Kyoto University Seutheast Asian St” dies， Vol．35， No．4，：＞lar¢ h l998 ・ Urban Migration and Cross Border Networks ： ADeconstruction of the Akha Identity in Chiang Mai ＊ TOYOTA Mika ー 都 市 流 入 と 国 境 を 超 え た ネ ッ ト ワ ク 一 チ ェ ン マ イ に お け る ア カ 族 ア イデ ン テ ィ テ t の 脱構 築 ュ ン マ い ェ ン マ 汐 イ 北 部 の 都 市 ｝ チ ． イ に 移 住 す る 山 地 民 は 近 年 急 速 に 増 加 し て る ，．チ イ 在住 ー の ア カ 族 を 対 象 に 彼 ら の 移 動 と ネ ッ ト ワ ク の ダ イ ナ ミ ズ ム に せ ま り ， ア カ 族 ア イ デ ン テ ィ 一 つ テ で の 現 代 的様相 ，将 来 の 展望 を検 討す る 。 か て ア カ 族 の 慣 習 （ザ ン ）が ア カ 族 ア イデ ン テ で ー ． テ ィ の 拠 り所 と さ れ て き た が ，村 に お い て も 都 市 に お い て も彼 ら を取 り巻 く環 境 は 著 し く 変 化 し た 。キ リ ス ト教 化 が 進 み ， 中 国 人 と し て ふ る ま う オ プ シ ョ ン も加 わ っ た 状 況 eよ ア カ 族 か ら へ い つ の み い こ レ ベ ル の ダ イ 人 の 移 行 と う か て 分 析枠組 で は 捉 え きれ な 、 そ で ，個 人 人間 関係 に 焦 点 を あ て ，実 際 の そ れ ぞ れ の 場 面 で 異 な る 役 割 ，期 待 ，仲 問 意 識 ，行 為 を 分 析 す る こ と に よ っ ー て ，彼 ら を 取 り巻 く 政 治 ・経 済 的 状 況 ，相 手 との 力 関 係 ， ラ イ フ ス テ ジ に 応 じ て 臨機 応 変 に ー 変 化 す る ア イ デ ン テ ィ テ ィ の 生 成 過 程 を 解 明 し よ う と 試 み た t一 I IntrOdUCtiOn ’ Over the last twenty years ， owing t【， the dramatic ｛mpl ovement in road transport it has become much easier for the Akha to access lowland areas ， The influence of the media ， recrujtment agen ・ cies ， social goss 正p and the Ileed to get a Thai educatlon in order to access better job oPPortuni ． ’ ties has strengthened the wish of the Akha to stay in the lowland． Accordlng to research by Vatikiotis in l982、 the Akha population in centra 且 Chiang Mai was estimated to be 76 vAccQrding ［Vatikiotis l984 ；200］，正t is now estimated to be around 2，000 （1996 ）． tQ Dr ． Leo． a Dutch anthropologist ．s pecialising in the Akha ， about olle ill seven Akha IIQ lollger live in hill 2 ， vlllages in ThaiLand today 、 Athird ， urban ・based gelleratioll has already emerged who have gr 〔」wn up in the city ． and ・ they have few opportunities or Ileed to go up to the mountains ． The number Qf the younger gen eration （betweerl the ages of l5 and 25 ） whQ have nQ experience of wQrking in the rice fields is increasing rapidly ． For tllem， k is sometimes harder to pursue their life in the mountains than in ＊ 豊 出 三 f圭 ， Ph ， D ． Candidate ， Southeast Asiall St匸監dies， The University Qf Hu11， U 、 K ． ． ． 1 〕 Thanks to the help of th ［ee Akhn friends， we could count l ．647 〔790 males ，857 females ｝ Akha re − siding in central Chiang Mai iT］ October Novetnber l996． As we know that we did l／ot count quite a ． number of Akha ， particular ［y 川 egnl w 〔｝rkers ， we estimate that the ヒ〔）tal numbe ｝ was around 2 ．OOO． 2 〕 Anlollgst the 70、DOQ in Thailnnd ．60 ．000 resides in the villages 、 IO ．000 are 〔〕t⊥t 〔｝f the villages ． “ Twin problem belongs to the past11［Bangkok post，15 August 1997 ］． 一19アー 803 一 NII-ElectronicN 工 工 Eleotronio Library Service KyotoKyotoUniversity University ntpt 7 V' 7 blfi35g4e Fig.1 Thailand `highlanders' the city. It is obvious that the number of sueh wM inerease even more in the future. Most previous research on the highlanders in Thailand has been carried out as mountain village case studies; few studies exist concerning the issu6 of urban highlanders. Thus, this study sets out to examine the urban Akha in Chiang Mai, the principal urban centre of northern Thailand3) (see Fig. Ii the research site map). It is necessary to supplement the existing rural village case studies with urban research in order to understand the current situation of the Akha. The issue of ethnic identity has been among the primary foci of past Akha studies in north Thailand, One of the key elements identified as a foundation of Akha ethnic identity by previous "Akhazang." researchers is This term was translated by a missionary [Lewis 1969-70 ; 1989] "religion, as customs, a way of doing things' and by other anthropologists [Alting von Geusau `way 1983 ; Kammerer 1986 ; 1989 ; Tooker 1988 ; 1992] as the Akha of life', a customary set 3 ) Aecording to the statistical reports of Chiang Mai prevince, the population of Chiang Mai district was 246,892 in 1994. 804 -198- NII-Electronic Library Service KyotoKyotoUniversity University ToyoTA )tT. / Urban Migration and Cross-Border Networks of laws including proper and improper behaviour for both ritual and non-ritual contexts. They 'religion' objected to the missionary's translation using the word because zang is not something 'believe 'carry'.4} "If to in' as in the western notion, but something to Tooker stated that you do not carry Akhazang, you are not permitted to live in an Akha village, If you do not live in an Akha vMage, you aannot, for the most parL carry Akhazang, since the proper structure is not there" [Tooker 1988:38]. So, what happened to the Akha living in towns? Alting von Geusau neticed that the way the Akha conceive Akazang is not static but dynamic, Nevertheless, I ques- "the tion ta what extent it is still valid for the urban Akha to rely on authority of a snccession of sixt>,-four generations of patrilineal ancestors during the long journey from Tibetan border- lands into China, Burma and Thailand" [Alting von Geusau 1983:249]. `'There "They Often young Akha say are too many Akha customs," or, are demanding" and, "Akha "the customs are too complicated." In fact, Akha customary knowledge, dense and highly formalized traditional system prescribing the Akha way of life" [loc. cit. ], is inherited and kept only by a fe-. experts. Thus, it is not public shared knowledge but private property. In this sense, as Inamura [1994:19] noted, the Akha are attracted by Akhazang, beeause it is difficult to understand. And because of its complexity, the authority of the experts has been highly re- garded. However, how wM this be inherited by the younger generation studying instead at Thai schools who hardly have a chance to learn it? lt is clear looking at today's eircumstances that to follow these Akha customs is not a practical option for the urban Akha. Moreover, theoretically, it is niisleading to set the shared common customs as a basis of Akha ethnic identity. Because it leads us to see Akha as a social category rigidly persisting with a unique self-contained distinctive set of customs, language, rehgious practice, etc. Since Leach's stiniulating work [1954] first raised the question of applying a static notion of ethnic identifica- tion to the highly multi-ethnic mosaic area between mainland Seutheast Asia and Southwest Chi- na, a number of studies have questioned the rigid boundaries of ethnic categories. The issues of ethnicity - how ambiguous, manipulative and situational ethnic boundaries are - have been actively discussed.D) Today, it is recognised that ethnic identity is not an inherent bounded phe- nomenon as once assumecl, but an ever-changing process. Few would now accept that ethnic identities are an immutable primordial heritage. Instead, ethnic identity is symbolically con- strllcted, selected and ascribed both by a group of people by themselves and by others' percep- tions in the respective context. Therefore in pursuit of this argument, the object of my re- search6) is not to examine ho", the Akha shared customs are deteriorating as a result of the urban migration process, but to account for the dynamic nature of ethnic identit},. 'carry' 'to 4 ) This verb can be used as same as to phrase carry a [oad'. 5) See for example, Barth [1969]. Conrad [1989], Dentan [1976], Handelman [1977], Keyes [1976i 1979 ; 1995], Lehman [1979], Lilley [1990]. Mitchell [19741, Moerman [1965]. Nagata [i974], Oka- mura [1981], and O'Brien [1986]. 6 ) The field research was conducted from July 1994'November 1996, with supplementary research in February 1997, and May'June 1997. The primary, data were coLlected with the following methods: [1'i' Semi-structured interviews with 343 informants (122 males, 221 females): a. Economie Condition b, Educational background, Motiyation c. N'farriage and Fami[y situation / -199- 805 NII-Electronic Library Service KyotoKyotoUniversity University Rta7V'70ffi 35U4e `detriba- Conventionally, the behaviour of migrants in towns was conceptualized in terms of lization', by which commentators meant the falling into disuse of customs, beliefs and practiees to which the migrant firmly adhered before he eame to tewn [Mitehell 1974:18], However, my airn is to deconstruct the pervasive presumption that associating distinct cultural features with discrete ethnic groups establishes primordial identity.