, Parama-busere and Nibonibo trees,, be- with sago and bananas. They also took new cause it had become covered with mud and din canoes to Parama. Tureture. and Mabudawan in the water. When they finished they took the Old Mawatta. They used to sell garden foods for old man and married him to the mother of the bailer shells, bidi-bidi and nese. These things two men who made the canoe They started to they took to wear on their chests for dancing and make canoes from there. Their great fighting. They used to go fighting around the grandparents saw this canoe with their own eyes, Kiwai Islands. and got the idea for making canoes from there. hi their great grandparents time, if they had They got this idea from the two men from Bamu friends or relatives in other villages, they only 2 How the first outriggers came. Told by Ugia went to travel in the night not the day time. For Wamai them to make peace with other villages they used When they cut down the tree the seed fell to sell their wives to their friends. The wife and down. One woman named Buria told her first the friend would sleep together apart from the son, a cassowary to come. She told him to eat the husband, This was how they made friends before seed but the bird did not want to do so. She told the missionaries came. The friend would then tell the ca&sowary three times. She then told him to when lo come again and he would wail for them. climb up and sit in the branch of a tree. But the The friend would also do this for the husband and bird fell down. The mother sent the cassowary his other friends. This was how peace was made into the bush and told him to eat all the seeds on all around the villages Then their fighting the ground in the bush. That is how it is until stopped today. She then told her last son, a bird of Paradise, to come to her. She told him to swallow Story No. 34, Canoes the seed, but he did not want to do so either. She Told by Mapo Nopia and Ugia Wamai, lold the bird of Paradise to climb up the tree and Severimabu village, Kiwai language sit on the branch When the bird was sitting on the branch the mother axe the seed. The mother

1. How they found the idea to make canoes. became pregnant. While she was pregnant she The first canoe was made at Bamu River The sat on the edge of the water. When she sat there two men who made the canoe were Domogoand she gave birth to the canoe 'Burai* The front and Gorea. The name of the canoe was 'Burai'. back were shaped just like todays canoes. From

When they finished the canoe '.hey pushed it to there she went and told the Busere-busere girls the shore. They put it near the longhousc, and to come. She told the girls that they had to make there they burnt the sides and made designs on the outriggers just like that canoe. When the the side body. It originally had lio outriggers. The Busere-busere finished the canoe the mother told next day it was ready to paddle. When they made a man, Soromi. to look after the fire. They were ready to push the canoe into the water, they asked taught how to paddle. First one stroke, then rest. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 429

and call out *Ahai-e\ They only had to stroke Stor> No. 36, the first lap lap (European once, and they would go all the wa> from one Clothing) village to the next. From Bamu they travelled to Told by Abaim Merger Wim village, Kawan Domori, the Island near Sumogi Island, then to language Lewada. to Tirio, Balamula, Wederehiamo, Severimabu, Daware, Sui, Parama, Gaziro. They Before, jn the old days, our great-grand parents told ail these people how to put outriggers on did not wear lap-laps, k was during the lifetime canoes. From Gaziro to Doridori at the time of our grandfathers that the people saw their first when the longhouses reached the water. From lap-lap. Lap- laps were first used at Old Mawatta Doridori to Daru. From Daru to Aberemuha, (Binaturi River K andslowly they moved by trade they told them how to make canoes this way. to Masingara, to GIulu, to Sogare and to Podarc From Aberemuba to Binaturi There they found Our parents would go to Podare and get clothing a bridge at Wiatoto. From there they went to there At first, the people did not know what the Kagaro on Saibai. and the canoe stuck on lap-lap was used for. In those days, they did not Kagaromuba. The Bu?>ere-busere girls had a Ion- get many clothes. Once ihey received the first Khou.se at Kagaro, near the big stones there. The lap-lap, they tore it into bits and used it to cover longhouse went from Kagaro to Otamabu Reef. their private parts. At first they did not even Burai' went down in the passage between know that clothing was to be worn. When we Kagaro and Mabudawan and is sti!3 there. Il is were children we started wearing European marked by rocks - clothes all the time. In those days people did not go to far away places Clothing now comes from shops and from friends. They cannot make this Story No. 35, The small boy who was swept type of clothing themselves. It has to come from from Kiwai Island to Murray Island, other countries like Australia. Told by Moses Somogi. Kadawa village. Kiwai language Story No. 37, VVipirn village and trading

While the small children were Swimming J»1(J by Sawara Jugi, Mundar Kaus, Sage-re ihe river off Kiwai Island, they saw a big log and Kaus. Bisai Sam and Birige Kugei Wipin'i vil- started jumping off it. When they saw the tree lage. Gidra language drifting out From the village they all jumped off but the smallest boy could not swim far and he I . When the old people lived they did not have just stayed sitting on the Jog. The current look ciothes or anything. The men were naked, the the log out from the village to the sea. The current women has grass skirts to cover themselves washed him past Samari and towards Mibu Is- Before they had European tools, they used shar- land. Half way the current took him lu Parama pened bamboo sticks, about 3 - 4 feet long, to dig Point. Between Kadawa and Daru the current gardens, remove the grass, and make drains continued to take him. The tide pushed him to Before they had coconut scrapers, they used Baramaki (Bramble Cay), and then began to shell also used these shells to make gar- wash him right to Murray Island. When the log dens by cutting the small sticks and grass to clear came there the boy stayed silling on the log until Ihe land. Shells were also used to scrape taro and nne man and his wife, going out to their gardens, vegetables. They were used also to make bows found him there. The man and his wife asked him and arrows. Shells were the main objects used. what had happened, but he could not talk. He For cutting sago palm they used stone axes. made signs to tell them what had happened. The Shells came from the Pahoturi and were traded man and his wife took him to their gardens with with sago. They did not know where the stone them. Then they hid him in their house because axes came from, perhaps the stones were just they did not want him killed. Both of them went found and someone made therm Axe handles to the headman to tell him about the boy and ask were made from a hardwood tree. Before n was that they could keep him as their son The head- fitted they made ahole in the wood with fire, then man told ihein to bring the boy to him. He said they used cane to fit it to the wood. It would take that they could keep him in memory of the Fly all one da) to cut down one sago palm. There River, The boy grew up and they gave him a wife were few axes, sometimes only one in the whole and he had children. On Murray Island his big vilbgc The axes were not sharp, and sometimes family can still be found. die forces of the blunt axe on the sago palm could 43U MEMOIRS OF TOE QUEENSLAND MUSfc-L'M

force a man backward This all happened before shouldhold Hand smell it with your nose \iiet the trade in metal axe*, This i s how the old people sending this message he went out and Later ar- lived. rived at Podare village. They made a welcome, 2, Clothing was bnutghl ol ttu and Musi put the clod) down and told them to Europeans. He brought clothes and the Bible. touch and smell the cloth. He called it Kobargum His name was Sare * He earner up from the (skin of a dcadman). Next day, Musi cut the village at Kadawa iMawatta) on the Binaturi. material into pieces and gave a piece to every

When he ttriv&f at Kadawa village, because it clan. This was the first time to see clothing in the was the first time that they had seen a European, Podare area. He showed them how to wear cloth- they were all frightened and ran away. When be ing. Musi returned to Glulu. He told them dial found that everyone had run away he went away Mr. Sare would come and they should select but later came back. Before he came again he some men to become the Mamoose (police con- loaded a boat with all Eurorxan things, like rice, stable), deacons, pastors and other things. The sugar, clothes, tobacco, pots, sauccpaas. When headman was to be called Mopiam. Deacons were called Dekuna. Pastors were called mis- the time came he started up on I he journey from the coast As he came closer to the village; people sionaries in those days. When Musi left Mr. Sare and he was the first to bring the Bible. saw the boat and thought it was a very wild pig came man bullets, coming on the se^a. because they had no! seen a He brought a gun with and shot the boat before. Some felt very frightened and took branch off a big tiee. Some people felt very off again into the bush, but others stayed and frightened but he told them it was used for shoot- ing animals, and showed them how to do it watched The man called Mr. Sare came from liie After Mr. Sare went back they went to boat and called the men in the village. He told work the Europeans Misi). ihcm to urUoad the boat and lake the goods into for al PM Moresby (Pos Some of these men's fathers were the first to go the village. The men .shouted to those who had to work for the whites. they got their run away, to come and help them unload the boat. When job* they learnt to speak English and how to cook They took all the goods to the village. The first food, cut grass, mix cement and work as Wa&h- thing he had was tobacco - he got ciga/ettes and bois (Domestic servants). matches and bt it and puffed it first. He told Ihern One thing like money was called apograit This it was not food. He gave it to the village people. was like a big kinacoin and very heavy [perhaps After that he taught them how to cook rice in a a Crown]. Goods cost one shilling. They could pot with water He got a plate and served out the buy from both sides of this coin. They bought cooked rice. He opened a tin of meat and put it things from the boss. They did not have any on the rice and showed (he people how to cat it. education. Afterwards, they ate together. After this he For trading they took a walk from Wipim to showed them how to cook flour, biscuits, and the villages near the coast. They traded with other things. He showed them the food? for grass skirts, headdresses made from cassowary eating, and drinks for drinking, such as tea. lolly feathers, bows and arrows, drums, and native water, and other things. He showed them black tobacco. The two villages they traded with, first tobacco. After teaching them these things he got was Kadawa (at Binaturi), and then with Masin- a roll of material and cut it and gave the cloth gara. For these things they gave them matches, among the people. He told them that the cloth clothes, knives, axes, and hoes to make the gar- was for them to use to cover their bodies. dens. Nowadays, they still trade this way, but 3. Mr. Sare asked if there were other villages also go down to Daru now. inland because he wanted 10 see them. They went Note: * Possibly Rev. A.W. Murray of the up the river to Glulu village with a man named London Missionary Society Musi. Mr Sare told Musi: 'Here is a roll of material. You will take it to the other villages*. Story No. 38, The lamega people and trad- Musi went to Podare and gave it to them there. ing Mr. Sare and the Kadawa men went back to Kadawa. Musi spent some days a[ the village of Told by Soge Nunde, Sunda Toko and Messer Glulu. He sent messages to the men at Podare for Saru, lamega village, Gidra language all men to visit him. He told them thai he was bringing the skin of a dead man He told them to 1 . In our ancestors days there was no clothing. make a welcome for him at Podare. He said: People lived naked. Men wore only a plaited 'When \ arrive, 1 will bring this skin, and you belt with a leaf like a banana leaf covering their CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 431

private parts. Women wore a grass skirt, made of matches, soap and smokes, especially black sago fibre and tree bark, covering their fronts and tobacco. When they went to trade they went to backs but open at the sides. It was dyed with tree Kunini, Tureture, and Masingara. They went bark or fruit juices. In those days shells were used down theBinaturi. as knives. Shells were used to cut small trees and 4. Later, they heard the news that a coconut grasses, they were also used to cut up food. We plantation was being made at Dirimu, and they had stone axes, but not nowadays. In those days, went from here and Wipim to work there for the we went out hunting with bows and arrows. We European owneR. When they went to Dirimu hunted cassowaries, pigs, and our enemies. they learnt that it was easier to trade to the Fly When men went hunting they brought the kill River, to Madiri plantation and so they started back to the village where it was cut up using trading that way. It was their fathers who first bamboo knives. The older people here (about 80 went. When they were working there they started years old) were born at the time when people buying axes, knives and clothes with their own were still naked. Their parents lived all over the money. In those days the prices were very low, places in their clan lands. The people lived in especially for things like cooking pots, which their old villages. At that time they did not go to cost 4 shillings, knives cost 1 shilling, and axes Wipim because of tribal fighting. They also 5 shillings. They bought these with notes like one fought the Wonje and Kuru people. pound. When they bought goods they paid with 2. One man, at that time, came to Buja, and one side, and then they turned it over and bought from there he sent messages to all the villages for goods with the other side. 5. this time, they thought of building a the people to come to see him. His name was At new village. built this village Musi. That man was dressed in European They in a line, some- 5 families, 4 families lived in clothes, but he was a black man, probably a times sometimes one house. they finished this village the missionary. He brought with him one lap-lap When first Patrol Officer, Woodward, which was nice and shiny. With him he brought European Mr. a Bible. When our ancestors went to see him he Deeramo Dirimu gave them pieces of lap-lap - one yard for two Kadau Binaturi River men. He told them to wear it - one man to wear Maual Mawalta (at Binaturi River) it first, then to give it to another man. After that Kamoos Kimusu (at Kokope Reef) he sent a message for three men to go up to Buja and see him. He named them as headman to be Wappa Wapa Reef called Mopiam. Their names were Tara, Wooi Ta-Bai-An Tabaian? and Duor. When they went to see him Musi told Warrior/Tudee/Tutu Tudu them that if any man comes to the village on a Kop-Maori Earth oven Sunday then they were to shut that man up in a Pe - Wa - Dai Peawa people small house and light a fire under it. Tears will Ku - Kuriam Kuru people come to his eyes and he will sneeze. This is his Jibiam Jibu people punishment for not keeping the Sabbath and he Mageroobee Magerubi? is to stay there all day. This happened throughout the Wipim area. When they saw this punishment Goorooroo Goro they thought that the best way would be for all Massingara Masingara to live together as one community. So they came Boorau Burau? together at the old Iamega village, two hours Badurubee Badu people walk to the Northeast. This is the village of the Urupiam Irupi old people's parents. Jibar Jibar (now Waidoro) 3. When they came together they decided to go Togo Togo (now Kulalae) out trading with other peoples. To trade with the coastal people, they took cassowary headdres- Kuini Kunini ses, kundu drums, bows and arrows, bird of Iramissi Iremisu Paradise feathers, and gamoda, called Urk in Sauree Sauri (outside the river)? Gidra language, and also cassowary bones from Waraber Warraber the leg, used to husk coconuts, and to make holes Long Island Sasi (Sassi) in coconuts for drinking. They can also be used Cap Island Mukar as awls for making holes for tying and sewing. Two Brothers Gebar (Gabba) In exchange we got clothes, knives, axes, 432 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

came. When Mr. Woodward came he asked the there and village men went to work there. They people, after he had seen the houses all in a line, got clothing there and so they did not need to what the building blocking the other end was. It trade for clothing. The company had a trade store was built like a coastal house. They said: there. Men were not allowed to wear shorts at 'Bagbag'. He said that there was another name that time, they could only wear lap-laps. After for it. There were two men from the Oriomo that they bought all their things from the com- River there, they were village constables pany, and learnt Motu from other workers from (Mamoose). They said the building is called: other parts of the country. They also learnt These 'Cross' . Mr. Woodward said mat if they had said Pidgin English and Broken English. men that before they should receive many good also went to work in other places with the A.P.C. things. So he gave them two hoes to each house They brought goods back from the stores plus knives and other things to the village people, together with suitcases and clothes. Traditional where was a man named Ganumi in the village. dress was forgotten. He was made the village policeman. His son is 7. Then schools started at the L.M.S. Mission an old man about 70 - 80 years old now. He was at Sesengand, near Podare. When the mission given a uniform, a sulu and jumper. Mr. Wood- finished the community school at Wipim opened ward took some soil and put it in a parcel. He also with government assistance. From there children took some bush lillies and some tree leaves with have been to High School and now work in him. government departments and business firms. 6. After that an oil company (A.P.C.: Nowadays we live with clothes, aid posts, busi-

Australian Petroleum Co) came to near Kuru - to nesses, patrol officers, D.P.I. , all in our area. a place called Dogo. This company was set up Small children now go to school in Wipim. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 433

APPENDIX R CATALOGUE OF ARTEFACTS OF THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE IN THE TORRES STRAIT AND FLY ESTUARY REGION

Artefacts have been organi zed according to the Landtman, 1 933:23 descriptive analysis given above and arc grouped NMFVK4902:418 (Fig. 49). shell cooking utensil. wedere (Kiwai); boiling pot, also used for hold- under 4 functionaJ headings. The artefacts are ing water. housed in the collections of the Australian Mawatta Queensland Museum QM)> Na- Museum (AM), Bailer shell (hieto sp.), length c. 240mm, width tional of Finland Material Cul- Museum (NMFJ, t 50mm. Part of the shell has been broken off to ture Unit, James Cook University (JCU), or the facilitate use of the central section. Maximum

Auckland Museum ( AuckM). This catalogue is measurement (front to back) along edge is compiled from catalogue data, examination of the 280mm. Charcoal on base suggests it was placed artefacts, reference to published sources and on or near the fire coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. ficldwork. The catalogue is arranged according Landtman, 193 3:59,61. to the following fields. Registration number, object name, local 1. AME65670, hafted adze with stone blade, emoa name; and usage. (Kiwai ); as an adze for shaving wood and an axe 2. Provenance, for cutting heavy limber. 3. Description. Guam (?) country, west of lamega and south of 4. Acquisition details Baramura [BalamulaJ. to elbow-shaped wooden 5i References in the literature. Stone head bound on an handle. Stone head measures 160mm long and 40mm wide. Blade is greyish/green basaltic lock Artefacts of subsistence (2i items) Wooden handle is 555mm long. Tip of handle to head is 195mm long. AME15702, shell hoc, wedere moo (Kiwai); garden- coll. C.W. Marshall, 1928. Purchased by AM in 1973- ing.digging tool. (Marshall was employed as surveyor and assis- Mawatta village, near Daru, Western Province. tant to a field geologist in the 1927/1928 Orlomo Portion of bailer shell (/V/t'/o sp.), length 200mm, width River oil exploration project) 1 05mm tat the blade end) decreasing to 30mm at Landtman, 1933:45-47 handle end. Convex blade. Major W. Cooke-Daiuels collection fRegd. Aug 4, QMQE4676; hafted adze with stone blade, etnoa 1 905) (Kiwai); as an adze for shaping wood and an axe Uudtman,l933:23, col.2. for cutting heavy timber.

Erub (Damley Is I QMQE4338. shell hoc,/^n^t>^(Mcriam); gardening, Large stone blade, 270mm long, 135mm wide. digging tQOl. diameter 50mm. Stone blade with leni< Mer (Murray Island). transverse section, with convex blade, polished Shell hoe (or knife) udik, made from clam shell (Tridacna with overpeckmg, bifacial and butt bruised sp). Necrous surface. Bifacial axe/adze. Convex coll. P.G. Guillemot. Acquired by QM February 4, blade. Lenticular. Butt - obtuse point 85mm long, 1913. (Guillemot was a school teacher on Erub 45mm wide decreasing to 20mm at handle end. On far 3 years until c. 191 2).

back is printed in black ink Turn goo Tultk (at g r Haddon, 1912,1V: 126. Lugese.* [Panigob/Tutik=

(A.O.C Davies was the school teacher on Mer ( Kiwai i; chopping, cutting implement

during 1 924-1925.) Fly River. SW PNG.

Moore, 1984:63, pi.28; Haddon,1912JV:125-126 > Blade is long, tapered, deep lenticular section, and the 144. butt is tapered to a blunt point. Max. length 350mm. max. width 110mm. NMFVK4902:563 (Fig. 48). shell hoe, wedere mva coll. A. Phillips. Purchased by QM June 15, 1908. (Kiwai); gardening, digging tool. (Similar objects in the collection include E1076 Muwatta (Fly estuary') E459I, E6129 (Fly River) and E Convex shell (A/Wo sp.). length 56rmn, width 13.5mm 4589 (Kiwai). across cutting edge. The shell fits but is not Landtman,1933:45-47. attached to a narrow wooden handle, the head of which measures 4.5mm wide. NMFVK4902:528 (Fig. 52). stone adze/axe. emoa

Landtman, 1910-1912. (Similar objects otc (K IWM "); chopping and cutting implement NMFVK4902:566, 565 and 564.) Kiwai Island 434 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Small stone Wade. 130cm bog, bound between two. i ibed as hawa in the buruhe (square, check ci < iss- pieces of wood and bound to an elbow-shaped in.e of the wefts) technique. Pandanus leaves. handle. The wooden handle is 750mm long with Length 1030mm, width 490mm. Cross decora- a return of 450mm. tion of yellowish/brown strips, bleached or per- coll. Landtman. 1910-1912 haps dyed, with 10-12 rows of contrasting dark Undtman.l933:45-47. brown strips. Landtman stated that the hawa style mats, sometimes made from coconut leaf, were NMFVK4902:533, stone axe/adze blade, ettmt introduced into the Fly estuary from Mawatta (Kiwai); chopping and cutting implement They were used, after the introduction of the Mouth of the Fly River. double outrigger canoe, as sail*. They therefore Large stone axe or adze blade, 400mm long. Width post-date the tiro mat. varies from c. 140mm (100mm from the blade) to coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (Similar to NMFVK 90mm (100mm from the butt). 4902:732). coll. Landtman, 1910-19)1 (Landtman referred to the Landtman, 1933:65. Fly estuary region as the mouth of the By ("myn- 1 JCU8S.143 (Fig. 65), mat, hawa (Kiwai); floor cover- nigen av Fly ) lLandtman.1913). Similar objects are NMFVK4902:529, 561, 549, 559, 555, 554, ing. Kadawa. 551 and 557.) Landtman, 1933:46. Made from narrow strips of pandanus leaf c.l5mm wide. Some are natural colour, others dyed purple, possibly with 'gentian violet' or carbon- QME10048 iFig. 55), canoe, pe (Kiwai). single out- paper. Diagonal check weave. Width 1430mm rigger tataku pe\ watcrcraft. Daru, (varies). Length 2500mm coll. David Lawrence, 1986. Simple dugout canoe with single outrigger not at- Landtman, 1933:65. tached. 3m long; 250mm deep; width at gunwales 200mm; length between outrigger attachment NMFVK4902:394 (Fig. 67), basket, sito (Kiwai); for holes 1470mm. carrying foodstuffs and babies to and from the coll, C. Robinson. 1968. Purchased by QM November gardens. 6, 1974 (referred to in register .is 'model canoe.') Mouth of the Fly River. Landtman,1933:20-21). A common form of plaited coconut leaf basket. The

t uisket is slightly compressed with a broken hand- NMFVK4902:736, mat, tiro (Kiwai); sleeping mat, in le. Length c.600mm; width c.300mm. former times used as mat sails on canoes. coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (Landtman, 1933:64 stated Mouth of the Ry River. that the basket was suspended above the grave of Pandanus leaves sewn along the length of the leaf. The a baby. Similar to NMFVK4902.406). mat is folded lengthways into two panels. Some Landtman, 1933:63-64. Refer to Haddon (1912JV:72) areas of repairs arc evident where small panels for construction of Torres Strait basketry. have been inserted across the direction of the older leaves. The centre of the mat has a large NMFVK4902:402 (Fig. 68), bag, gaterc (Kiwai); dirty area in the middle which may possibly have small carrying bag, often used by men. been charcoal or stains. made by smoke Length Buji (but said to come from inland). 1900mm. Width 1500mm. Small, soft plaited bag said to be made from 'orchid coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. roof consisting of diagonal patterns of yellow

1 933:64-65). Landtman, fibre, possibly dyed with vegetable dye, and horizontal patterns of natural and black fibre. JCU86.4.7(Fig. 63), mat, tiro (Kiwai); sleeping mat, Length of basket 300mm; width 220mm. Handle in former times used as mat sails on canoes. 240mm from rim of basket to loop of handle. Kadawa. coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (The place of origin of The mat is made from flat pieces of Pandan u.s lea f sewn these bags is the Sulci lagoon villages, middle Ry together in strips. Folded into two parts, the mat River.) can he used as a waterproof sleeping cover. In Landtman. 1933.64. t"M uier times used as a mat sail on canoes. Width 1600mm. Length 2080mm. Each pandanus strip NMFVK4902:588 (Fig. 69), harpoon dart, kuior c.70-80mm wide. (Kiwai); part of the dugong hunting harpoon. coll. David Lawrence, 1986, Mawatta. Landtman, 1933:64-65. Made from a broken piece of harpoon shaft or from a

srnal I tree. Landtman slated that they were shaped NMFVK4902:733 (Fig. 64), mat, hawa (Kiwai); lloor using cutting shells and then polished. Length

covering. 1 50mm. Width 10- 20mm. Old harpoon darts are Mawatta. often used as part of a head carrier. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT

coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. Kiwai Island. Landtman.l 933:27; Haddon,!912,IV: 166-1 71). Section of a bailer shell (Mela sp.). Length 130nmi.

width 1 1 0mm. Shell has a broken edge on the NMFVK4902:586 (Fig. 69), butt end of dugong har- base and the surface has been lightly decorated poon, kumu (Kiwai); part of dugong hunting har- with incised or pecked design. A fibre cord is poon. attached Mawatta. coll. Landtman. 1910-1912. (Similar to NMFVK

Shaft has been removed , Butt end made of heavy dark 4902:231 and 232. timber (possibly yvongai). well polished and Landtman, 1933:33 carved in the shape of a marine animal. There is dart a small harpoon hole in the end. Length QMQE4661B.C \ Fig 72), shell pubic cover, alida ox 745mm. Width of shaft end 25mm. width of bud ebeneatip (Mcriam), formerly genital covers end 50mm. The name 'SARA* is inscribed on the wom by men. Register states 'dance ornament** side. Belongs to NMFVK4902:587. [worn on hips]. coll. Landtman,19 10-1912, (Landtman stated thai it Mer (Murray Island). was said to be modelled on the forearm of a man Sections of bailer shell (Melo sp.). QMQE4«>1B and was carved to represent a snake head. Ac- lenglh 180mm; width 100mm, with thin plaited

( butt cording to Teske l986a:38-39) the end rep- tie. QMQE4661C length J 90mm; width 105mm resents a freshwater eel.) with ten seedpod rattles attached and a Oik* Landtman, 1933:27 plaited tie colt Deputy Protector of Aborigines. Acquired August NMFVK4902:587 (Fig. 69), shaft of dugong har- 1 9 ,1 9 1 3 . (During this period (8/19 1 3) the Protec- poon, /w/fo1 (Kiwai); part of dugong hunting har- tor of Aborigines in charge of Torres Strait was poon. Lee Bryee. The Chief Protector was Richard Maw ana. Howard.) cassowary Shaft of a dugong harpoon decorated with HaddonJ9I2.1V:2l0-2!2. feathers. Length (removed from butt end of diameter 25mm; NMFVJC4902:58ft) 700mm; AME17284, shell pubic cover, uhda or cbeneaup decorated panel long. Plume of with 180mm (Meriam); geniia! cover worn by men. feathers max. lenglh, measured from ihe 500mm Mer (Murray Island). attachment point to tip of the feathers. Portion of bailer shell (Melo sp.), 290mm long and coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. Landtman, 1933:27. 155mm wide with incised decoration ovei like upper half of the shell. Two pearl buttons and two NMFVK4902:527 (Fig. 70), dugong rope, ama pieces of red calico are attached. Seedpod rattles (Kiwai); part of dugong hunting harpoon. are also attached to a cord threaded through the Mawatta. buttons and calico. Register states that the Seed According to Landtman this thick 'rope' was made from rattles were obtained from 'New Guinea' and that planed coconut roots and husks. However, it ap- shells were originally worn as pubic covers bill. pears to be lawyer cane {Calamus sp.) plaited Since the introduction of grass petticoats, tticy together into a thick, but buoyant rope. Eight pairs were worn over the posterior or hips (as dance of strands are plaited around a central strand. ornaments]. coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. coll. Charles and Allan McCuIJoch, 1907 Landtman, 1933:63. Hedley Haddon,1912,IV:210-212; McCulloch (undated i)

NMFVK4902:412 (Fig. 71), bamboo water container, AME109, shell pubic cover, wedere (Kiwai); genital oh? - maraho (Kiwai); water carrying utensil Mawatta. cover worn by men. River. Two lengths of bamboo with triree nodes, two of which Fly have been opened with small central holes. The Section of a bailer shell (Melo sp.}, 160mm long and

1 of the shell is lightly third closed node acts as a base. A thin rope of 15mm wide. Upper portion the natural fibre has been added as a handle. Length incised. Two holes have been bored into 725mm; width 95mm. upper centre of the shell for the attachment coll. Landtman, 1910-1912 ford Landlman,1933:61. Geographical Society of Australasia. Registered August 1886 (Most likely presented to the and Museum by John Strachan. Artefacts of ornamentation Landtman. 1933:33; Strodvw 1885/86. dress (49 item*) NMFVK4902:275. fibre skirt, local name not known. NMFVK4902:233, shell pubic cover, wedere (Kiwai); fibre skin worn by women. genital cover worn by men. Djibu [Jibu], neat Kuiu. )

436 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

Skirt made from ihe bast of n tree, possibly sago paim. Mer (Murray Is.; The skin is made in two separate pieces joined by Long, narrow piece cut from the edge of a ciam shell a plaited fibre waist band- The waist band con- (Tridacna sp. ) wom through the septum of the tains fibres simitar to that used in 'Suki' bags nose. Length 240mm; width 15 mm. commonly called 'orchid root.' The fibre in the coll. Charles Hedlev and Allan McCnlloch. 1907. skirt has maximum length of 500mm Haddon,l912JV:9-10,39-W; McCulioch (undated a). coll. Landtman, 1910-19)2. (The Landtman col lee ion contains a number cf skins. NMFVK4902: 268 NMFVK4902:203 (Fig. 74), necklace made of dogs' and 269 were collected from Masingara and are teeth, genaio or gesa (Kiwai); wom as a neck made from fibres attached continuously to the ornament, often wound in many rows, generally waist band NMFVK4902:273. 274 and 276 from worn at dances or given in exchange for women

Jibu were too fragile to handle.) or valued objects - Landtman, 1933:34. Kiwai. Long necklace of dogs' teeth inserted into a plaited AME 17255, fibre skirt, nesur (Meriain); fibre skirt band made *rom natural fibres. 2700mm long; wom by women. ]5mm wide. The average width of the teeth is Mer (Murray lsi. 25inm. Each end of the woven band has been tied Fibre skirt made from bast of the sago palm attached into a knot. to a plaited waist band one continuous piece. m coll. Landtman. 19 10-19 12 Length of fibre 380-400mm. Some pieces of red Landtman, 1933:41 ICO are attached to the band. coll. Charles Hedlev and Allan McCulioch, 1907. QMQE4307. necklace made from dogs" teeth, susueri Haddon,1912,JV:60-62; McCulioch (undated a). or seserig (Meriam); wom as a necklace. Mer (Murray Is.). JCU86.13-3 (Fig. 73), fibre skirt, or eere wapa Fifteen canine teeth, strung at intervals into a plaited (Kiwai); women s skin worn in former times. pandanus band. Each tooth has two holes drilled Nnw worn in dances, into the base for attachment to the band. Length Madame, western bank of ihe Fly River of the necklace 600mm. Width (band and teeth) Fibre skirt made from shredded sago basi and dyed in 200mm; length of teeth c.35- 40mm. parts with hrown vegetable dye (or possibly evil, A.O.C.Davies. Acquired by QM March 13, 1962. paint). Made info two sections attached to a com- (A.O.C. Davies was the school teacher on Mer mon planed waist band. The bast is folded over during 1924-1925) A similar item, QME13/250 the fibre and stitched to the band. The front consists o\ two narrow plaited fibre bands con- portion is longer than Ihe back. The front taining 78 canine teeth. Length 1050mnx average measures 350mm wide, and 50O-540mm long. length of teeth 30-40mm. The back is 250mm wide and 460-480mm long. Haddon,1912.IV4!;Davies.l924-1972:34 coll. David Lawrence, 1986. (Two-seciion skin similar tothatcollectedbvLandtman from Jibu NMFVK NMFVK4902:183, breast ornament, nese (Kiwai): 4902:275). Landman, 1933:34. worn on a tie around the neck as a breast orna- ment. Collected between the Fly and Rivers. the NMFVK4902:168, nose stick, in, fKiwai); noseoma- Bamu On back pencilled 'Dibiri.' mentiworn by men usually at dances. Mouth of trie Fly River (possibly Pearl-shell (Pinctada sp.) in the shape of a crescent. Narrow piece of ihe edge ofa damiTrUhunu sp.) worn Max. length 160mm; max. width 70mm; 125mm through the septum of the nose. Length 215mm; from tip to tip. width 10mm. coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. coll. Landtman. 1910-1912. Landtman, 1933:40-41. Landtman, 1933:40. NMFVK4902:194, necklace, bidibidi (Kiwai); neck NMFVK4902:160, nose plug, mi (KiwaO; nose orna- decoration, ment generally worn by women at dances. Kjwai. Mouth of the Fly River. Necklace of six circular shell pieces tied between two Short piece of clam shell (Tridacna sp.) worn through plaited bands The shell pieces, from the bases of the septum of the nose. Length 40inm; width cone shells {Conus sp.), 45-50mm in diameter. 17,5mm. The band is tied between each shell, looped at one coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. end. The other end has two short lies. A hole has Landtman, 1933:40, been drilled in the side of each shell attached next to the loop in the plaited band. AJVDE17342, nose stick, kirkuh (Meriam). nose orna- coll. Land tman.1910-1912. ment. LandtmanJ933;41,87.pl.ll, CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT

NMFVK4902:189. breasi ornament, bidibidi (Kiwai); polished seedpod (goa or Pangium edule seedi. breast ornameni worn by men, women and Length of armlet 90mm, width 80mm. children. coil Landtrnan, 1910-1912 (Landtrnan stated that Kiwai small personal items were kept in the armlet. The A single disc made from the base of a cone shell, 65mm reference in Landtrnan 0933:43) actually refers in diameter. A plaited cord is attached through a toNMFVK5J5I27 A small piece of blue calico hole in the ouier whorl of the shell. Two other w as also found during research inside the packing broken holes in the outer surface show evidence box. It may be assumed therefore (hat the calic; of earlier cord attachments. extended below and beyond the armlet and be- cull. Landtman, 1910-1912. hind the hanging cowries, shell and seed.) Landtman, 1933:4 1. Landtrnan, 1933 4 \

QMQE4310 (Fig. 75). breast ornament, dibidibl NMKVK4902:314, armlet (fbf loWi arm), udt^o (Meriam); worn by men, women and children as (Kiwai); lower arm protector and decoration, a breasi ornament. worn to proteel the arm fowl bow string recoil. River. Mer (Murray Is.). Mouth of the Fly Shell breast ornament made from the base of the cone Ann!. m long. Width is) al the elbow to at the wnst. from closely woven shell. The shell is rough on the reverse side and 70mm Made rattan in three strand twill on the a fibre suing is attached through a hole in the constructed diagonal, outer whorl of the shell. Diameter 85mm. cull u.tdtman. 1910-1912. coll. A.O.C. Davies. Acquired by QM March 13, 1964. Landtrnan. 193342. (A.O.C. Davies was the school teacher on Mer during 1924-1925). NMFVK4902-.325, ami decoration, koimo (Kiwai); Haddon,l912,IV:4344; Davies. 1924- 1972:38. inserted into the Jowcr ami guard as decoration, especially m dances AME 17346, breast ornament, dibidibi { Menam), worn Mouth ol die Fly River as a breast ornament Arm decoration consisting of three parts: Part 1. Plume Mer (Murray Is/). of parrot feathers. Length 420mm. Part 2. Loop Made from the base of a cone shell. Diameter c.80mm. ot bamboo rind with central strip of bamboo A pearl-shell button and fibre cord is attached LO decorated with knots of red wood and bound al the outer whorl of the shell, the base with red calico. Length 360mm. Part 3. coll. Charles Hedley and Allan McCulloeh.1907. Plume of cassowary feathers. Length 370mrn. (Similar items are AME17347. 17348 and coll Landtrnan, 1910-1912. 17349.)

: Landtmant 193 HaddonJ912,FV:43; McCullocli (undated a).

NMFVK4902.326, ami decoration, kotma (KJwai); NMKVK4V02:380, armlet, baromo-kokai or bommo- inserted into lower arm guard as arm decoration. Uint (Kiwai); arm decoration. Mouth of the Fly River. Mouth of the Fly River Tuft of cassowary' learners bound along its length with Two boar's tusks bound togelhcr by fibre, possibly blue calico. Two pieces ol beeswax decora. grass, the cord is threaded through two holes top, togetherwith one white | heron] leather The inserted in the base of the tusk A (hi base of the tuft of feathers is bound with red attached through holes bored into the tip of the calico, and inserted into this is one loop made tusks, thin cord are decorative ob- threaded on from the outer rind of bamboo. A second piece of jects including a European-made button, a crus- bamboo rind has been placed into the red calico tacean claw and a seed shell (f'angtum edule). base and sits under the curve of the loop of Diameter 100mm bamboo. Length of cassowary bundle 490mm. coll. LaiKhman, 1910-1912. Length of rattan loop 410mm. Maximum width

Landtman F T933:4344. from OUR? edge of cassowary feather bundle Lo

rattan bop 1 05 mm (Fig. armlet (for upper arm), NMFVK4902:327 76), coll. Landtrnan, 1910- 1912. tttruhr. SUSase Or msasr (Kiwai); upper arm Landtrnan, 1933:43. decora!!* Mouth of the Fly River. JCU8o.4.5 t«i, b (Fig. 77), armshelJs, mabup (Kiwai), flailed armlet, possibly made from coconut fibre, upper arm decoration. decorated wilfl a strip of navy blue calico, Wariobodom village, north bank of the Fly estuaiy togetherwith two rows ofcowrie shells, stitched |M.inoweiti]. slightly on an angle. Attached Id the base of the Twoarmshells. both ofConus Sp., possibly C leopur- calico, hanging from the armlet are four cowrie dtiS Anushell decoration made by removing the shells, one side of a large flat bivalve and a bate of the shell (the ba.se was Chen used as a 438 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

breast ornament). Then a vertical wedge section coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (Name taken from Haddon is cut from the side of the shell, to a height of (1898:222-223) who stated that this form of head- c.20-30mm above the base. The result is a con- dress was only worn by men during the Moguru cave triangular wall of shell attached to a narrow (or initiation) ceremony formerly conducted at base ring. JCU86.4.5a, base 150mm in diameter. Iasa on Kiwai Island during the NW monsoon Hole measures 70mm wide. Shell wall at base season. 25mm. Height of shell 275mm. Outer surface of Landtman, 1933:39. shell is clean but with faint spotted markings. Inside stained. JCU86.4.5b, base 150mm long. JCU86.4.2 (Fig. 78), cassowary feather headdress, Width of hole 85mm. Shell wall at base 25mm. daguri (Kiwai); head decoration used by men in Circumference of shell at base 300mm. Outer dances. surface stained. Markings are very faint. Inner Wipim village, Oriomo River. surface stained and with some pencil markings. Headdress made from cassowary feathers. Feathers are coll. David Lawrence, 1986. Purchased from the gathered in bundles bound with fibre. Some Provincial Cultural Affairs Office, Daru. (The fibres are dyed red. Each bundle is bound be- most important item of exchange in former tween two horizontal crisscross bands of fibre, times.) the ends of which are then joined together to Landtman,1933:43-44. make two ties. The feathers have been trimmed into a coronet shape. Length of feathers 160- JCU86.13.12, anmshell, mabuo (Kiwai); upper arm 170mm (min.) and 400-410mm (max.). Length decoration. of band 330mm. Width of band 70mm. Length of Fly estuary. ties 340- 350mm. Base of cone shell has been removed (made into a coll. David Lawrence, 1986. (A gift from the maker, breast ornament). Edge is ground and rounded. Meiiri Gabara. b. Waidoro) Cone of the shell has been removed leaving a Landtman, 1933:37. circlet of shell. Height of shell 40mm approx. Height varies slightly. Width at the base 70mm. JCU86.4.3, cassowary feather headdress, daguri Width at the top 60-70mm. The shell is stained (Kiwai); head decoration used by men in dances. inside and there is some staining on the outer Masingara. surface. Cassowary feather headdress of bundles of cassowary coll. David Lawrence, 1986. Purchased from the feathers bound at the base with 'bush' string fibre Provincial Cultural Affairs Office, Daru. (The and tied between two horizontal crisscross bands. most important item of exchange in former The bundles at either end of the band have been times). inserted in upside down, and hang down between Landtman, 1933:43-44. the eyes and ears of the wearer in order to cover the wearer's cheeks. Length of feathers 350- AME17351, armshell, wauri (Meriam); worn as 360mm in the centre, width 220mm. Length of decoration on the upper arm, above the elbow. sides 200- 210mm long and 40-50mm wide. Mer (Murray Is.). Length of band 250mm. Width of band 70mm. Arm decoration made from a cone shell, most likely C Length of band ties 1050mm. leopardus. The base of the shell has been coll. David Lawrence, 1986. (A gift from the maker, removed leaving a hole of 45mm diameter. The Sisa Muwe.) base measures 65mm in diameter. Length of the Landtman, 1933:37. shell 120mm. Reverse side is covered in a scaly coating. Only a small area of the surface of the NMFVK4902:5, cassowary feather headdress, daguri shell shows the characteristic black spots com- (Kiwai); headdress worn by men as part of daily mon in C. interatus and leopardus. dress or in warfare and dance. coll. Charles Hedley and Allan McCulloch, 1907. (The Mouth of the Fly River. most important item of exchange in former The lozenge-shaped base has been made from fine times.) twisted two-ply fibre string, woven over a split Haddon,1912,IV:56; McCulloch (undated a). cane weft. The base frame has been overstitched along the centre in decorative panels. The frame NMFVK4902:113, headdress, mararo (Kiwai); head has then been coloured with ochres, clays, or decoration worn by men during ceremonies. charcoal. Cassowary feathers, tied in small Kiwai Island. bundles, have been inserted in the back of the Made from cuscus fur (Phalanger sp.) cut in a T frame. A tie has been attached to each point of the shape, 310mm long and 330mm wide. Tie cords base frame such that, when tied around the head, are attached to each end of the fur, and at the base the cassowary feathers cover the hair. Length of two goa (Pangium edule) seeds, and two bivalve woven base 415mm (max.); width of band in shells are attached by string through holes in the centre 95mm. Average length of cassowary fur. feathers 395mm. CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 439

coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. pointed at the base and bound with cord. Length Landtman, 1933:37. to the tip of the longest feathers 500mm. coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (Similar objects NMFVK NMFVK4902:13, cassowary feather headdress, 4902:101 and 99.) daguri (Kiwai); headdress worn by men as part Landtman, 1933:38. of daily dress. Mouth of the Fly River. NMFVK4902:94, bird of paradise plume, amura Cassowary feather headdress c. 220mm long and (Kiwai); worn as part of headdress. 430mm high to maximum length of the feathers. Mouth of the Fly River. Plain fibre frontlet band into which small bundles Large plume of bird of paradise feathers of soft burnt have been plaited. Small seeds, with pieces of red orange colour attached to a soft timber (possibly fabric have been added at the top of the frontlet coconut) base which has been bound with thin band as decoration. The cassowary feathers have cord. Length of plume 380mm. Length of base been shaped into an m shape for effect. The ties 130mm. on either end of the frontlet have been made from coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (Similar to NMFVK- twists of up to 5 strands of two-ply cord. 4902:95.) coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. Landtman, 1933:38. Landlman,1933:37. QMQE1 1 179 (Fig. 79), bird of paradise plume, degem QME13/165, cassowary feather headdress, sam or (Meriam); headdress worn usually at dances. dagui (Meriam); head decoration worn in dances, Mer (Murray Is.). and formerly worn as daily dress by men. Bundle of bird of paradise (possibly Raggiana sp.) Erub (Darnley Is.). feathers of brown reddish colour inserted into a Feathers bound together in small bundles. Proximal coronet. Length of plume 410mm. ends of headband attached with fibre twine. A coll. A.C. Haddon. Acquired by QM April 25, 1889. length of twine extends from this end for tying to Haddon,1912,IV:36-37. the head. Length of the band 190mm. Average length of cassowary feathers 260mm. NMFVK4902:121, headdress, dori (Kiwai); worn as coll. P.G. Guillemot, 1912. Acquired by QM February head decoration during dances. 4, 1913. (Guillemot was a schoolteacher on Erub Mouth of the Fly River. Made on a rattan frame, which when completed is for 3 years until c. 1912.) Haddon,1912,IV:36-37,2I0. decorated with feathers of the reef heron, ar- ranged in a fan shape. The framework consists of AME17316, cassowary feather headdress, sam or thin pieces of rattan bent in an inverted 'IT shape dagui (Meriam); worn by men in dance and in bound together with thin cord. The frame is former times as daily dress, particularly in war- strengthened by a zigzag-shaped rattan insert fare. bound to the inner and outer frame. The internal Mer (Murray Is.). part of the headdress consists of bracings bound The narrow plaited band is 300mm long. The cas- with coloured calico which have both a decora- sowary feathers have been shaped with the tive and strengthening function. Attached at each longest in the centre and decreasing in length to end of the frame base are strips of red calico and the outer edge. With the band around the forehead small knots of calico are attached at various the feathers would have sat close to the head. points along the outer frame. The length from the coll. Charles Hedley and Allan McCulloch, 1907. centre top to the base is 250mm and from the top (Entry in the register states that cassowary to centre bottom of the horizontal brace is plumes were worn by the 'chief and bird of 180mm; width is 160mm. paradise plumes by ordinary people. In fact, both coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. could be worn at the same time by any initiated Landtman, 1933:39-40. male. The bird of paradise plumes would have been inserted behind the cassowary feather head- AME 17263, headdress, dari (Meriam); head orna- dress. Bird of paradise plumes would have been ment worn in dances. considered more valuable.) Mer (Murray Is.). a rattan in n shape with an Haddon,I912,IV:36-37,201; McCulloch (undated a). Large headdress of frame an internal frame in an m shape. A band of white NMFVK4902:103, bird of paradise plume, amura heron? or Torres Strait pigeon feathers is inserted (Kiwai); worn as part of a headdress, inserted into around the outer frame to form a fan shape. One the band and hair above the forehead. long black feather projects from the top centre of Mouth of the Fly River. the frame. Length of the frame 270mm. Width of Bird of paradise feathers bound together on a black the frame 175mm. Central feather rises 360mm palm base/centre stick. The palm base has been from the top of the frame. Maximum width of i

440 MEMOIRS OH THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

frame and feathers al base 360mm; width of .side Very fine example of a large wooden drum, waisted,

feathers 330mm. with definite open jaws , decorated on top and Charles Medley and Allan McCul loch, 1907. along the sides with cassowary feathers. Caned Haddon,1912,lV:37-3y. 364-365; McCulIocb (un- ridge has zigzag decoration Tympanum intact.

dated a). The tympanum end is well-rounded in a definite frontlet N>TFVK4902:108 1 or headshield, makeso ball shape and decorated on the outer surface. in dance. I Kiwai); forehead decoration used coll. Captain Siraehan. Purchased by AM 1886. Kiwai island Haddon, 191 2JV:278-281; Strachan.l 885/86. Headdress used without cassowary feathers or with feathers attached. Made from raiian or fibre over QME13/162 (Tig. 82), drum, warup (Meriam); sound a bamboo frame. 210mrn long. 270mm wide at producing instrument

hase The front is decorated with a star pattern. ErublDarn'iey i White clay has been applied to lhe pj ailing on the Large wooden drum, with typical 'open mouth.* front and red (possibly ochre) has been applied to Waisted, with carved and incised designs on the the sides. Some broken white feathers on *hc side 'jaws." Decorated with the addition of two white indicate thai the outer edge may have been shells (possibly cowries) and cassowary feathers. in parts, infilled covered with feadv it to thai of* dori* The carving is, with cobalt blue coIl.Landtman,l910-l9J2. coloured dye. The decoration includes 6 goa Undtman,]933:38 {Pangivm eduh:) shell rattles attached to one side. Length 1010mm; mouth opening 250mm; tym- NMFVK4902:109 (Fig. 80), frontlet or headband, panum width 220-240mm. gem (Kiwai); forehead decoration used in dance. coll. PG Guillemot. Acquired by QM February 4, Kiwai Island. 1913. (Guillemot was former schoolteacher on

Dance headband consisting of «i plaited rattan or fibre Erub/) frontlet of convex lo/.enge shape, 330mm long, Haddon.l9l2JV:278 2X1

1 20mtH w ide. with through cord I ii led to each end. The frontlet is decorated with three AME17242, drum, boroboro (Meriam); sound diamond-shaped patterns on the centre from. producing instrument

These are coloured black . A narrow red (ochred?) Mer( Murray Is .). hand runs along the base of the lozenge and the Long, narrow, wooden, with open 'jaws' mouth. rest of the surface has been coloured white The Length of drum 810mm. Width near open tym- upper surface of the frontlet has been decorated panum end 105mm. Length of *jaws* 300mm. with off-white/brownish (possibly under- Well carved and decorated at mouth. feathers) of the cassowary COll Charles Medley and Allan McCulloch.1907. coll.LandDr.au, 1910-1912 ('From New Guinea*, ('probably Kiwai* added Landtman,1933:3S. in biro)). Haddon.l912JV:278-28l; McCulloch (undated a). Artefacts of recreation, ceremony NMFVK4902:622, drum, buntbun* (Kiwai); sound and dance (29 items producing instrument. Kiwai Island, obtained from Dibiri Island. AuckMI58<)9 (Wl) (Fig. 8!), drum wampa (Kala Small, wooden, 830mm long, with two well defined lagaw ya); sound producing instrument. curved 'jaws* at the 'open mouth' end. Hie sur- Nagii register suites obtained via Tudu from Mawatta. face of the open mouth end and the body of the Wooden drum waisted at the centre, the upper tym- drum, to a distance of 370mm, is well carved. A panum end is circular and covered with lizard? thin plaited cord is attached across the mid point

skin The other end is shaped to represent a of the carved area, which is identified by two lines conventional shark's mouth. Length 1080mm; carved around the body of the dnim and marked head 200mm in diameter; waist 240mm in wilfi V shaped carvings. The tympanum width is circumference; mouth c,200mm in diameter. 120mm. Between the open points of the *jaws* is coll. AC Haddon. Acquired hy the Museum »n 1925 95mm. There is no handle. from Edge -Partington collection Acquired by coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (Similar to Dibiri drum gift from Dr T.W Leys memorial- (This object noted in Haddon, J9!2,!V:figs 242D. 360.

was noted and documented by Helen Reeves Landtman (1 927:350) stated that these drums

Lawrence .i were used during the Mos>uru ceremony. Iladdon,t912JV.27S-28] Landtman, 1933:68-71

AMB 10094, drum, WQrftpu (Kala lagaw ya). sound NMFVK4902:ii2G, drum, bumburu (Kiwai); sound producing instrument. producing instrument. Western islands, Torres Strait. Kiwai Island. .

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 441

Large wooden drum, wilh a handle, carved from one open end with diamond and triangular pattern. piece of wood. The tympanum is intact Length Handle boss decorated wilh a geometric pattern of drum 1070mm. width at tympanum end Name 'KALIES* incised between the segments 155mm; width at open end 170mm; width at of the diamond design. Length of drum 700mm; centre point of handle 100mm; length of handle diameter of tympanum 125 mm; diameter ofopen 1 80mm. Ai theopen end are two rows of diamond end 130mm; length of handle 140mm. A shaped carvings The handle boss is decorated split on the underside at the tympanum end has with inverted 'V carvings. This drum is repre- been repaired with glue. sentative of thecommon form ofdrum obtainable coll. David Lawrence.1986. (Made by Sagere Kau^-. at present (1980s) in the region. purchased from Meuri Gab.i coll. Landtman. 1 9 1CM 9 12. Landtmanl933:68-71. Landtman. 1933:68-71. JCU85.142 (Fig. 84), drum, buruburu (Kiwai) wapU QMQE5029, drum, buruhuru (Kala lagaw ya); sound (Bine); sound producing instrument. producing instrument. Weajn village, Oriomo River. Saibai. Small hand drum, plain with attached handle. Outer Single-headed skin drum, wooden, long cylindrical in surface is black, open end is decorated with com- form with handle carved from the same piece Df mon diamond pattern, coloured red, black and wood Hollow, Skin head has incised band white. Length 870mm; diameter of open end around the drum with wire inserted. Decorated 140mm; diameter of tympanum 130mm; handle

With geometric, diamond and criss-cross designs. 1 40mm long. Body black. Word 'Flora' inscribed on distal end. coJL David Lawrence. 1986. (Purchased at Kadawa Length 7I0mm; diameter of head 130mm; distal village.) end 120mm. Landlman,i933:6K-7L colL R.J. Page. Acquired by QM July 1, 1953. Haddon,1912.JV:27S-281. JCU79.7.1, drum, buruburu (Kala lagaw ya); sound paxlucmg instrument. QMQE4287, drum, horoboro (Meriam); sound Wayben (Thursday Is.). producing instrument. Large wooden drum made from single piece of wood.

Mer (Murray Is,). hollowed out in the centre. In poor condition,

Plain, narrow, long, wooden drum, 1 000mm in length wi th no skin tympanum but evidence of glue used

and 1 1 5mm wide at the tympanum end The open for attachment. Large splits in the timber, par- jaw mouth is 150mm wide. There is no skin nor ticularly noar the open end, due to age. At the decoration. base, near the- handle a repair has been made with .oil. A.O.C Davies. Acquired by QM March 13, 1964. a square piece of wood, possibly glued in. Length (A.O.C Davies was the school teacher on Met 1190mm; diameter of tympanum 175mm;

during 1924- 1 925) diameter of open end 180mm. length of handle Haddon,1912,TV;27S-281;Davies.l924-i972. 160mm. Open end decorated with a triangular incised pattern.

AME65673, drum, waple (Bine); sound producing coll. Elsa Fennel I. TownsvilLe. (Purchased c.1967 instrument. when wortane. in Torres Strait as a teacher.) K.UTU region. Oriomo River, possibly Dagwa villa Haddon,19l2.TV:27*-28l. Wonie village. Large wooden drum, 990mm long and 140mm wide at JCU8L1.78 (Fig 85), drum, boroboro (Meriam);

the tympanum end. The open end is carved with sound producing instrument. triangular and inverted *V designs. The handle Ugar (Stephen Is.).

is carved from the same piece of timber and is Small, wooden, waisted, from a single piece of timber. also decorated with 'V designs The skin tym- Carved with the common diamond and triangular panum is not attached to the drum. design. Overpainied in green and yellow wilh coll. C.W. Marshall, 1927. Purchased by the Museum commercial paints. Tympanum, (register stales

in 1 973. (Marshall was employed as surveyor and made from 'goanna'), is attached with rattan assistant field geologist on the Oriomo oil ex- binding covered with cloth. Skin attached to ploration project 1927-1933, Similar to AME- drum body with banana sucker juice as glue and 65672.) beeswax itsao) is attached to the skin. LeOgA Landtman, 1933:68-71. 870mm; diameter of tympanum 140mm, diameter of open end 145mm; handle 130mm JCU86.4.12, drum, waple (Bine); buruburu (Kiwaii; long. sound producing instrument. coll. Pam Brodie,1981. (Purchased from Arthur Wipim vil lage, at the headwaters of the Oriomo River. Stephen.) Small wooden drum, black in colour, hourglass shaped, Haddon,!9I2JV:278-2SI. decorated with incised design Decorated at the 442 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

NMFVK4902:A37.

Large solid reef shell, possibly Syrinx sp . measuring hane); July 23, 1895.

3 10mm long, and 1 30mm wide. A laieral mouth Lawltman, 1933:74-76. hole has been bored into the inflated body whorl. The hole measures 20mm by 15mm. The shell QMQE4668 (possibly previously QME5929) mask, k

has an expanded aperture. ap t (Meriam); associated with Outdo stttem coll Landtman. 1910- 191 2. (Landtman suted thai ceremony; face covering, used by men jn Fusus sp. and Triton sp. shell* ww also used as ceremonies of zogo cults, possibly turtle fishing shell trumpets.) ritual. Landtman, 1933:73. Eruh (Damley Is.). Made from turtle shell plates sewn togther. Face QMQE9779 (Fig. 86), shell trumpet, bu (KaJa lagaw 520mm long, 250mm wide. Human hair and ya), sound producing instrument, used for rig- beard attached to face c. 120mm long. Ringlets of nulling following hunting or warfare. human hair attached to head contain some fibre Budu, Wafcaid Cave. cords. Face has been ochred in red and ears are Large shell, possibly Syrinx sp., 440mm long, 200mm incised with a pattern and coloured in white. wide with a maximum shell diameter of 170mm. Register states QE4668 found in collection 1967. An oval-shaped hole has been punched in the E5929 from the estate of Sir J.R. Dickson, shell whorl between sutures, approx. 100mm fc Toorai\ Hamilton, Brisbane. Acquired by QM the from apex. March 29, 1901. (Similar to that illustrated in coll. Vanderwal Acquired October 12, 1973. Ron L Haddon(1935,I:pl.5, fig.J). |QM photographic reference RB3217.) Uaddun,1912,lV:29S.-3(M;Haddon,1935,l:I98-200 ( Hatfdon.l912,fV:283. NMFVK4902:135, mask, mooa (Kiwai); face cover- JCU86.U.9ji, b (Fig. 87), rattles kokare (Kiwai); ing, worn by men during ceremonies and dances. wund producing instruments. Held in the hand Mawalta. speci ficall lor vale :n to I he during dances. Made v Made from a single piece of timber, in a long oval face Torres Strait, most likely lo Satbai. shape. The face is decorated in geometric designs KulaUe, Pahoturi River around the forehead, cheeks, mouth and chin Two seed-pod rattles made from broken pods of $t)Q areas and the one remaining eye is represented by iPangium edule) seeds tied into dense bundle by a pearl button. The mask has two Fibre ties on plastic wire. Handles formed from plastic rope either side of the forehead, at the back. Mouth and with plastic hosepipe covering. One brown | nostril openings have been made by holes cut le with orange ties; the second green handle wilh through the timber. The mask has been shaped at green ties. Length a=l50mm, b=l80mm. the back such that the wearer's head fits behind coU. David Lawrence. 1986. at 'nostril' and the mouth Landtman,1933:7l with the eyes the holes at the 'mouth' hole. The head of the mask is domed-so that the forehead and head of the mask AME17301, rattle, goa strip (Meriam); sound panluc- rests the is tng instalment Used as B hand rattle to accom- on wearer's head. The mask 570mm pany dance, long and 2I0inm wide. Mcr (Murray Is). coll. Landtman, 1910-1912, 1933:75. Circle of cane with two cross-bars of wood joined Landtman, together to form a framework, farni which a oover- bunch of goa {Pangiurn edule) seeds are attached QME5930 (Fig. 88), mask, le op (Meriam); face in or dance, by fibre Diameter of rattle 200mm. ing, worn by men ceremony colL Charles Hedley and Allan McCulioch, 1907. Mcr (Murray Is.). typical long face, made a single piece of (Local name as in Moore (1984:83-84)). With from is bark fibre tacked to the Hoddon.l9l2JV:272; McCulioch (undated a) wood. Hair of on mask by copper flatheaded nails. Eyes are made from shells the facial is in QME4777, mask, karara ( KJvvai); face covering used and design coloured black by men in ceremony, especially horumm and white. Length 480mm; maximum width ceremony. 250mm; width of mouth 140mm. Southwest coast of Papua. coll. Deputy Protector of Aboriginals. Acquired

Large made iVitti eitcular human face, extended chin August 19, 1913. (During this period the Ptotec forming croc i-vlile jaws made from plates of turtle tor for the Torres Strait was Lee Bryce. The Chief shell on a wooden base, and then painted. 'Hair' Protector was Richard Howard.) is made from grass, cords and leathers, with goa Hadck>n,1912JV:296-298. . . 2 i

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRFS STRAIT 443

QME5488, mask, buk r Kala lagaw ya); face covering, QMQE4288 (Pig. 89), tobacco pipe and bowl worn by men in ceremony and dance. (Meriam) pipe, sarkok (Meriam) bowl; used by Saibai. men and women.

Made from a single piece of wo*id, 650mm long, Mer ( Murray Is.}. 210mm wide. Length ofbamboo* with bowl, carv ed and decorated al coll. Captain Gregory Date not known. Register states the end. Length 890rnm. Width 55mm Bowl hole lhat Capl. Gregory was engaged in *the nutmeg is 130mm from closed node. Bowl 185mm long and 20mm wide with an end shaped like a cone. trade.' (According to Haddon (1 91 T IV:297) f the three wooden masks from Saibai in the British The bowl hole is 1 5mro in diameter coll. Davies. Acquired 13, 1964. Museum collection were used in the mawa A OC. by QM March

JCU80A1 (Fig . 90 1, tobacco pipe, tub (Kafa lagaw ya, AME65682, tobacco pipe, waduru (Kiwai). instru- possibly Meriam word); used by men and ment for smoking tobacco, used by men and women. women Western islands, Torres Strait. Durai or Dourai village. Register states *Doorar or Length of bamboo 785mm. Node at the end opposite Durray village at the Bituri River, Masharn coun- to central bowl hole isopen, as is the central node. ty, west of Iamega village' Circular bowl hole is on the top surface. There is Pipe made from bamboo. 715mm long and 65mm no bowl The surface is highly and finely decorat- wide. Heavily decorated with incised designs at ed with incised designs showing two tiger sharks one end. The bowl hole, on the upper part of the (ltaidam\ 2 small dugongs, an eagle ray and two small fish. Other incised designs include lozenge pipe is 25mm in diameter and located 1 35mm from the closed node. or diamond shapes commonly found on drums. coll. Captain V. Lovett Cameron, c.1876. From James coll. C.W. Marshall, August 20, 1928. Purchased by QM, 1973. (Marshall was surveyor and assistant Hooper Collection. Acquired by Dover Museum 1948. Acquired by James Cook University 1979. field geologist in the 1 927/28 Oriomooil explora- (belonged to a man ofBaidam (shark) clan. Had- tion project.)

1 947:77 1 Landtman, 1933:65-66. don ( ^ated that this is the oldest Torres Strait tobacco pipe.

Haddon, 19 1 2.TV 379-380: Haddon. 1947:77, lig.64; QME13/257. tobacco pipe, zub (Meriam): register Phelps, 1975:230. pi. 1 25 states 'Warm's zub } used by men and women Mer (Murray Is.). Decorated length of bamboo with incised designs of Artefacts of warfare (20 items) animals, possibly frog, turtle and fish motifs, as

well as geometric designs. The circular hole for NMFVK4902;494 (Fig 91), cassowary bone dagger, the tobacco bowl is 1 35mm from the closed node. WOg'l or soke (Kiwai); used as a dagger, similar to Pipe 515mm long and 80mm wide. knives used as coconut husker in Torres Strait coll. Deputy Protector of Aboriginals. Acquired (Haddon,1912JV:I27). August 19, 1913. (During this period (8/191 3) the Mawatta.

Pro tec tor for the Torres Strait was Lee Bryce . The Lower leg bone (tibia) of cassowary. Length 350mm.

Chief Protector was Richard HnwanJ Width of articular end 45mm. Width at I j Haddon, 191 2,1V .141-143. point 1 5mm. The upper portion near the articular MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

end has been bound with a plaited band. Articular Representative example of ' man-arrow \ similar to end decorated with Abnts sp. seeds. NMFVK4902:933. Wooden arrow, 1500mm coll. Landtman.1910 1912 long. Wooden tip is 255mm long with 3 barbed Landtman, 1933 51 prongs. The 'man' or lace' design is distinctive, 60mm long and 20mm wide. The decorated

ai . used by NMFVK4902:758. bow . gtf£tfft! | Kiw | men 'body'is 120mm long. The 'face* is well carved in warfare and in hunting. and decorated and represents the tattoo on the Kiwai Island body of Muiam. Bow length 175mm. Maximum widlh40mm tapering coll. Landtman. 1910-1912.

to points. Width at points hallway between centre Landtman ,1 933:48-55. and tips is 20mm. Made from bamboo with bow siring of split bamboo. QMQE4632/3 (Fig. 95), arrows, taiak, taiek (Kala coll. Landtman. 1910-1912, (Landman staled that the lagaw ya); used by men in warfare and hunting, name for bow, among the Kiwai speaking people missiles shot from a bow

and the 'Daudai bushmen ' in the country west of Yam. the mouth of the Fly was gagate,) POUT metal-lipped cane arrows, one decorated ochred UndtrnanJ933:47-4S. 'Buji' arrow, two man-arrows and two black palm wooden-tipped arrows, QMQE4340. bow, sank (Meriam); used b)' men in coll. Mrs E, Smallwood, former schooltcacheron Yam, warfare and in nun* c.i9!3. Acquired by Museum January 12, 1915.

Mer (Murray I Haddon,l9I2JV:174-175. Bamboo slave and xpbl bamboo bow string attached to slave by fibre twine. On the reverse side there are QMQE4635-37, arrows, kep or sank (Meriam); used small incised zigzag patterns running parallel to by men in warfare, and hunting, missiles shot

grooves in the bamboo. 1 1 75mm long, maximum from a bow. width 45mm. Mer (Murray Is.). coll. A.O.C. Davies, 1924/25. Acquired by QM March Bundilc of assorted arrows, including three man-ar- 13, 1964. (A.O.C. Davies was the school teacher rows, WO barbed arrows, three decorated and on Mer during 1924-1925) carved arrows. H;Kldon,1912JV: 173- 174; Davies.l 924-1972. coll. Unknown. Acquired from Sir Arthur Palmer before 1900.

AME17243, bow , register states typical Papuan bottr', HaddonJ912JV:174-l75. xarik (Meriam); used in warfare and hunting.

Mer I Murray ! AMF IK4I4-25, arrows, tene (Kiwai); used by men in Bamboo stave, with split bamboo string attached. At- warfare and hunting, missiles shot from a bow. tached SO one tip of the bow are four goa shells as Mawatta. decoration. Length 630mm. Maximum width ap- Bundle cf arrows of various types but including one prox. 30mm. fine quality 'man-arrow* (AME18419). coll Charles Hedley and Allan McCulloch,l907. Registered 1910. Old collection. Donor not stated. Haddon,19l2,W 173-174; McCulloch (undated a). (Register states; Lawrence Hargrove gives a definite locality for these arrows as Mawsrtta, AME6S700, bow, gagare (Kiwai); used in warfafl mouth of the Katau River [Bineturi]. In 1915 hunting. Hargrave deposited 'man" arrows in the collec- Kuru, Oriomo River tion sourced at Katau River,) Bamboo stave with split bamboo string. Bamboo is Landtman, 1933:48-55.

light brown in colour. Length 1 830mm and max- imum width 45mm NMFVK4902:569. stone-headed club, gobagato cull. C.W. Marshall, 1927. Purchased 1973. (Marshall (Kiwai); weapon used by men. was a surveyor and assistant lo the field geologist Mawatta.

on the Oriomo oil exploration project 1 927/28. A Bamboo shaft 720mm long inserted through a hole in

second bow, AME65699, is similar la the above the biconvex stone head, 1 60mm in diameterand

but is 1 750mm long and 40mm wide. A bow with 30mm wide. The stone itself has two distinct a bundle of arrows (AME54644) provenanced to areas: one of close grained greenish stone and the

Boigu slates in the register that it was "traded other of close grained greenish stone with yellow from Mai Kussa. flecks. A cord for slinging the club over the Undtman.l933:47^K shoulder is attached above the stone head and below the head near Ihe hand grip This cord is NMFVK4902;929, man-arrow, mama (Bine) otame made from closely plaited strands of fibrc^ pos- (Kiwai); ceremonial missile shot from a bow, sihly made from dried coconut husk flhrr used by men in ritual wounding. coll Landtman, 1910-1912. Masingara. Landtman, 1933:47. 1

CUSTOMARY EXCHANGE ACROSS TORRES STRAIT 445

NMKVK4902:570, stone-headed club, gabagaba the head on the shaft. The resin above the head (Kiwai); weapon used by men. has been decorated wilh black seeds. A narrow Kjwai Island. piece of European calico has been bound around Bamboo shaft 620mm long with stone head. Bamboo the proximal grip end and was probably used as

shaft passes through hole in the centre of the stone a s ling. The cord is torn. Below the calico binding. head. Head is biconvex, 1 10mm in diameter and the handle has been decorated with incised zigzag

1 5mm wide Attached to the shaft above the stone design, head is a piece of red calico, and a piece of coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. European manufactured rope has been attached Landtman, 1933:55 above the head and below (near the handgrip) as a shoulder sling. NMFVK4902:57S, club with metal head, gabagaba coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (Kiwai): weapon, used by raj Landtman, 1933:47. Mouth of the Fly River Bamboo shaft, 570mm long, inserted through a bras*

QMQE492 , stone-headed club, gabagaba i, Mcrtani ); ring 100mm in diameter but less than 50mrn weapon used by men. wide The brass head, most likely original n.e Mer (Murray Is.). from a sbip, has three large screw holes in a

B iconvex stone head, 1 62mm wide. The bamboo shal i triangular shape, plus an irregular shaped hinge is 560mm long. attached to the face hy two screw s; three iron nails oolL A.O.C. Davies. Acquired by QM March 13. 1964 have been inserted into the head of the staff '. vA.O.C. Davies was the school teacher on Mer calico band has been attached above the brass during 1924-1925) head and below near the proximal grip.

Haddon,1912 ( IV:19f)-193;DaviesJP24-l972. coll. Landtman, IQjO-1912.

Landtman, 1 W55 QME 13/152 (Fig. 96), stone-hcaded club, gabagaba (Meriam); weapon, used by men. NMFVK4902:581. head carrier, gara om (Kiwai.: Entb (Damley Is.). used for carrying severed human heads. Cane, bamboo shall measuring 61 Omni long (and ap- KJwai Island. prox. 30mm wide at proximal grip end). Stone- Rattan {Calamus sp.) loop bound by natural bush' head, biconvex Stone, has a diameter of 130mm. fibres to a short slick. The cross stick is made The proximal end of the shaft has been incised from an old harpoon dart. The length of the rattan with a zigzag pattern. The stone head is held in loop is 435mm; maximum width is llOmin. place with resin or gum adhesive and about 20 length of dart l4Grrkm. Tnedart has a n.irbed tin indents in the gum indicate that Abms sp seeds coll Landtman, 1910-1912. (Simllai objects NMFVK were inserted in the resin. There are about 17 4902:581 and 5B3)L

similar indentations on the lower surface. Landtnran7 ^933:5&-57. coll. i\G. Guillemot. Acquired by QM February 4. 1913. (QM photographic reference RB 2462. QMQE4282/2 (Fig. 97), head carrier singi or sungt-i Guillemot was- a schoolteacher on F.nih for 3 (Meriamj: used fnr carrying severed human vears untile. 1932). heads. Haddon,l912,IV:190-193. Mer (Murray 1 Cane {Calamus sp.) loop bound to a small caisspiecc AME 10808. stone-headed club, gubagaba (Kaia by fibre String (possibly coconut fibre;. The he:ui

lagaw ya); weapon, used bv men carrier has been attached to QE 4282/1 , a bam btwi Yam knile with goa shell decorations, by fibre string.. Bamboo shaft measuring approx. S30rnm long inserted Length of loop 430mm. Width, maximum,

through biconvex stone head of 1 1 0mm diameter 150mm. Length of crosspiece 1 70mm.

and 25 mm wide. coll. A.O.C. Davies. Acquired by QM March 1 3, 19h4 coll. Dr. J.C. Cox, 1902. (Register stales. Traded from (QM photographic references RB440G, RB Morebead River, trade[d] from / 4401). (A.O.C. Davies wastbe school teacher on These revised localities given by Hon. Valentine. Mer during 1924-1925). an authority on stone clubs, January 17, 1906.) Haddon. 191 2.IV: 199-200; Davies, 1924-1972. Haddon.1912,7V:19(H93. NMFVK4902:580, bamboo knife uere (Kiwai); used NMFVK4902:574, club with metal head, gofctydfa to sever human heads. (Kiwai); weapon, used by men. Kiwai Island. Mouth of the Fly River. Bamboo 275mm long and 60mm wide, cuf Bamboo shaft, c. 580mm long, inserted through B gitudinally lo form a concave blade. The handle

circular iron ring. The metal ring is 1 20mm in end measuring 165mm long has been kepi intact Jiameter but less than 500mm wide. The metal and hound with fibre string which has bi head is held in place by resin set above and below worked into a zigzag pattern, The blade has been 446 MEMOIRS OF THE QUEENSLAND MUSEUM

sharpened by the removal of thin strips of bam- Bamboo knife used in connection with the head carrier boo as is indicated by the cut notches in the blade. QE4282/2, attached to this object by fibre string. This object is of considerable age as many sec- The bamboo knife has an elaborate decorated tions have been removed. The inner part of the hand grip of lashed fibre string. Two notches handle has been filled with resin. A plaited fibre have been made in the bamboo blade. Length cord has been attached to the handle. 400mm. The knife has been decorated by the coll. Landtman, 1910-1912. (Similar objects are attachment of goa shells. NMFVK4902:578 and 576.) coll. A.O.C. Davies. Acquired by QM March 13, 1964. Landtman,1933:56. (QM photographic reference RB4400, and QMQE4282/1, (Fig. 97) bamboo knife, kwoier (Mer- RB4401). (A.O.C. Davies was the school teacher iam); used to sever human heads. on Mer during 1924-1925). Mer (Murray Is.). Haddon,1912,IV:199-200; Davies,1924- 1972.

CONTENTS LAWRENCE, D. Customary exchange across Tones Strait 241