THE COLONIZATION OF THE SALT MARSHES OF FRIESLAND AND GRONINGEN: THE POSSIBILITY OF A TRANSHUMANT PRELUDE

A.L. van Gijn* and H.T. Waterbolk

ABSTRACT: An inventory of anthropogenic sand-drift phenomena from the late prehistoric and early historic period on the Drenthe plateau (Northern Netherlands) casted doubt on the idea that these drifts had caused a 'crisis' situation on the plateau, inducing large-scale emigration of the people to the salt marshes. It is argued that, instead, the combined effect of sand-drifts, peat formation and soil exhaustion during the Early Iron Age diminished the economic potential of the area with its steadily increasing population. Simul­ taneously, the salt marshes became available for exploitation and it is suggested that the inhabitants of the plateau gradually incorporated these areas into their economic system, i.e. to graze their herds. The idea is put forward that during the Early Iron Age transhumance was practised between the plateau and the marshes preceding the permanent settlement of the latter during the Middle Iron Age. The lightly built structures at the base of the site of Middelstum-Boerdamsterweg are interpreted as summer encampments.

KEYWORDS: Northern Netherlands, Middelstum-Boerdamsterweg, Iron Age, sand-drifts, peat formation, overpopulation, transhumance.

1. INTRODUCTION The archaeological material characterizing the earliest habitation in the salt marshes (Waterbolk, At various occasions the second author has de­ 1962) has the same composition throughout the scribed the Iron Age colonization of the salt area. The pottery includes the RWI-type in addi­ marshes in the Dutch provinces of Friesland tion to late Harpstedt-types, flat bowls, small cups, and Groningen (Waterbolk, 1959; 1961; 1962; etc. The same association occurs in the uplands of 1965-1966; 1979). The main reasons for dealing the Drenthe plateau, where it is characteristic of an once more with this theme were an essay by the first early stage of the Middle Iron Age (Zeijen cul­ author (van Gijn, 1983) on sand-drifts in archaeo­ ture)'). Therefore the conclusion that the origin of logical context on the Drenthe plateau and the the colonists should be located in the Drenthe up­ resulting discussions on a possible causal relation lands, the natural hinterland, seems valid. of these sand-drifts and other environmental Obviously one could think of other areas where changes on the plateau to the colonization of the the same pottery association occurs. This is the marshes. These discussions also dealt with the na­ case on the banks of the river Ems in Lower Saxony ture of this colonization process. A summary treat­ (Nortmann, 1983), on the banks of the river Vecht ment of these themes would give an opportunity to in the province of Overijssel south of Drenthe actualize earlier concepts and to react upon some (van Beek, 1974), in the northern part of the old recently formulated opinions (Halbertsma, 1975; dune landscape (Modderman, 1960-1961) and on Achterop & Brongers, 1979; Kossack; 1984). the isle of Texel (Woltering, 1975). Perhaps parts of The present paper is by no means intended as a the ice-pushed ridges of the Ve luwe and in Utrecht final treatment of the subject. It serves rather to should also be considered, but Iron Age material demonstrate that many problems remain unsolved from these areas is scanty. What exists rather sug­ and to encourage fu rther research. gests an affinity in southern direction of the latter two areas. The problem of localizing the origin of colonists 2. THE ORIGIN OF THE COLONISTS of newly-formed Holocene deposits is not restrict­ ed to the salt marshes of Friesland and Groningen. The palaeogeographic maps of Griede & Roeleveld It is 'also of interest in the estuaries of the rivers (1982) indicate the area which was silted up during Oer-IJ, Rhine and Meuse to the west and Ems, the Dunkerque la transgression phase and reached We ser, Medem and Elbe to the east. In some of a level above mean high tide at the beginning of the. Holland VI regression phase, about 2600 B.P. It then became suitable for human habitation for the *Instituut voor Prehistorie, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden, first time. the Netherlands. 101 102 A.L.VAN GIJN & H.T.WATERBOLK

these estuaries we are not only dealing with tree­ which the salt marshes are connected by a number less salt marshes under marine tidal influence, but of small rivers, such as the Boorne, the Lauwers, also with river marshes occurring upstream in a the Peizer Diep, the Drentsche A, the Hunze, the fresh-water, fo rested environment. These river Munter Ee and the We sterwoldse A. marshes respond to the same rhythm of deposition as the salt marshes (Zagwijn & van Staalduinen, 1975). Iron Age habitation of river marshes occurs 3. POSSIBLE CAUSES FOR MIGRATION e.g. along the lower Ems and in the Rhine-Meuse area of the central Netherlands. In the past certain authors, particularly in the Some authors (e.g. Halbertsma, 1975) have re­ Scandinavian countries, have pointed to a severe ferred to the presence in the western part of We ster­ deterioration of the climate at the beginning of the go of flint sickles of the type which is so charac­ subatlantic period (e.g. Bmndsted, 1960) as a possi­ teristic fo r the Late Bronze Age habitation of ble cause fo r archaeological changes. Recently, West-Friesland. On the basis of these finds Hal­ however, this correlation has been questioned (e.g. bertsma supposes that the colonists of the salt Jensen, 1982). The transition of the subboreal to marshes of Friesland and Groningen originated the subatlantic period corresponds ro ughly with from We st-Friesland. Such flint sickles have a wide the transition of the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. distribution in the context of the Late Bronze Age Pollenanalytically we see an increase of beech and and the Early and Middle Iron Age of the northern a decrease of hasel, ash, elm and lime. This devel­ Netherlands and north Germany, but their concen­ opment was probably caused by a somewhat higher tration in We st-Friesland is striking. So far no com­ humidity, which might have resulted from either a plete inventory has been published, but the number fall in temperature or an increase in precipitation. of sickles is estimated to be, well over 100. In We are dealing with modest climatic changes of Westergo 8 sites have produced a total of 21 sickles; possibly cyclic nature which could not seriously an inventory of this area, kindly provided by G. EI­ have affected the quality of the environment. The zinga, is given in appendix B. same wo uld apply to our own area of study. There are, in our opinion, many objections In an original paper on early sand-drifts the sec­ against Halbertsma's view. First, there are no clear ond author suggested that this phenomenon might relations between the Late Bronze Age pottery of have been the result of a large-scale lowering of the We st-Friesland and that of the earliest Westergo ground-water table due to a marine regression settlers (type RWI). The West-Friesland pottery has (Waterbolk & van Andel, 1951). Fo r such an hy­ a character of its own (young Hoogkarspel group, pothesis there is no basis left, now that we know Bakker et al., 1977). It contains elements, such as that the so-called regressions represent only slack­ the all-over-ornamentation with fingertip or nail enings of the main post-glacial transgression impressions and the barrel-shaped fo rms, which are (Griede & Roeleveld, 1982). Recent geological re­ absent in contemporary pottery of the Drenthe pla­ search in the Leuvenumse Beek and Drentsche A teau. The RWI-pottery type, on the other hand, river systems, however, has shown that locally, e.g. seems to have been derived fro m earlier pottery on the highest sandy parts of the plateau, a lower­ types occurring on the Drenthe uplands (Kooi, ing of the ground-water table actually did occur. As 1979). Second, the earliest house-plans known a result of a too intensive exploitation of the sandy from the Friesland/Groningen marshes are of the uplands, which hitherto had mainly been covered Hij ken-type, and do not have the surrounding with woods, the infiltration capacity of the soil ditches which predominate in West-Friesland. Ad­ diminished and the run-off increased. As a result mittedly, we only know early houses from Ezinge the upper reaches of the brooks incised, and the and Middelstum in the Groningen part of the area ground-water table fe ll wherever an impervious (van Giffen, 1936; Boersma, 1983). However, the boulder-clay deposit did not prevent it (Cleveringa large number of circular ditches of We st-Friesland et al., in prep.). have not been observed at excavations in Westergo, In his first paper on the origin of the colonists of such as in Tr itsum. Third, radiocarbon dates indi­ the salt marshes in Friesland and Groningen the cate a time difference between the 'young Hoog­ second author (Waterbolk, 1959) emphasized that karspel group' and the earliest RW I-dates (c. 2650 the sand-drifts, which appeared to have occurred and c. 2500 B.P., respectively). In accordance with on a fairly large scale during the Iron Age, were a earlier views (Waterbolk, 1965-1966) we do not ex­ possible explanation fo r the 'exodus' from Drenthe. clude the possibility that some of the Late Bronze Since this process could only have started on the Age settlers from We st-Friesland incorporated cultivated fields, it would imply an agricultural parts of Westergo in their sphere of influence or catastrophe fo r the local farmers, who would have that even some of them moved into that area. But been fo rced to look fo r other settlement areas. the main area of origin of the colonists must have More recently (Waterbolk, 1979) another environ­ been the uplands of the Drenthe plateau, with mental factor was taken into consideration, i.e. the Colonization of the salt marshes of Friesland and Groningen 103 fo rmation of raised bogs, which, parallelling the exhaustion and large-scale charcoal burning will be general sea-level rise, would have diminished the treated in paragraphs 3.3. and 3.4., respectively. area suitable fo r tilling and grazing. This process Last, in paragraph 3.5 overpopulation as a possible could, at least locally and especially in the lower causative factor fo r emigration will be discussed. parts of the plateau, have led to ecological con­ straints. The simultaneous occurrence of drought 3.1. Sand-drifts in the more elev.ated terrain and moistness in the low-lying areas and along the brook-valleys would Appendix A comprises an inventory of the post­ thus have caused a deterioration of the environ­ glacial sand-drift phenomena in the northern ment and produced an incentive to emigration. Netherlands (provinces of Friesland, Groningen At the present stage of research the sand-drifts and Drenthe). We restrict ourselves to drifts that are perfectly understandable as an adverse side ef­ can be dated before 1500 A.D. or to those on which fect of an intensive agrarian exploitation of the a well-developed podsolic profile, suggesting an age higher sandy soils of the plateau. The peat fo rma­ of at least a couple of centuries, has developed. We tion can primarily be considered a natural process should emphasize that our data are not the result in a humid climate, which will continue as long as of a systematic mapping. They are a by-product of man lacks the technology to stop the process by excavations or other field activities. It is therefore large-scale drainage. The question, to what extent dClUbtful whether the survey is complete. Insignifi­ these processes have occurred and whether they cant layers of drift-sands may have been overlooked alone can satisfactorily explain the apparent exten­ in the past. sive emigration from the plateau to the salt marshes Only where sand has accumulated over a soil that seemingly took place, will be dealt with in profile that remained intact it is possible to identify paragraphs 3.l. and 3.2. The possible effects of soil prehistoric sand-drifts. Such places may be expect-

Fig. I. Location of sand-drift sites 1-25. For further information see fig. 2' and Appendix A. 104 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK ed at the periphery of the drift area. Obviously it is difficult to estimate in any single case the extent I. Aalden to which the cultivated field complex was affected 2. Anholt by the drift and became sterile. At Hijken, where a 3. Een . very large field complex still shows on air photo­ 4. Een�Schansduillen 5. Emmen-Emmerhout a --l-1<-+-+--+-+---1r--+--+--+---1 graphs, we have the impression that the drifts oc­ Emmen-Emmerhout b curred only locally, on a small, relatively elevated Emmen-Emmerhout c part of the complex. At Havelte, Emmen and Emmen-EmmerhouI d 6. Gralla Wijster, on the other hand, the drifts were some­ 7. Havelte a what more wide-spread and probably had a more Havelte b serious effect. However, when comparing the distri­ Haveltec Ha\'elte d bution of the prehistoric field complexes and that 8. Hijken a of the early sand-drifts both on a local and on a Hijken b 9. regional scale one gets the impression, that the Jipsingboermllssel 10. Laaghalen drifts occurred only in limited areas and affected a 11. Loon minor part of the field complexes. In this respect 11. Meppen-Gelpenberg J 3. Noord Barge <--f-- we have to modify our earlier concepts. 14. Noordsleen The inventory comprises 25 places (fig. 1) with 15. Odoorn a 37 occurrences in total (figs. 3-9). In the 6 cases, Odoorn b 1-+-+--+-+---1-+--+--->1--<--f-­ 2-4 Odoom c r--�+-+-+-+--r-+-+�----� where we report different drifts, they were either 16. OlVelterzand stratigraphically succeeding each other (e.g. figs. 4, 17. Schoonoord-De Kiel 8), 18. Sellingcrbeetse or they were found at a short distance from one 19. Suameer another, with dating evidence of a different nature. 20. Urrelte As much as possible we have tried to date the 21. Veele (1) 22. Vries <--r-- phenomena. A distinction is made between the 23. Wedde date of the finds in the soil profile covered by the 24. Wijstcr·Looveen a sand, (2) the date of the sand-drift itself, e.g. by Wijster-Looveen b 1-+-+--+-+----1-+--+--->1--<--f-- 3), 25. Wijsler-Emelange a means of finds in the drift layer (fig. or through Wijster-Emelange b finds which immediately precede or succeed the Wijster-Emelangec drift (which is the case when they are not separated from the drift layer by a soil profile) (figs. 5-6) and Fig. 2. Summary of dating evidence. Arrows indicate termini (3) the date of the finds that occur in layers on top post quem and ante quem for the drift formation. Horizontal lines indicate dating evidence for the drifts themselves. For fur­ of the drift layer and which are separated from it ther information see Appendix A. by a soil profile (fig. 9). Concerning the dating the following should be remarked. On the basis of ex­ perience with soil profiles covering and underlying prehistoric barrows (e.g. Waterbolk, 1964) it is as­ to the Early Medieval period (starting perhaps in sumed that a well-developed podsol-profile overly­ the Late Roman period and continuing into the ing a dune goes back to at least the Early Medieval Late Medieval period at Odoorn). All other drifts period (e.g. fig. 7). Considerations of the same na­ can be dated to the Late Bronze Age or the Early, ture lead us to expect that a well-developed podsol Middle or Late Iron Age. Throughout this period profile underlying a drift layer is in general not Celtic fields were in use. Within this latter time older than the Middle Bronze Age (e.g. fig. 3). If a span a relatively early date is well-established at P/aggenboden directly covers the sand-drift a date Emmen-Emmerhout c and Hijken a, whilst a com­ in at least the Late Medieval period is supposed. paratively late date is documented at Een, Hijken b In addition to the description of the sites and the and Vries. In most cases, a precise date cannot be dates of the sand-drifts we have noted the presence given. There is a fair probability, however, that the of archaeological finds in the neighbourhood date of the remaining sand-drifts will in most cases (within c. 1 kilometer) which might be associated have to be placed in the Middle Iron Age, because with the drifts. Finally a description is given of the finds of RW I pottery show that during that period nature of the blown-over layer (peat, natural soil the Celtic fields had their maximal extension. profile, arable, house-site, etc.). Moreover in three cases dikes of Celtic fields have The dating evidence is summarized in figure 2. been covered by sand-dunes (Havelte c, Sleen, We can distinguish three main periods of sand­ Hijken b); elsewhere Celtic fields have usually been drifts. One case, Emmerhout a (fig. 4), dates from identified in the immediate vicinity of sand-drifts. the Early Bronze Age (or perhaps the Late Neo­ The evidence suggests that the intensity of the lithic period). In two cases (Wijster-Looveen b, sand-drifts decreased during the Roman period. fig. 8, and Odoorn b) sand-drifts can be attributed The Celtic field system was in that period probably Colonization of the saltlmarshes of Friesland and Groningen 105 replaced by another agricultural system, which at Iron Age. Therefore they cannot have been the only least in the beginning was less susceptible to wind reason fo r the large-scale emigration during that erosion. Elsewhere it has been demonstrated that in time. the Roman period most settlements were relocated and that the same was likely to be true fo r the fields 3.2. Marine transgressions and peat fo rmation (Waterbolk, 1982). In any case, it is evident that there has not been Distribution maps of finds from the Neolithic and one period of drift fo rmation: the phenomenon Bronze Age in the uplands of the northern Nether­ manifested itself during a long time span, with a lands (Waterbolk, 1965-1966) show that the extent concentration in the first millennium B.c. The con­ of the settled area decreased considerably in the clusion can only be, that contrary to the suggestion course of time. In the Late Neolithic period the given in earlier papers, there was no synchronous habitable area reached all the way from Gaaster­ occurrence of sand-drifts in the Early or Middle land in the southwest of the province of Friesland

.,

, -

. ,

Fig. 3. Double podsol profile at site 3 (Een). The drift layer contains pot­ , . sherds dating to the Late Iron Age. .} 106 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK

Fig. 4. Two layers of drift-sand at site 5 (Emmerhout a/b). The low­ er layer dates from the Early Bronze Age. The upper layer dates from the Iron Age or Ro­ man period.

Fig. 5. Drift covered Late Bronze Age house site at site 5 (Emmerhout c).

Fig. 6. Site 14 (Noordsleen). A pod­ solized drift layer covers a bank of a Celtic field. It probably dates to the Early or Middle Iron Age. The podsol profile is covered by a recent dune. Colonization of the salt marshes of Fries/and and Groningen 107

Fig. 7. Site 17 (Schoonoord-de Kiel). A weakly developed podsol profile marks an interruption in the dune formation.

Fig. 8. Site 24 (Wijster-Looveen a/b), showing two drift layers. The lower layer dates to the Late Bronze Age or the Early or Middle Iron Age. The upper layer dates to the Early Medieval period. 108 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK

Fig. 9. Site 25 (Wijster-Emelange a). A Late Iron Age barrow - with crema­ tion pit - is built on top of a podsol­ ized drift layer probably dating to the Late Bronze Age.

to the Delfzijl area in the northeastern part of outside the main distribution in Drenthe and the Groningen, and from the Dokkum area in northern Westerwolde part of Groningen. Stray finds of a Friesland to the banks of the Ve cht in the province certain stone tool type ('Muntendam-axes') in peat of Overijssel. In the Roman period the inhabited areas between Drenthe and Westerwolde show, area was restricted to the higher regions of the however, that the isolation was not as complete as province of Drenthe. suggested by the distribution of the cemeteries From the Late Bronze Age we know a few urn (Achterop & Brongers, 1979). The process of peat fields, such as Bornwird (van Giffen, 1920) and fo rmation went on through the Iron Age. Many Zuidbroek (Harsema, 1968-1969) in areas that were Celtic fields are situated at places which later be­ deserted afterwards, and the lower parts of which came covered by peat (Brongers, 1976). There are are covered by peat and marine sediments. In both several examples of this in the eastern part of the inst(lnces we are dealing with isolated occurrences province of Groningen (Westerwolde), as well as Colonization of the salt marshes of Friesland and Groningen 109 some on flat parts of the Drenthe plateau (e.g. ently shifted location within the fields. The beds Smilde, Steenbergen and Zeijen). Large raised bogs were not only surrounded by earthen banks, but did not only occur in valleys and other low-lying often also by fences, suggesting that they were used areas close to the zone of marine influence, but also fo r cattle grazing as well. Small granaries were quite on badly drained, relatively flat parts of the pla­ common along the edges of the beds. The banks teau. Small local bogs could also affect the habita­ consisted of undifferentiated arable soil and they ' ble area. At Zeij"enthe Celtic field beds close to the gradually grew in height, which suggests that they bog 'Witteveen' became covered with peat (Water­ developed because plant debris, pulled out after the bolk, 1977). harvest, was deposited on them. There are indica­ From these observations we can draw the conclu­ tions that some kind of manuring was practised sion that the development of raised bogs dimin­ (Brongers, 1976), but there is no proof fo r this sup­ ished the habitable area, thus affecting the quality position. We know the plants which were grown in of the environment fo r man. Peat-growth can par­ the fields and also the weeds (van Zeist, 1974). But tially be attributed to the increased run-off from all this is not enough to understand the system as the more elevated areas of the plateau (Cleveringa it was applied in our area, and certainly not enough et al., in prep.), partially to the rise in sea level. Es­ to know its weak points. Nor is it clear whether pecially in relatively low-lying areas and at the after half it millennium of normal functioning the periphery of the large raised bogs the effect will productivity could decrease to such an extent that have been considerable. Elsewhere the conse­ it wo uld be a reason fo r emigration. Much research quences were probably minor - depending on the is still needed here. But as with sand-drifts and efficiency of the natural drainage and the extent of peat-formation, it is highly improbable that a pos­ local tendencies towards peat fo rmation. It is diffi­ sible agricultural crisis wo uld be a synchronous cult to estimate the size of the habitable areas in the phenomenon all over the area. various periods. A few relatively flat subzones may fairly suddenly have become completely unsuitable 3.4. Charcoal burning fo r habitation. This seems to be the case in We ster­ wolde, where ample evidence exists fo r human ac­ In their paper about the Iron Age stone hammer tivity in the Late Bronze Age and Early and Middle axes in the Netherlands Achterop & Brongers (1979) Iron Age, but hardly any fo r the Late Iron Age and assume that these objects could have been used in the Roman period. the process of extracting bog iron. Fo r the produc­ It is evident that peat fo rmation and rise of tion of iron large quantities of charcoal are needed. ground-water table negatively affected the area In this connection, these authors suggest that the suitable fo r agriculture and cattle grazing. Some Iron Age sand dunes could have originated as a re­ habitable areas in the lower parts of the plateau sult of large scale deforestation fo r charcoal pro­ were completely lost. Fo r the area as a whole, how­ duction. In their opinion a supporting argument ever, it was a gradual process, and, therefore, can­ fo r this supposition would be that according to not have been the sole cause fo r the emigration of them the distribution of Celtic fields and sand­ so many people in a relatively short period. drifts does not coincide. As we have seen, however, there is every reason to believe that a correlation be­ tween cropped areas and sand-drifts does exist. 3.3. Soil exhaustion Of course, this does not exclude the possibility It is obvious that one should take into considera­ that a deforestation fo r the production of charcoal, tion a decrease in soil fertility as a possible cause could not have been a contributive factor in mak­ fo r emigration - if only because many people un­ ing the uplands liable to wind erosion. justifiably assume a correlation between exhaus­ tion of the soil and the origin of sand-drifts. Our 3.5. Overpopulation problem is that we actually know very little about the exploitation of the Celtic fields. This field sys­ At various occasions (e.g. Wa terbolk, 1965-1966) it tem had a wide distribution and it was applied to was suggested that overpopulation of the Drenthe very different soil types (Wieringa, 1954). The sys­ plateau could have led to emigration. Reason fo r tem was introduced some time during the Bronze this supposition was the composition of the urn­ Age, possibly in the Middle or Late Bronze Age, fields from the Late Bronze Age. Alongside an au­ and it stopped suddenly - in our area as early as the tochthonous component with graves of the Vledder beginning of the Roman period, elsewhere a few type and urns of the Gasteren type, there seemed to centuries later. From excavations, e.g. at Hijken be three allochthonous components: (1) so-called (Harsema, 1974) we know that the large Celtic zweihenklige Terrinen, often placed in small stone fields there not only served to grow crops, but were cists, with a main distribution in the coastal dis­ also used as locations fo r building houses. In the tricts of northern Germany, (2) biconical urns sur­ course of time small groups of these houses appar- rounded by keyhole-shaped ring-ditches, with a 110 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK main distribution in Westphalia, and (3) urns deco­ the sense that a shorter period of fallow (from rated with Kerbschnitt ornament, with a main dis­ 10-15 years to 2-3 years) became possible. As stated tribution in the Rhine-Meuse area to the south. Ac­ above, the problem is that we do not know exactly cording to Kimmig (1964) the urnfield period when the system was introduced. Nor do we know would have been a period of unrest in entire Eu­ the agricultural system of the preceding period. rope, as shown for example by the Dorian invasions Sometimes a Celtic field was laid out systematical­ into Greece. The northern Netherlands might thus ly, in the sense that it originated by clearing in a have been an area that had to incorporate people relatively short time a large expanse of forest. But driven away from other regions. in most cases the Celtic fields were situated in areas There are many reasons to abandon this model. that were already inhabited during the Late Neo­ In the first place there are the data from the settle­ lithic, the Early and Middle Bronze Age, and there­ ment of Elp. On the basis of 14C-dates and pottery fore were largely free of forest. The confusing com­ finds, the site would fall exactly in the period of the bination of regularity and irregularity in the lay-out substantial transformations in the Middle and Late of the Celtic field can be explained by the fact that Bronze Age, yet the farmhouses and accessory they developed on the basis of earlier exploitation buildings did not change at all. In the second place patterns to which more systematically planned we have to mention the recently excavated urnfields parts were superimposed. in Westphalia in which both long beds of the Vledder-type and keyhole-shaped grave monu­ ments were found - the latter being a somewhat 4. TRANSHUMANCE, A MODEL later phenomenon than the former (Lanting & Mook, 1977). The same chronological difference From the preceding it should be clear that during seems to exist in our area; the striking dissimilarity the Middle Iron Age part of the population of the in distribution of both grave types must have other plateau emigrated to the salt marshes of Friesland causes. In the third place it has become obvious and Groningen. It has also been demonstrated that that even considerable changes in material culture there is no direct mono-causal relationship between do not always have to be ascribed to immigration either drifting sand, fo rmation of oligotrophic of foreign people. Indeed, the Late Bronze Age in peat, or depletion of the soil on the one hand, and the northern Netherlands should rather be consid­ this emigration on the other. Nor is there evidence ered a period of great receptivity to cultural in­ for a rapid growth in population which would have fluences from elsewhere. forced people to move, as was already demonstrat­ In his study of the urnfields Kooi (1979) has ed by Kooi (1979). It cannot be denied that peat­ made calculations of the size of the population and growth did pose a problem in the low-lying areas of demonstrated that for the region as a whole over­ the plateau, especially along the rivercourses, population cannot have been an important reason reducing potential grazing areas along the brook­ for emigration. Although he has paid little atten­ valleys. Sand-drifts diminished the amount of tion to the general deterioration of the environment cropping-space in the sandy, more elevated terrain and the effect this may have had in those territories of the plateau. It is also likely that during the Late that were particularly affected, his .argument can be Bronze and Early Iron Age the plateau was densely accepted in general. populated and that little unclaimed territory was Still, it can be assumed that the population left. However we believe that it is not justified to gradually increased in the course of the prehistoric speak of a catastrophic or crisis situation on the period. At the same time some communities expe­ plateau. rienced a deterioration of their environment, di­ Instead we believe that during the Early Iron Age minishing the size and quality of the area suitable the combination of the factors mentioned above for agricultural activities. However these processes very gradually resulted in a diminishing economic were gradual and it is not necessary to suppose that potential of the area. It should be stressed that dur­ the carrying capacity of the environment in eco­ ing the initial phase of this process the actual eco­ logical sense was reached, or even that famine or nomic production probably did not diminish; it is crisis had occurred. Rather there might have been sufficient that the inhabitants perceive or expe­ a lessening of the margins and a dimin'ishing rience that the potential productivity decreases. of the possibilities for expansion, at the outset enhancing This decreasing economic productivity of the pla­ social tensions between villages. One can imagine teau caused a tension between man and his environ­ several solutions to alleviate these social frictions ment, eventually resulting in social stress. Social such as warfare, a reorganisation of the system of stress might have come about because the arable food production and technological innovations land of one community gradually diminished due (Boserup, 1981). to peat formation, while the neighbouring village In this respect the Celtic field system in itself experienced no such problem. However, since the may be interpreted as a technological innovation, in environmental change was gradual, the social 'stress Colonization of the salt marshes of Friesland and Groningen 111

also built up slowly and the inhabitants would have tact is especially important when, during harvest found solutions before a 'crisis point' would have time, all hands are needed and the aid of the herds­ been reached. men is also required. We suggest that one possible solution would have been a reorganisation of the system of food­ 4.1. The application of the model production i.e., to use the salt marshes as grazing grounds during the summer. During the Early Iron During the Neolithic and up to the Late Bronze Age the clay regions were only passable during the Age, before the intensification of the agricultural dry summer season and not yet considered suitable system by the introduction of the Celtic field, crops for permanent habitation. During such an inter­ were rotated and the fields lay fallow for a con­ mediate phase the salt marshes could be exploited, siderable length of time (up to 10-15 years) before alleviating the problems resulting from the dimin­ being cropped again. These fallow lying fields were ishing productivity of the plateau. From the fringes ideal pasturage and provided an abundance of fod­ of the plateau the herding could have taken place der. In addition, the manure deposited by the ani­ on a daily basis. However, from the more remote mals contributed greatly to the refertilization of the hinterlands this would not have been possible due soil. In the new Celtic field system, however, the to the great distances. We suggest that instead from period of fallow was probably much shorter, result­ these areas a system of transhumance was prac­ ing in a shortage of pasturage. Though much virgin tised. This gradual incorporation of the clay forest remained, in which the animals might have district into the economy of the plateau, could been able to browse, it can be argued that such for­ eventually result in the emigration of part of the est is far from ideal for herding because the vegeta­ population of the sandy areas of the plateau, which tion is too dense. Nor could pasture be easily found �e observe in the archaeological record. in the brook valleys, because peat growth made Transhumance is best known from the Alps and these loci unsuitable for herding. Especially sheep Spain but was practised in many mountainous dislike feeding on humid ground. The result was a areas elsewhere. In these areas cropping is done in lack of grazing space during the summer when the valleys while the flocks roam the high mountain simultaneously the fields had to be cultivated and meadows. Even though no unequivocal definition the herds brought to pasture. This was especially exists for the term transhumance and the specific the case in the northern and western parts of the details of the transhumant systems differ among plateau where oligotrophic peat growth was more the various societies, we can say that generally severe. In these areas one probably preferred to speaking transhumance is practised wherever, dur­ allot most space for cropping. ing a certain part of the year, the quantity and/or It is during the summer that the competition over quality of the pastures is insufficient (Geddes, land between the agricultural and the pastoral com­ 1983). In the context of this paper we are only con­ ponent of the economy would have been most in­ cerned with the type of transhumance as practised tense. In winter space would have been less of a in a sedentary agropastoral society. Hereafter we pFoblem because the cattle could have been stabled. will use the term as it is defined by Geddes: This would have meant an additional advantage in that the dung could be collected. Because of the, systems that involve the movement of herds of domestic herbi­ probably, shorter fallow period of the Celtic field vores - cattle, horses but especially sheep and goat - among com­ plementary seasonal pastures, as an integral part of a more system, the soil had less time to regenerate and the broadly based agricultural system which includes sedentary cul­ farmers had to rely more upon fertilization. As for tivation the winter feeding in the stables a number of possi­ (Geddes, 1983: p. 51). bilities can be suggested. First, during the summer Only a small segment of the population moves twigs can be collected in the brook valleys. The col­ away from the permanent village with the herds. In lection of fodder is often practised in Norway Norway it is the group of young married women (Carlstein, 1982). It also is possible that the animals who go to the seters, taking along the boys of 10 to were given cereal stubble and other agricultural 14 years old. The boys herd the animals in the vicin­ waste-products. Stabling the animals during the ity of the seter on a daily basis. Usually they remain summer would have been too labour-intensive, es­ on the pastures during the entire summer. The pecially since all hands would be needed for the women process the milk, churning it into butter or harvesting. cheese. They return to the farms regularly (Carl­ Removing the mobile pastoral component, the stein, 1982). In the Pyrenees the system is different: herds, during the summer in order to alleviate the men, herdsmen by profession, take the animals of shortage of space, was thus a logical thing to do, es­ a village or a couple of families to the meadows pecially since ample pasture had become available (Le Roy Ladurie, 1975). The distances covered with with the development of the salt marshes which the herds are relatively small in order to allow com­ were awaiting exploitation. Most probably one was munication with the permanent village. This con- already accustomed to roam daily with the herds, 112 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK along the fa llow-lying areas of the Celtic fields, autumn. During the summer the production of the returning to the farms in the evening. However, due herds of cattle could further be raised by pooling to the fact that the inhabitants preferred to crop as the milk of the larger number of animals of several much land as possible, the herdsmen were forced to families, resulting in a sufficient quantity of milk roam at an ever greater distance from the village, to warrant cheese-making each day. Hence the use gradually exceding their local-day- prism habitat of transhumance enabled the inhabitants of the (Carlstein, 1982), so that it became impossible for plateau to increase the production of the pastoral them to return in the evening. The amount of time component of the economy which would not have spent in moving from the village to the grazing been possible if the animals had been grazing on grounds would have become excessive. Also, too the plateau. much walking exhausts the herds resulting in a di­ Obviously we do not know which segment of the minished milk production. population accompanied the herds to the pastures Around 600 B.C. the inhabitants of the area in the case of the plateau-salt marshes transhumant around Groningen could have gradually incorpo­ system. If the main villages were within easy reach rated the clay covered peat deposits which became of the grazing areas, it did not matter much who accessible within their daily round of herding. The left since it would be easy to return. In these situa­ distance is not too great and one can reach the graz­ tions the system might have resembled that of the ing areas directly without having to traverse exten­ seters in Norway where young married women de­ sive peat. However, from other parts of the plateau parted from the main village to the seters for a few the distance to be covered was much greater. The days only to process the milk and returned after­ shift can therefore not be explained as the result of wards with the products, leaving the young boys an unconscious process of migratory drift (Sten­ with the animals. When the village was further ning, 1957) on a small scale. On the contrary, the away, the herdsmen probably processed the milk herdsmen from the more remote regions of the pla­ themselves, staying for long periods at a time on teau could not drift ever further away from their the grazing grounds and only occasionally return­ farms due to the fact that the plateau was rather ing to the village. Probably older boys and girls, the densely populated and some sort of system of ter­ ones still too young to take responsibility for the ritorial rights certainly existed at that time, prevent­ farm but old enough to stay alone for an extended ing outsiders to graze on ground of other villages. period of time, might have spent the summer on the Fo r them the shift from the habit of daily herding marshes. However, we need not speculate further around their farms to the practising of trans­ since the social structure associated with the system humance must have been the result of a conscious is beyond the scope of this paper. decision. They must have realized that their 'ar­ One question still remains: how could herds trav­ rangement of activities in space and time' was in­ erse the bog country between the sandy plateau and efficient (Carlstein, 1982: p. 38). The change to a the salt marshes? This area has usually been regard­ transhumant system of pastoralism was an attempt ed as impassable. However, the peat probably did to 'combine the right inputs at the right times and not fo rm an insurmountable barrier. In a number places' (Carlstein, 1982: p. 38). The presence of the of places through the peat pleistocene outcrops, salt marshes and their suitability for herding (van forming 'islands', were many and the intervening Zeist, 1974; van Zeist et al., 1976) must have been bog areas small. Along these routes it must have known widely due to communication between been possible to cross the peat belt even with herds neighbouring villages. The time elapsed between (Cleveringa, pers. comm.). the initial exploitation of the salt marshes by the in­ A first route (fig. 10) has already been mentioned habitants of the fringes of the plateau and the mo­ above: at the very northern tip of the plateau the ment that the people from the hinterlands started salt marshes reached all the way to the sandy pla­ to use the area in a transhumant mode, was proba­ teau with no intervening peat. Another possibility bly short and will be difficult to trace archaeologi­ would be along the sandy outcrops of Duurswold, cally. where a Late Bronze Age urnfield has been found For the pastoral component of the economy of (Harsema, 1968-1969). These two routes would the central part of the plateau the shift to trans­ open Hunsingo and Fivelingo. A third itenerary ap­ humance might have offered possibilities to con­ pears to have been the row of pleistocene outcrops tinue to exploit the 'secondary products' (Sherratt, between Drachten and Dokkum; near Bornwird an 1981) of the herds such as wool and various milk­ urnfield dating to the' Late Bronze Age has been products (intensive pastoralism), while in addition found (van Giffen, 1920). Along this route one only the size of the herds could be extended. Conse­ had to cross a small stretch of peat area near Dok­ quently, meat production could be raised on the kum in order to reach Oostergo. Last, the area of marshlands because surplus animals, those for Westergo could probably be reached along the whom there was no place in the winter stables, spurs of the moraine plateau in the direction of could be slaughtered upon return to the plateau in Gaasterland. Moreover it should be stressed that Colonization of the salt marshes of Pries/and and Groningen 113

Fig. 10. Distribution of Middle Iron Age pottery (types RW I and RW II) in the northern Netherlands. Arrows suggest possible routes for transhumance and colonization. The site of Middelstum-Boerdamsterweg (see fig. 11) is indicated by the letter M.

during the summer the peat dried out sufficiently certain goods. Water would not have posed a prob­ to enable people to cross it, especially if it con­ lem either. It was thus not necessary to be in a great cerned short stretches. hurry to reach the pasturage on the salt marshes. At first sight the distances covered with herds be­ Furthermore it is not imperative to assume that the tween the plateau and the salt marshes seem enor­ more remote areas of the salt marshes were imme­ mous. From Een to Dokkum (Oostergo) the dis­ diately, if at all, included in the transhumant sys­ tance is 40 km as the crow flies, from Appelscha to tem. It is plausible that, fo r example, Westergo was Westergo 70 km. If one assumes that the herdsmen never exploited on a seasonal basis but only occu­ could cover approximately 10 km a day with their pied when people moved to the marshes perma­ herds (with calves) (Smith, 1978), it took a mini­ nently. mum of 4 days to reach Oostergo and at least It is difficult to guess for how long transhumance 7 days to' arrive in Westergo, starting from the was practised. Certainly the change to a year-round northwestern edge of the plateau. From other parts occupation of the salt marshes has been a gradual of the plateau travelling times would certainly be one. The herdsmen could assess the economic po­ much longer. However, these lengthy journeys are tential of the marshes and determine the moment not unusual; in the Central Appenines in Italy the that continuous habitation of the area became pos­ march took 10 to 15 days (Carrier, 1932). Also, sible: It is likely that the herdsmen already kept some grazing possibilities existed along the way, es­ small gardenplots in the vicinity of their huts in pecially around the sandy outcrops. On grazing ter­ order to be self-sufficient during the summer. In ritory of other villages, permission to pass with this manner they could also define the possibilities herds might have been obtained in exchange for fo r agriculture on the marshes. When the fe asibility 114 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK of permanent settlement was established, the herds­ a granary (Lanting & Mook, 1977). The site was ex­ men might have induced fe llow villagers to make cavated from 1970 to 1973 under the direction of the move. J.w. Boersma (1983). In the context of this paper we The first permanent inhabitants settled directly are only concerned with the features belonging to on the salt marshes (,Flachsiedlung'), most likely at the habitation preceding the erection of the first places where spurs of the pleistocene sand were fe/p. The relative sequence of the structures at­ within 4 meters below surface (visible due to a tributed to phase I is difficult to ascertain. An east­ different vegetation); here fresh water would have ern concentration of features consisted of a large been available (Cleveringa, pers. comm.). The main 'granary' and a small farmhouse built alongside it. source of subsistence of the settlers must have been Since the excavator considered it unlikely that both pastoralism. Although experiments have proved structures functioned contemporaneously, he at­ that agriculture was possible on the more elevated tributed the large 'granary' to phase la, and the parts of the flats (van Zeist et al., 1976) this must fa rmhouse with some small 'granaries' to phase lb. have been a marginal enterprise. In archaeological During phase la the farmyard was enclosed by a context Horde um vulgare and Camelina saliva single ditch. In phase Ib a more extensive system of have been encountered (van Zeist, 1974), two spe­ ditches had developed. About 90 meters to the west cies which were demonstrated to be resistant of this group of structures, a second concentration against short-term flooding (van Zeist et al., 1976). was fo und (phase le), consisting of two or three Agricultural products must have been subsidiary small houses with a few 'granaries'. To the houses and only for home consumption. The pastoral annexes were attached. This concentration was situ­ products provided the main source of income. ated on a natural levee of the sidecreek. It was later Large herds could be kept and the meat, hides, and to become the site of the fe/p. The excavator sug­ milk products could be traded with the products gests that both concentrations existed alongside from the sandy areas of Drenthe, where a mixed each other (Boersma, 1983). It should be stressed economy prevailed. Certainly contact will have that the phases which Boersma differentiates with­ been maintained between Drenthe and the salt in the habitation traces directly on the salt marsh­ marshes if only because kinship ties did exist, sure­ surface do not have chronological implications. ly during the initial stages of permanent settlement. Until more light is shed on the relative chronology However, the two areas developed along different of these features, it would probably be more ap­ lines, as evidenced by the material culture: from the propriate to refer to spatial concentrations la, lb preceding RW I and 11 types of pottery RW III and Ic instead of to phases la, Ib and Ic. evolved, which in the clay regions was much more The configuration of simple small houses, an­ differentiated and more elaborately decorated than nexes and platform of the western concentration in Drenthe. (phase Ic) conforms to the settlement structure we might expect as summer encampment. When a place is only used during part of the year and only 4.2. Archaeological evidence by a segment of the population, large farms and Direct archaeological evidence for the model out­ barns were unlikely to be constructed. Barns were lined in the preceding paragraphs, is scarce. Trans­ dispensable because the herds would spend most of humance usually leaves few material remains. the time on the grazing grounds. Only for milking Moreover, the small temporary encampments of would it have been necessary to drive the animals the herdsmen and the settlements of the first in­ together. Some of the annexes might have func­ habitants, which were erected directly on to the sur­ tioned as corrals for assembling the animals to face of the salt marshes, have usually been subse­ facilitate milking. In the Pelopponese the herdsmen quently covered with a thick clay layer during later use 'folds' into which the sheep and goat are driv­ transgressions of the sea. These sites will only be en; the milkers sit at the entrance and let the ani­ discovered by chance. An exception form those set­ mals pass one at a time (Koster, 1977). In Central tlements which were not deserted during the D-Ib Italy circular enclosures served as milking places transgression phase (around 500 B.C), but which (Carrier, 1932). We can also imagine corralling to were raised by the inhabitants (terp). In this manner have been necessary to brand the animals. The the primary settlement on the marsh-surface small houses of the western concentration in Mid­ ('Flachsiedlung') would be covered with a le/p. delstum could have been used as domestic quarters The only example of such a site, inhabited im­ for the herdsmen and the processors of the milk. mediately after the salt marshes became accessible, The platforms (,granaries') could have served as is Middelstum-Boerdamsterweg (fig. 11). This site storage places. is the oldest settlement in the clay regions known The house (phase Ib) of the eastern concentra­ up to now; the earliest 14C date is 2555 ± 35 B.P. tion might have been in use roughly during the (GrN-7902) taken from a wooden post belonging to same time. If anything it might be slightly younger Colonization of the salt marshes of Fries/and and Groningen 115

Fig. 11. Middelstum-Boerdamsterweg phase I. Small houses with annexes and platforms built on the surface of the levees along tidal creeks. After Boersma (1983), schematized.

than the structures of phase lc. Although it is two­ seasonal basis. However, until the relative chronol­ aisled and well-built, this dwelling cannot be inter­ ogy of the features is investigated further, it cannot preted as a farmhouse with a byre. There is no posi­ be excluded that the 'granary' existed while the tive evidence for cattle stalling and a second entry place was inhabited year-round (phase 2)3). to a byre is absent. This is in contrast with the large Against the proposition that Middelstum-Boer­ farmhouses with byres which we find later on the damsterweg functioned in a transhumant mode of le/ps in the same area. The 'farmhouse' may well pastoralism, one can argue that one would expect have functioned as living quarters only. The exten­ a more diffuse settlement pattern: isolated huts sive system of ditches could be interpreted as corral each in a separate grazing territory. Although these ditches, used to separate herds. It is likely that this isolated huts probably existed as well, it is not un­ concentration too can be interpreted as a summer usual to find a number of dwellings close to one an­ encampment for herdsmen. other. In Norway one often encounters huts (selers) The function of the large 'granary' attributed by grouped together. This has the advantage that facil­ Boersma to phase la is difficult to assess. The ities'such as cheese-making utensils and possibly structure measures 15 x 5 meter and consists of four corralling devices, could be shared. Also the herds­ rows of heavy posts. It could have been a granary men could keep each other company. Moreover, we or storage place, but it might also have had a quite often find that the grazing grounds are communal different purpose. It is possible that this construc­ property. In Andorra the communal pasturage is tion functioned while the site was occupied on a administered through syndicates composed of as- 116 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK sociated villages; in the Alps similar organisations 5. CONCLUSIVE REMARKS also coordinate cheese-making (Carrier, 1932). It can be suggested that a similar system existed in the For quite some time the problem of the apparently Iron Age; if so Middelstum-Boerdamsterweg then sudden colonization of the salt marshes of Fries­ might have functioned initially (phase le) as a cen­ land and Groningen during the early part of the tral facility for an association of villages or family Middle Iron Age has drawn attention. There is little groups. The herdsmen with their live-stock (con­ doubt about the origin of the colonists: their mate­ sisting of the animals from one village or a number rial culture closely resembles that of the plateau of families) could roam the communal ranges. (Zeijen culture). The emigration of part of the population of the plateau has usually been ex­ plained by postulating a crisis situation on the pla­ 4.3. Final considerations teau. Several factors which would have caused this Apart from Middelstum-Boerdamsterweg there supposed crisis have been suggested, such as sand­ seems to be little archaeological evidence at present drifts, peat fo rmation, depletion of the soil and for the proposition that the permanent occupation population growth. of the marshes was preceded by a phase during Though sand-drifts were most frequent during ' which transhumance was practised. In this respect the Middle Iron Age, they occurred throughout a we would like to put forward some hypotheses long time span, ranging from the Early Bronze Age which might be tested in the future. As already to the Early Middle Ages. Since the sand-drifts are touched upon in the preceding paragraph, we might not dating from one period, they alone cannot ex­ expect a different internal organisation of the set­ plain the sudden emigration to the clay marshes. tlements inhabited during the transhumant phase The drifts were of local importance only and would as compared to the ones of theJater permanent oc­ hardly have destroyed the complete Celtic field on cupation. It is likely that a temporary summer en­ which they originated. The expansion of the raised campment consisted of fewer houses than a perma­ bogs diminished the land suitable for tilling and re­ nent village. The dwellings of the former would duced the quality of the low-lying grazing grounds. generally be smaller and show less internal differen­ This process may have been a cause for emigration tation: byres and second entrances would not have in relatively low-lying or badly drained areas. It is been necessary. We can also postulate the absence unlikely, however, that a critical situation arose of fences surrounding individual fa rmsteads. simultaneously over the entire plateau. Soil exhaus­ Second we might be able to observe qualitative tion might gradually have affected the productivity and quantitative differences in the bone-spectra be­ of the Celtic field, but again this did not cause a tween the initial seasonal habitation of the salt 'crisis' situation. There is no evidence for over­ marshes and its subsequent permanent occupation. population on the plateau, so this factor cannot We can anticipate a less diversified bone-spectrum have played a decisive role in the migration process during the transhumant phase: only part of the to­ either. tal variety of live-stock on the plateau would have It is clear, however, that the combination of the been selected to browse on the ranges of the marsh­ above mentioned phenomena indeed caused a grad­ es and used for consumption. Among the remains ual decline in productivity of the environment of of wildfowl, migratory birds would be missing. those communities affected most by sand-drifts The third hypothesis pertains to the pottery. We and peat growth. Even though the actual produc­ expect that, during the transhumant phase, the tion of most farmsteads might not have dimin­ herdsmen mainly used earthenware made on the ished, it was sufficient that the inhabitants per­ plateau. During the following year-round occupa­ ceived that the economic potential of the area tion the pots would have been manufactured locally decreased. Te chnological and logistical adjust­ with marine clay from the salt marshes. Conse­ ments in the system of food production were thus quently, the chemical composition of the two kinds necessary to keep sufficiently large margins. It is of clay used will not be the same. Furthermore, dia­ suggested that one such adjustment could have tom analysis might point to differences as well. been the incorporation of the salt marshes into the Obviously, with these three hypotheses the possi­ economy of the plateau during the Early Iron Age. bilities for further research are not exhausted. A de­ The marshlands, recently formed during the D-IB tailed study of the range of pottery shapes present transgression, with their rich grazing potential, might indicate functional differences between the could have been exploited initially on a seasonal assemblages of the transhumant and the perma­ basis, that is to say, in a transhumant mode of nent habitation, for example in the relative number pastoralism. Removing the mobile pastoral compo­ of cheese-making utensils. Hopefully future re­ nent from the plateau would have the advantage of search can shed more light on the early occupation freeing space for cropping. The herdsmen could of the salt marshes and test the explanatory value judge the suitability of the marshes for permanent of the model presented here. occupation and pass this information on to their Colonization of the salt marshes of Priesland and Groningen 117

weg in een notedop. In: P.B. Kooi, Leven langs de Fivel: van relatives on the plateau. During this pioneer phase - the attractiveness of the new environment and its Helwerd tot Zlvarte Lap. In: MiddelstulII-Kantens. Bijdra­ gen tot de plattelandsgeschiedenis met een beschrijving van possibilities for agriculture, especially pastoralism, de boerderijen en hun bewoners. Kantens, pp. 31-35. would become known and eventually large scale BOSERUP, E., 1981. Population and technological change. A immigration resulted. It should be clear that, had study of long-term trends. Chicago. the salt marshes not recently become accessible, the BR0NDSTED, l, 1960. Danmarks oldtid. Ill. Jernalderen. Copenhagen. inhabitants of the plateau would have sought other BRONGERS, lA., 1976. Air photography and Celtic fi eld re­ adjustments in their economic system, to get out of search in the Netherlands ( = Nederlandse oudheden 6). the impasse. Using the salt marshes was probably Amersfoort. just the easiest solution. BURSCH, F.e., 1937. Grafvormen van het noorden. Oudheid­ kundige Mededelingen Rijksmllsellm van Oudheden te The model presented in this paper has the advan­ Leiden N.R. 18, pp. 41-66. tage that it incorporates several sources of informa­ CARLSTEIN, T., 1982. Time resources, society and ecology. 1. tion. It is also an attempt to get away from simple Preindllstrial societies. London. cause-and-effect relationships in archaeological CARRIER, E.H., 1932. Wa ter and grass; a study in the pastoral economy of Southern Europe. reasoning. It explains why so many people moved London. CLEVERINGA, P., W. DE GANS, W. H UYBRECHTS & C. VERBRUG­ in a relatively short time from the plateau to the GEN, in prep. Outline of river adjustments in small river salt marshes without having to refer to a non­ basins ili Belgium and the Netherlands since the upper­ attested catastrophic situation. It is hoped that fu­ pleniglacial. ture research will test the utility of this model. Es, WA. VA N, 1958. Een versterkte nederzetting te Vries; voorlopig bericht. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 76, pp. 50-66. Es, W.A. VA N, 1965. Wijster; a native village beyond the Im­ 6. NOTES perial frontier 150-425 A.D. Pa laeohistoria 11, pp. 1-595. GEDDES, D.S., 1983. Neolithic transhumance in the Mediterra­ nean Pyrenees. Wo rld Archaeology 15, pp. 51-66. 1. In this paper we follow the distinction between Early and G IFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1920. lets over terpen. Jaarverslag van de Middle Iron Age as suggested by Lanting & Mook (1977). Ve reniging voor Te rpenonderzoek 3-4, pp. 7-31. 2. In a paper written at high age, Van Giffen (1973) has refor­ G IFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1927. Een rijengrafveld te Looveen bij mulated his original views on an eastern origin of the marsh Wijster, gem. Beilen. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 45, settlers. His arguments do not convince us. pp. 83-122. 3. The large structure shows a formal similarity to the large G IFFEN, A.E. VAN, 1936. Der Wa rf in Ezinge, Provinz Gronin­ granary (or group of three granaries) that accompanies one gen, Holland, und seine westgermanischen Hiiuser. Germa­ of the oldest houses of Ezinge. It is also constructed directly nia 20, pp. 40-47. on the surface of the marshlands. Admittedly the house G IFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1940. Een drie-periodenheuvel, de zgn. (with living part and byre) has a later date than Middelstum­ Galgenberg, boschwachterij 'Sleenerzand', gem. Sleen­ Boerdamsterweg, but the earliest part of the settlement has Zweeloo. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 58, pp. 207-209. & not been excavated (Waterbolk Boersma, 1976). G IFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1941. Twee brandheuvels (I en Il) in 'De achterste Holten' ZW. van Vries, gem. Vries. NielllVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 59, pp. 112-114. 7. REFERENCES GIFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1946. Een twee- of drieperiodenheuvel, met primairen subtumulus der Ve luwsche klokbekercultuur, bij de Eenerschans, gem. Norg. NieulVeDrentse Vo lksalmanak ACHTEROP, S.H. & lA. BRONGERS, 1979. Stone cold chisels 64, pp. 75-83. with handle (Sch/dgef) in the Netherlands. Berichten van de G IFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1951. De Havelterberg en omgeving bij Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek 29, Havelte, gem. Havelte. Opgravingen in 1918, 1943, 1944 en pp. 255-356. 1946. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 69, pp. 97-137. BAKKER, lA. et al., 1977. Hoogkarspel-Wa tertoren: towards a G IFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1952. De excursie van de Drentsch Prae­ reconstruction of ecology and archaeology of an agrarian historische Vereniging op zaterdag 16 september 1950, naar ' settlement of 1000 B.e. In: B.L. van Beek et al. (eds.), Ex een boerderij te Bruntinge, het rijengrafveld te Aalden, kerk Horreo ( = Cingula 4). Amsterdam, pp. 187-225. en 'spijker' te Roden, de kerk te Vries. NieulVe Drentse BEEK , R. VA N, 1974. Van bodem tot rand; ijzertijdvondsten uit Vo lksalmanak 70, pp. 5-12. Dalfsen en Ommen. We sterheem 23, pp. 19-41. G IFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1954. Een grafheuvelonderzoek op de BEIJERINCK, W., 1932. De ligging der steentijdresten in Midden­ Emelange bij Wijster, gem. Beilen. NieulVe Drentse Vo lks­ Drente. Tijdschrift Kon. Ned. Aardl: Genootschap 2e serie almanak 72, pp. 159-200. 49, pp. 394-412. G IFFEN, A.E. VA N, 1973. Nogmaals Ezinge. Archeologie en BEIJERINCK, W., 1933a. Die mikropaliiontologische Unter­ Historie, o'pgedragen aan Prof. Dr. H. Brunsting. Bussum, suchung iiolischer Sedimente und ihre Bedeutung fUr die pp. 49-86. Florengeschichte und die Quartiirstratigraphie.Proceedings G IFFEN, A.E. & H.T. WAT ERBOLK, 1944-1948. Bouwstoffen voor Kon. Akad. van We tenschappen te Amsterdam 36, de Groninger oergeschiedenis. IV. Opgraving urnenveld pp. 107-115. Wedderveer. Ve rslag Groninger Museum, pp. 49-119. BEIJERINCK, W., 1933b. Over toendrabanken en hunne betekenis GRIEDE, JW. & W ROELEVELD, 1982. De geologische en paleo­ voor de kennis van het Wiirmglaciaal in Nederland. Tijd­ geografische ontwikkeling van het noordelijk zeekleige­ schrift Ko l1. Ned. Aardl: Genootschap 2e serie, 50, bied. Tijdschrift van het Ko n. Ned. Aardrijkskundig pp. 866-878. Genootschap 16, pp. 439-455. BEIJERINCK, W., 1934. Humusortstein und Bleichsand als Bil­ GIJN, A.L. VA N, 1981. Stuifzand in Odoorn. Unpublished man­ dungen entgegengesetzter Klimate. Proceedings Ko//. Ned. uscript. Akad. van We tenschappen te Amsterdam 37, pp. 93-98. GIJN, A.L. VA N, 1983. Verstuivingen in archaeologische context. BOERSMA, JW., 1983. De opgraving Middelstum-Iloerdamster- Unpublished manuscript. 118 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK

HALBERTS�'IA, H., 1975. Te rpnamen in het licht der oudheid­ TAAYKE, E., H. VA N WESTING & B. WUBBELS, 1978. Een akker­ kunde. Naamkunde 7, pp. 203-235. landje uit de voorromeinse ijzertijd te Uffelte, gem. · HARSEMA, O.H., 1968-1969. Een urnenveld onder Uiterburen Havelte. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 95, pp. 259-277. bij Zuidbroek, gem. Oosterbroek. Oroningse Vo lksalma­ W AALS, 1.D. VA N DER, 1962a. Kroniek van opgravingen en nak pp. 194-205. vondsten in Drenthe in 1960. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalma­ HARSEMA, O.H., 1971-1972. Kroniek van opgravingen en vond­ nak 80, pp. 303-313. sten in Drenthe in 1969. NieulI'e Drentse Vo lksalmanak 89, WAALS, 1.D. VA N DER, 1962b. Drieschepig huis te Een. Fibula 3 pp. 175-180. (No. 1), pp. 2-4. HARSEMA, O.H., 1974. Archeologisch onderzoek op het Hijker­ WAALS, 1.D. VAN DER, 1963. Een huisplattegrond uit de vroege veld, gem. Beilen. Vo orlopig bericht van de campagnes ijzertijd te Een, gem. Norg. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 1969 en 1970. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 91, 81, pp. 217-229. pp. 161-168. WAALS, 1.D. VA N DER, 1964. Kroniek van opgravingen en vond­ HARsEMA, O.H., 1979. Kroniek van opgravingen en vondsten in sten in Drenthe in 1962. NielllVe Drentse Vo lksalll1anak 82, Drenthe in 1977. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalmanak 96, pp. 219-229. pp. 145-153. WAALS, 1.0. VA N DER, 1972-1973. Vo ndsten van de Uitwedsmee lENSEN, l., 1982. Th e prehistory of Denmark. London. bij Onstwedde. Oroningse Vo lksalmanak, pp. 167-182. KIMMIG, W., 1964. Seevii1kerbewegung und Urnenfelderkultur; WATERBOLK, H.T. , 1957. Naar een Saksische hutkom op de ein archaologisch-historischer Ve rsuch. In: R. von Uslar & Emelang en een samengestelde grafheuvel op de Eese. K.1. Narr (eds.), Studien aus Alteuropa I (Beihefte der NieulVeDrentse Vo lksalmanak 75, pp. 1-12. Bonner lahrbucher lOll). Bonn, pp. 220-283. WATERBOLK, H.T. , 1959. Nieuwe gegevens over de herkomst van KOOI, P.B., 1974. De orkaan van 13 november 1972 en het ont­ de oudste bewoners der k1eistreken. Akademiedagen 11, staan van 'hoefijzervormige' grondsporen. Helinium 14, pp. 16-37. pp. 57-65. WATERBOLK, H.T., 1961. Beschouwingen naar aanleiding van de KOOl, P.B., 1979. Pre-Roman urnfields in the north of the opgravingen te Tr itsum, gem. Franekeradee!. It Beaken 23, Netherlands. Groningen. pp. 216-226. KOOl, P.B., 1982. De urnenvelden in Drenthe ( = Museumfonds WATERBOLK, H.T., 1962. Hauptzuge der eisenzeitlichen Besied­ Pub!. 7). Assen. lung der niirdlichen Niederlande. Offa 19, pp. 9-46. KOSSACK, G., 1984. Geschichte der Forschung. Fragestellung. WATERBOLK, H.T., 1964. Podsolierungserscheinungen bei Grab­ ' In: G. Kossack, K.E. Behre & P. Schmid (eds.), Ar­ hugeln. Palaeohistoria 10, pp. 87-102. chiiologische und natlll'lvissenschaftliche Untersllchungen WATERBOLK, H.T. , 1965-1966. The occupation of Friesland in an liindlicher und fnl hstiidtischer Siedlungen im deutschen the prehistoric period. Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor Kiistengebiet vom 5. Jahrhundert v.CllI: bis wm ll. het Oudheidkundig Bodell1onderzoek 15-16, pp. 13-35. Jahrhundert n.Ch,: Bd. 1. Liindliche Siedlllngen. Wein­ WATERBOLK, H.T., 1973. Odoorn im fruhen Mittelalter. Bericht heim, pp. 5-26. der Grabung 1966. Neue Ausgrabungen und Fo rschungen KOSTER, H.A., 1977. The ecology of pastoralism in relation to in Niedersachsen 8, pp. 25-89. changing patterns of land use in the Northeastern Pelopon­ WATERBOLK, H.T., 1977. Wa lled enclosures of the Iron Age in nese. Ph.D. thesis Univ. of Pennsylvania. the north of the Netherlands. Palaeohistoria 19, pp. 97-172. LANTING, 1.N., 1977. Bewoningssporen uit de ijzertijd en de WATERBOLK, H.T., 1977. Opgravingen rond het Witteveen op vroege midde1eeuwen nabij Eursinge, gem. Ruinen. NieulVe het Noordse Ve ld bij Zeijen, gem. Vries (1949-1953). Drentse Vo lksalmanak 94, pp. 213-249. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalll1anak 94, pp. 177-203. LANTING, 1.N. & W.G. MOOK, 1977. The pre- and pro to history WATERBOLK, H.T., 1979. Sied1ungskontinuitat im Kustengebiet of the Netherlands in terms of radiocarbon dates. Gronin­ der Nordsee zwischen Rhein und Elbe. Probleme der gen. K!Istenforschung im stidlichen Nordseegebiet 13, pp. 1-21. MODDERMAN, P.l.R., 1957. Een dodenhuis op de Gelpenberg WATERBOLK, H.T., 1982. Mobilitat von Dorf, Ackerflur und bij Aalden. NieulVe Dren tse Vo lksalmanak 75, pp. 19-22. Graberfeld in Drenthe seit der Latenezeit. Offa 39, MODDERMAN, P.l.R., 1960-1961. De Spanjaardsberg; voor- en pp. 7-137. vroeghistorische boerenbedrijven te Santpoort. Berichten WATERBOLK, H.T. & T.H. VAN ANDEL, 1951. Stuifzandprofielen van de Rijksdienst voor het Olldheidkundig Bodemonder­ te Havelte. NieulVe Drentse Vo lksalll1anak 69, pp. 141-156. zoek 10-11, pp. 210-262. WATERBOLK, H.T. & 1.W. BOERSMA, 1976. Bewoning in v66r- en MOLLER-WILLE, M., 1965. Eisenzeitliche Fluren in den festliin­ vroeghistorische tijd. In: W.1. Formsma et al. (eds.), dischen Nordseegebieten ( = Landeskundliche Karten und Historie van Oroningen. Groningen, pp. 13-74. Hefte der geographischen Kommission fur We stfalen 5). WIERINGA, 1., 1954. Enige aantekeningen over de bodem­ Munster. gesteldheid van praehistorische landbouwgronden in NORTMANN, H., 1983. Die vorromische Eisenzeit zlVischen Un­ Drente. Boor en Spade 7, pp. 217-223. terer We ser und Elbe ( = Riimisch-Germanische Forschun­ WOLTERING, P.l., 1975. Occupation history of Te xel, I. The ex­ gen 41). Mainz a.Rh. cavations at Den Burg: preliminary report. Berichten van Roo, H.e. DE, 1953. Enkele bodemkundige aantekeningen over de Rijkdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek de Drentse essen. Boor en Spade 6, pp. 59-76. 25, pp. 7-36. Roy LADURIE, E. LE, 1975. Montaillou, village occitain de 1294 ZAGWIJN, W.H. & C.l. VAN STAALDUINEN (eds.), 1975. To elich­ a 1324. Paris. ting bij de geologische overzichtskaarten van Nederland. SHERRATT , A., 1981. Plough and pastoralism: aspects of the Haarlem. secondary products revolution. In: I. Hodder, G. Isaac & N. ZEIST, W. VAN, 1958. De Va Itherbrug. NieulVe Drentse Vo lks­ Hammond (eds.), Pattern of the past. Studies in honour of allllanak 76, pp. 21-49. David Clarke. Cambridge, pp. 261-305. ZEIST, W. VA N, 1974. Palaeobotanical studies of settlement sites SMITH, S.E., 1978. The environmental adaptation of nomads in in the coastal area of the Netherlands. Palaeohistoria 16, the West African Sahe1: a key to understanding prehistoric pp. 223-371. pastoralists. In: W. We issleder (ed.), Th e nomadic alterna­ ZEIST, W. VA N, T.e. VA N HOORN, S. BOTTEMA & H. WOLDRING, tive: modes and models of interaction in the African-Asian J976. An agricultural experiment in the unprotected salt deserts and steppes. The Hague, pp. 75-96. marsh. Palaeohistoria 18, pp. 111-153. STENNING, D.1., 1957. Transhumance, migratory drift, migra­ tion: patterns of pastoral Fulani nomadism. Jo urnalof the Anthropological Institute 87, pp. 57-73. Colonization of the sail marshes of Fries/and and Groningen 119

APPENDIX A: Inventory of phenomena asso­ Documentation: laquer peels at the B.A.I.; figs. 4 and 5 (this ciated with wind erosion in the provinces of publ.). Date: a) Late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age; b) Late Bronze Groningen, Friesland and Drenthe Age, Iron Age or Roman period; c) Late Bronze Age; d) Iron Age or Roman period. All sheet numbers refer to the Top ographical Maps of the Location: east of the Emmerdennen. Netherlands, scale I: 25.000 (Topografische Dienst Emmen, Descriptions: during the expansion of the town of Emmen Delft, various editi9ns). traces of human habitation were discovered near the Em­ I. Aalden (parish of Zweelo), sheet 170. merdennen. From 1960 to 1968 this area was excavated by De Roo, 1953. the BAl. Documentation: De Roo, 1953: photo 3. a) Late Neolithic habitation traces were covered by wind­ Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. blown sand (Lanting, pers. comm.). On this sand a podsol Location: on the es (old arable land brought up during the developed on which houses of Elp type were located as well Middle Ages) south of Aalden. as cultivated fields. Description: on a layer of Pleistocene coversand we find a b) These cultivated areas were subsequently covered by well-developed heather podsol, covered by a 50 cm thick sand-drift (during the Late Bronze Age or Iron Age). On the layer of wind-blown sand. On this a second well-developed sand a podsol developed. pod sol formed. On top of this second podsol a 40 to 60 cm c) Slightly north of this three-fold podsol, a double podsol thick layer of arable soil was artificially brought up (here­ was also found. It concerned sand-drifts dating to the Late after referred to as es). Bronze Age, covering settlement remains and arable land Archaeological associations: the Early Medieval cemetery from the 'Middle Bronze Age. near the Hoge Hof (van Oiffen, 1952). d) Last, Wa terbolk has studied a double pod sol east of the 2. Anholt near Pesse (parish of Ruinen), sheet 17C. Emmerdennen, with remains of a Late Bronze/Early Iron Beijerinck, 1932; 1933a; 1.933b; 1934. Age urnfield in the lower one (Waterbolk, 1959). Documentation: Beijerinck, 1933a: fig. I, profile 1. Archaeological associations: c10seby several Celtic fields Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. were located by Brongers (1976). East as well as south of the Location: in the small thicket north of the old road Emmerdennen, urnfields were excavated (Bursch, 1937). Eursinge-Ruinen. 6. 01'0110 (parish of Rolde), sheet 110. Description: on Pleistocene coversand a well-developed De Roo, 1953. podsol can be seen which was covered by a layer of wind­ Documentation: none. blown sand. On this a second podsol developed, covered by Date: Iron Age and/or Roman times. recent sand-drifts (Beijerinck, 1933a). For a long time Location: on the Zuideresch. Beijerinck asserted that the iron-pan of a podsol had formed Description: during pedological research for the reallotment during the cold tundra climate which prevailed during the program around Orollo, sherds were retrieved in the cores. It Wiirm glacial period. The leached sand layer above devel­ was decided to dig a profile pit: directly under the es a wood­ oped during the warmer and more humid interstadia of the land soil was encountered, overlying a layer of wind-blown Wiirm as a result of the accumulation of humus and sand sand. Between the two levels the soil was more humic, in­ trapped by the cover of heather vegetation. When he could dicating the presence of an old habitation layer (80-100 cm differentiate two podsol profiles, he attributed the bottom below surface). In this humic level sherds were found dating one to the first cold maximum of the Wiirm, the upper one to the Iron Age and/or Roman times (de Roo, 1953). to the second cold maximum (Beijerinck, 1933b; 1934). Archaeological associations: on the southernmost tip of the With respect to the profile near Anholt, Beijerinck stated Zuideresch a Late Bronze Age urnfield has been located that he had found artefacts attributable to the Ta rdenoisien (Kooi, 1979). Celtic fields occur c. 1 km east of the site in the upper leached sand layer (1932; 1933a). Closeby he (Miiller-Wille, 1965). came upon Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age flint and 7. Havelte (parish of Havelte), sheet 16H. pottery. These he attributed to the layer of sand-drift overly­ Wa terbolk & van Andel, 1951; van o iffen , 1951; Ta ayke et ing the upper leached sand (Beijerinck, 1932). al., 1978. Archaeological associations: the cemetery of Hilgensteen Documentation: none. (Lanting, 1977). Tu mulus and secondary internment dating Date: a) Early Iron Age; b) Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or to the Iron Age (van der Wa als, 1964). Roman period; c) Iron Age or Roman period; d) Early Iron 3. Een (parish of Norg), sheet 12A. Age. Wa terbolk, pers. comm.; van del' Wa als, 1962b; 1963. Location: in the neighbourhood of the Havelterberg four Documentation: fig. 3 (this pUbl.). locations with evidence for sand-drifts can be mentioned Date: Late Iron Age. (van Oiffen, 1951: pI. 1). Location: southwest of Een. Description: Description: on a strongly developed heather podsol we find a) Close to the Meerkamp a barrow (Tumulus 3) was raised a thin layer of wind-blown sand. In this layer sherds of directly on wind-blown sand. This sand overlay peat which RW III type were found (Waterbolk, pers. comm.). Recently in turn covered a much earlier sand-drift. The peat could be the area has again been prone to wind erosion. dated to the Subboreal period (determ. Florschiitz). In the Archaeological associations: Early Iron Age farm (van der barrow a bronze bracelet was found, attributable to the Wa als, 1962b). Celtic fields occur east of the village of Een Early Iron Age (van Oiffen, 1951: pI. I, 5,8, 29, 30). (Brongers, 1976). b) Wa terbolk and Va n Andel have, close to the Kogelvanger, 4. Een/Sc/tansdllinen near Een (parish of Norg), sheet lIF. drawn a profile with a double podsol, covered by a recently Wa terbolk, pers. comm. deposited layer of wind-blown sand (1951: pI. 35/3). Documentation: none. c) Close to the Studentenpad in the bank of a ditch, Wa ter­ Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. bolk and Va n Andel located a dike of a Celtic field, covered Location: east of the Schansduinen. by 'a podsolized sand-drift (1951: fig. 35/10). On the oldest Description: double podsol . podsol lay a thick layer of disturbed ground containing Archaeological associations: close to the Eenerschans Van pieces of charcoal and sherds. Oiffen (1946) has excavated a Bell Beaker barrow. Celtic d) Behind the Kogelvanger Ta ayke and others investigated a fields occur c. I km north of the site (Brongers, 1976). cultivated field with plough marks of the Early Iron Age. 5. Emmell-Emmerl!out (parish of Emmen), sheet l7F. This field was overlain by wind-blown sand (Taayke et ai, Wa terbolk, 1959; Lanting, pers. comm. 1978). 120 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK

Archaeological associations: directly north of the area prone Documentation: B.A.1. photo album 1938B/94f. to wind erosion, a Celtic field has been located (Brongers, Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. 1976). Near the Koningskamp an urnfield has been found Location: northwest of Aalden, along the road Aalden­ (Kooi, 1979). Witteveen. The Uffelte site (see below, nr. 23) lies closeby. Description: during the excavation of the 'Schepersbergje' 8. Hijken (parish of Beilen), sheet 17A. and other Early Bronze Age grave barrows (in 1938), Harsema, 1971-1972; 1974; Lanting & Mook, 1977. Van Oiffen located a sand-dune in which a double podsol Documentation: field drawings at the B.A.I. had developed. Date: a) Late Bronze Age; b) Late Iron Age. Archaeological associations: an urnfield has been found east Location: along the edge of the Noordhijkerveld. of the above mentioned terrain (van o iffen , 1940: fig. 31). Description: preceding the reallotment program, large scale During a survey of the terrain around the Oelpenberg excavations were carried out in 1969 and 1970, directed by Modderman has found an Early Bronze Age ossuary, and O.H. Harsema. habitation traces and arable land dating to the Iron Age a) Arable land attributable to the Middle or Late Bronze (Modderman, 1957): Age, was covered by sand-drifts (a Lp.q. is provided by the 13. Noord Barge (parish of Emmen), sheet 17H. Barbed Wire sherds found within the plow zone). Within Kooi, 1974; and pers. comm. this layer of wind-blown sand we can differentiate humic Documentation: field drawing B.A.1. laminations indicating periods without sand-drifts. On this Date: Late Iron Age through Early Middle Ages. layer of wind-blown sand a Celtic field was located. Location: alongside the road from Noord- to Zuidbarge. b) The cultivated zone of this Celtic field was plowed along Description: during the excavation of the local urn field with a layer of wind-blown sand, overlying it, suggesting (Kooi, 1979) a layer of wind-blown sand showed up, which that wind erosion took place even while the land was under had been preserved in the lump of roots of a fallen tree. An crop. On top of this uppermost layer of wind-blown sand old habitation surface covered by wind-blown sand was visi­ pyremounds were erected. These mounds provide a La.q. for ble in the resulting treefall-structure (Kooi, 1974: fig. 7b). the sand-drifts overlying the Celtic field. In some cases the Reclamation trenches were situated on top of the covered mounds directly overlay the sand-drift, sometimes a thin habitation surface. layer of humus intervenes. The primary internments of the Archaeological associations: at the same location a Late mounds must be dated aroung 2300 B.P., the secondary ones Bronze Age and Early Iron Age urn field is present (Kooi, around 2100 B.P. (Lanting & Mook, 1977). 1979). Furthermore a pit containing Ruinen-Wommels II Archaeological associations: the entire area has provided pottery (Middle Iron Age) was found (Harsema, 1979). abundant finds dating from the Early Bronze Age to the 14. Noordsleen (parish of Sleen), sheet 17F. Late Iron Age. Closeby a Celtic field and an Iron Age settle­ Va n der Waals, 1962a. ment have been investigated (Harsema, 1974). Documentation: field drawings B.A.I.; fig. 6 (this pub!.). 9. Jipsingboermussel (parish of Vlagtwedde), sheet 13C. Date: Early or Middle Iron Age. Wa terbolk, pers. comm. Location: in the Sleenerzand. Documentation: none. Description: during the investigations in 1960 the following Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. sequence was recorded: on top of a layer of coversand, over­ Location: unknown. lain by woodlandsoil a grave barrow dating from the Early Description: double pod so!. Bronze Age was situated. On top of this barrow a Celtic field Archaeological associations: at a distance of 2-3 km the tapered off. The latter was covered by a layer of wind-blown Va ltherbrug has been excavated (van Zeist, 1958). This has sand. been dated to 2295 ± 50 B.P. (OrN-1085) (Lanting & Mook, Archaeological associations: a Celtic field (not mapped by 1977). Brongers, 1976) is situated nearby (van der Wa als, 1962a). 10. Laaghalen (parish of Beilen), sheet 17B. 15. Odoorn (parish of Odoorn), sheet 17F. Van der Wa als, 1964; Documentation B.A.!. Wa terbolk, 1973; van Oijn, 1981; Lanting & Mook, 1977. Documentation: field drawings B.A.1. Documentation: field drawings and photographs B.A.!. Date: probably Late Iron Age. Date: a) Late Roman times; b) Early Middle Ages; c) Late Location: in the Laaghalerveld north of the Laaghaler es. Middle Ages. Description: during a survey of the area Van der Wa als and Location: on the sports-ground south of Odoorn. Wa terbolk found a double pod sol here. In the lowest one Description: during the excavation of the Early Medieval remnants of square ditches dating to the Middle Iron Age settlement phenomena associated with wind erosion were at­ could be seen. These features were covered by wind-blown tested at several locations in the excavated area. sand on which a podsol had developed. a) On top of the original podzol profile cropping had taken Archaeological associations: close to the above-mentioned place, ultimately covered by wind-blown sand. A pit under­ profile Waterbolk has found cremation remnants (van der neath this sand layer has been dated to 1645±30 B.P. Wa als, 1964). In addition grave barrows are located on the (OrN-6624) (Lanting & Mook, 1977). parcel of heather vegetation southwest of the profile. A b) Above the layer of wind-blown sand a new habitation Celtic field occurs in the vicinity of the site (Brongers, 1976). and cropping phase was present (Early Medieval period). 11. Loon (parish of Assen), sheet 12D. Several ditches filled up with sand-drifts suggest that the Wa terbolk, pers. comm. deposition of wind-blown sand continued during the habita­ Documentation: none. tion. Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. c) The latter sand layer was intersected by pits belonging to Location: 1 km south of Loon, along the western bank of a burnt house, probably dating from the 9th or 10th century the Looner Diep. A.D. Finally, a thin layer of wind-blown sand separates the Description: in a small scale, local sand-drift a double Medieval plow zone from the present one. podsol was attested. This profile can still be seen. Archaeological associations: on the spot an Early Medieval Archaeological associations: on the Napoleonic map an area settlement was unearthed. Stray finds date from the Middle with grave barrows is visible, probably partly consisting of Iron Age. Probably, an Iron Age cemetery was once situated pyremounds. This cemetery has not been excavated. nearby. West of the site a Celtic field occurs (Mi.iller-Wille, 12. Meppen-Gelpenberg (parish of Zweelo), sheet 170. 1965). Van Oiffen, 1940; Modderman, 1957; Waterbolk, pers. 16. Orvellerzand near Orvelte (parish of We sterbork), sheet comm. 17E. Colonization of the salt marshes of Friesland and Groningen 121

Waterbolk, pers. comm. Documentation: Documentation: Wa terbolk, 1962 (photograph I). Date: Late Iron Age. Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. Location: on the es southwest of Vries, bordered by the road Location: in the southern part of the wooded OrveIterzand, Vries-Zeijen at the edge of the village. north of the Oranjekanaal. Description: layer of wind-blown sand, deposited during the Description: during sand extraction activities a double habitation. A ditch from period I was filled up with sand­ podzol was studied (no written information available). Prob­ drifts, and later-on, in period 11, once again supplied with a ably, this profile is still existing. fence. The spot shows continuous habitation during the Late Archaeological associations: none. Iron Age and Early Roman period. 17. Schoonoord-De Kiel near Schoonloo (parish of Rolde), Archaeological associations: a pyremound cemetery occurs sheet 17E. at a distance of c. 1000 meters (van Giffen, 1941). Waterbolk, pers. comm. 23. We dde (parish of Bellingerwedde), sheet l3A. Documentation: laquer peel at the B.AJ.; fig. 7 (this publ.). E.A. Koster, pers. comm. Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. Documentation: none. Location: along the road through the Ellertsveld, just north Date: none. of the Tip. Location: inside the recreation park Wedderbergen. Description: during sand extraction activities a quadruple Description: double podzol. podsol was found. The bottom one is well-developed and is Archaeological associations: the urn field near Wedderveen overlain by 50 cm of sand-drift. On the sand a slightly devel­ (van Giffen & Wa terbolk, 1944-1948). A Celtic field occurs oped podsol could be seen overlain by 20 cm of wind-blown in the vicinity (Brongers, 1976). sand with a well-developed podsol. This third podsol was 24. Wijsler-Looveen (parish of Beilen), sheet 17B. again covered by sandd-drift (10 cm). The uppermost podsol Van Es, 1965. is very well-developed. Documentation: laquer peels at the B.AJ., fig. 8 (this publ.). Archaeological associations: a Celtic field occurs at a dis­ Date: a) Late Bronze Age to Middle Iron Age; b) Early Mid­ tance of less than I km (Miiller-Wille, 1965). dle Ages Location: north of the Noorder-Es of the village of 18. Sellingerbeelse (parish of Vlagtwedde), sheet 13C. Wijster. Wa terbolk, pers. comm. (letter by II'. A.G. Swart, director Description: phenomena associated with wind erosion have Cultuurtechnische Dienst, Groningen, 1959). been encountered during the excavation of the settlement Documentation: none. Wijster-Looveen (van Es, 1965). Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. a) In the northern part of the excavation a deflation basin Location: on the Beetserweg opposite nr. 52, just past a was present. In profile C and F (van Es, 1965: fig. 5) we see sand-dredger business. the following sequence: on the Pleistocene coversand we find Description: during coring fieldwork a double podsol was a well developed pod sol which subsequently was covered by found at three places. These locations should still exist. sand-drift. On this sand a second podsol developed in which Archaeological associations: a Celtic field is situated at traces of human habitation were fo und, dating to the about 3 km distance. 2th-4th century A.D. 19. Suameer (parish of Tietjerksteradeel), sheet 6D. b) After the abandonment of this part of the settlement, the Wa terbolk, pers. comm. (c! documentation B.A.!.). area was kept under cultivation, most probably during the Documentation: none. 5th-6th century A.D. These fields were again overlain by Date: none. sand-drift. On this sand we find a third podsol . In this Location: unknown. podsol reclamation trenches for the Early Medieval es were Description: double podzol. dug. Archaeological associations: except for Mesolithic artefacts, Archaeological associations: Brongers has found remnants Siebenga has found material dating from the Bronze Age, as of a Celtic field closeby (Brongers, 1976). well. The site of Wijster-Emelange (see below) occurs at a dis­ 20. Ujjelle (parish of Havelte), sheet 16H. tance of 700 meters to the east. Wa terbolk & van Andel, 1951. 25 . Wijsler-Emelange (parish of Beilen), sheet 17B. Documentation: Wa terbolk & van Andel: fig. 35, nrs I Van Giffen, 1954; Waterbolk, 1957; Van Es, 1965. and 2. Documentation: laquer peels at the B.A.!.; Van Giffen, 1954: Date: probably Iron Age. plate VI and VII, fig. 9 (this publ.). Location: c. 600 meters east of the Studentenpad. Date: a) Late Bronze Age; b) Late Bronze Age or Roman Description: alongside the edges of a high coversand hill, the period; c) Late Bronze Age, Early or Middle Iron Age/18th upper part of which has been cut off, lens-shaped deposits and 19th century. of wind-blown sand are situated, whereas on top of them a Location: along the canal north of the Emelange. podzol has developed. At certain places the latter is overlain Description: rather large area in which various locations ex­ by younger deposits of wind-blown sand. hibiting the effects of wind erosion can be mentioned. Archaeological associations: the pyremound group of Hol­ a) Double podsol profiles were present under pyremounds tinge. number 1, 4 and 6 on the Emelange, excavated by Van Giffen See also HaveIte (above nr. 7) at a distance of 600 meters to in 1953. Under pyremound nr. I, a weakly developed double the west. podsol was found (van Giffen, 1954: fig. VII:D and E). 21. Ve ele (parish of Vlagtwedde), sheet 13A. Mound 4 was situated on cultivated land underlying wind­ Wa terbolk, pers. comm. blown sand (van Giffen, 1954: pI. VII, A and B). This wind­ Documentation: none. blo\vn sand layer over lies a well-developed podsol on cover­ Date: Late Bronze Age, Iron Age or Roman period. sand. Mound 6 was situated on a layer of wind-blown sand Location: unknown. in which a plow zone could be seen. This layer overlied a Description: double podsol. well-developed podsol on coversand (van Giffen, 1954: Archaeological associations: Van der Wa als has found three fig. VI). The wind-blown sand under these pyremounds Harpstedt-urns near Uitwedsmee, northeast of Onstwedde could be dated by the presence of long rectangular features (van der Wa als, 1972-1973: nr. 34). belonging to the Middle Iron Age, which transsect the culti­ 22. Vr ies (parish of Vries), sheet 12B. vated land on top of the wind-blown sand (in the case of Van Es, 1958; Wa terbolk, 1977. mound 4). These rectangular features have also been en- 122 A.L.VAN GUN & H.T.WATERBOLK

countered in Looveen, during the excavation of the cemetery APPENDIX B: Inventory of flint sickles in there (van Oiffen, 1927). On the basis of radiocarbon dates We stergo (information kindly provided by Mr. G. the pyremounds erected on the sand-drift must be attributed Elzinga). to the Late Iron Age. On the pyremounds a second pod sol profile developed, which was covered during the 18th or 19th century by a thin layer of sand-drift. Va n Zeist has demonstrated that the layer of wind-blown sand on top of Municipality of Littenseradeel the bottom heather podsol was deposited most probably 1 Baard Fries Museum inv.m. FM 1974 IX 5 during the Late Bronze Age (Waterbolk, 1957). 2 Baard Private coll. b) Further to the west a double podsol was discovered in a 3 Oosterend Fries Museum inv.m. FM 63-10 sand extraction pit. This podsol could not be dated (van 4-6 Spannum Fries Museum inv. m. 65-60, 61, 62 Oiffen, 1954: pI. VII, C). c) Under a sunken hut, found during sand extraction activi­ Municipality of Menaldumadeel ties, a podsol profile was discovered. This podsol developed 7 Boxum Fries Museum inv.m. 1984 III 10 on wind-blown sand which overlay a thin layer of peat. The sand could not be dated directly. Some pieces of glass, found Municipality of Wonseradeel

in the sunken hut, could be dated to 350-420 A.D. (van Es, 8-11 Hartwerd Fries Museum inv . m. 82d-l, 2 3, 4 1965). Over the sunken hut a podsol developed; it is covered 12-14 Hartwerd Fries Museum inv.m. 82(1-13, 14, 15 by a recent sand dune. 15 Hartwerd Fries Museum inv.m. 1977 XI 26 Archaeological associations: during land reclamation activi­ 16 Hartwerd Fries Museum inv. m. 1980 XI 1 ties in the vicinity a cemetery with remains from the Middle 17 Hartwerd Private coli. and Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age has been discov­ 18 Makku m Fries Museum inv.m. 1976 XI 12 ered (Kooi, 1982). 19 Pingjum Fries Museum inv. m. 1960 X 53 The site of Wijster-Looveen (see above) is located in close vi­ 20 Witmarssum Fries Museum inv.m. 81-4 cinity. 21 Witmarssu m Fries Museum inv.nr. v.G. 1539