ACTIONS AGAINST THE JEWS IN DURING THE WAR*

Oskar Mendelsohn

Oslo

The deportations of Jews from Norway in 1942 within three days, should deliver radios they and 1943 represent the climax of a series of still had in their possession. actions by both the Germans and the NS (Nas- The German police, in May 1940, also com- jonal Samling, "National United Action", po- manded the local Norwegian police to prepare litical Nazi party founded 1933), beginning lists of members in the Jewish communities in in the summer of 1941 and appearing more and . Investigations were made clearly as a part of a consistent anti-Jewish by the German police in the spring of 1940 policy from the outset of 1942. More sporadic about Germans, Czechoslovakians and others of actions had, however, already occurred from Jewish origin from the Continent, even in the very first days of the German occupation. their places of origin, about their situation and They began in the middle of May 1940 when behaviour. The purpose was to find out what the Norwegian police, on order from the Ger- could be important for the treatment of those man police, confiscated radios belonging to Jews by the German police in Norway. Jewish Jews. This occurred before Administrasjonsrå- organizations in Oslo were ordered to hand det (Administrative Council of officials loyal over membership lists, and, in August of the to the Norwegian constitution, April 15 — Sep- same year, the German police demanded from tember 25, 1940, appointed by the Supreme the Jewish community in Oslo lists of Jews Court) was informed and was able to remon- who were not affiliated to the community. strate. At a later inquiry conducted by the This additional demand may have been con- council, the Regierungspräsident (chief ad- nected with the order from Auswärtiges Amt ministative officer) Delbrügge in the Reichs- (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) in Berlin to kommissariat (wartime Nazi German political the Reichskommissariat to compile complete administration of occupied Norway) stated that lists. It was Legationsrat (councillor of lega- the German authorities were forced to handle tion) Rademacher from Auswärtiges Amt, who the Jewish question internationally, and that was after the number of Jews in Norway, their the authorization for the confiscation was found properties, and industries and business enter- in a decree from the Führer. The action was prises where the Jews had decisive influence. repeated in July 1941 when Untersturmführer It is quite evident from documents in Yad Böhm (American equivalent: a 2nd lieutenant, Vashem archives in Jerusalem that Auswär- Böhm was a subordinate officer of the tiges Amt also tried to obtain information office in Norway for Jewish affairs) gave or- on the number of Jews in Copenhagen and der to Det Mosaiske Trossamfund (the Je- Stockholm. Other organizations, too, became wish congregation) in Oslo that the Jews, involved in this. On March 24, 1941 "Reichs- vereinigung der Juden in Deutschland" sent a letter to the Jewish community in Oslo. * The article is a slightly expanded version of a Attached to the letter, was a questionnaire about lecture held at the First Nordic Congress of the number of Jews in Norway, divided into Jewish Studies, Stockholm 1975. "Glaubens- und Rassenjuden" (Jews of faith

27 and Jews by race), specified in four age groups were not Norwegian citizens were deprived of and also according to employment. Only the their licenses to practice medicine. In the Germans themselves could be interested in this autumn of 1941, a couple of Jewish lawyers type of information. Certainly not the Jews were deprived of their licenses. About the same in Germany. The declared purpose was to ob- time, Minister of Justice, Riisnæs, sent a con- tain a statistical survey of the Jewish popula- fidential order to the provincial governors tion in all European countries. This type of about making an inventory of all real Jewish statistical survey was obtainded, and is found in property. The personnel in the provincial of- the minutes of the Wannsee-Conference of fices were ordered to give information about January 20, 1942 on "Die Endlösung der Ju- persons they knew were of Jewish descent. denfrage" (Final Solution). Accompanying the He also suggested, to the Ministry of Agri- minutes is a letter, dated March 2, 1942, from culture, that Jews should be prevented from the chief of the German Reich Security police buying real estate. In 1941 and 1942 the Min- and Security service (S.D.), Heydrich to Un- istry of the Interior sent a questionnaire to terstaatssekretär (deputy permanent undersec- all national, regional and local, authorities retary) Luther in the Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign about employees of "Aryan" descent. In some Office). According to this letter, Norway is cases Jews were dismissed. estimated as having 1300 of Europe's 11 mil- In the summer of 1941, the head of the lion Jews. Church and School Ministry, Skancke, wrote In the spring of 1940, actions also occurred two letters, dated June 13 and August 13, in various cities around the country — in wanting the Bishop of Oslo, Berggrav, to com- Kristiansand, Moss and Fredrikstad — and ment on a change in the marital legislation, posters proclaiming "Jüdisches Geschäft" (Jew- a change that would entail a prohibition of ish shop) were put up by the local German mixed marriages with Jews, (and with Lapps) authorities wanting to draw the attention of and their descendants in as far as the third their own soldiers. The posters posted on Je- generation. Bishop Berggrav responded to the wish shops in Moss, were, however, written letter on behalf of all the bishops. They oppos- in Norwegian. The inhibitants of Moss and ed this type of prohibition from a Christian even the NS in Moss protested to the highest point of view and protested against Norwegian German authorities, asking why the text was citizens being classified as inferior human in Norwegian when it was intended for Ger- beings. A few months before the church had man soldiers. The matter was dropped tempo- clearly indicated its position. Dean Fjellbu (af- rarily and then taken up again in 1941 when ter the war bishop in Trondheim), with the the Reichskommissariat began to compile lists support of all the clergy in Trondheim, pro- of Jewish firms. Lists had already been set tested against the German plan to deprive all up on the local level in the summer of 1940, Jews in Trondheim of their homes, and and now they were to be compiled on the cent- threatened to alarm the whole country if the ral level by the Reichskommissariat. New, Jews were placed in a category for themselves. more extensive and complete lists were prepared The most well-known protest of this kind in the winter of 1941/42. The various de- is, most likely, that of the church November partments in the Reichskommissariat worked 10, 1942. Antisemitic propaganda had become independently of each other in order to com- wilder and wilder in Norwegian radio and pile lists, thereby, providing much extra work. newspapers and culminated in the autumn of In a monthly report for March 1942, the dep- 1942. It is interesting to note that a number artment for Wirtschaftspropaganda (econom- of Norwegian newspapers immediately prior to ic propaganda) in the Reichskommissariat the deportation on November 26 published confirmed that the lists this time were based anti-Jewish declarations once made by Martin on information from the NS. Luther. The protest of the church against per- A few actions against the Jews were attempt- secution of the Jews created an international ed by the NS after the Party (which had sensation and was the subject of many reports forfeited credit under Administrasjonsrådet) in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Berlin. had been restored to a political instrument by The ministry considered this protest so im- the (Reich commissioner) in portant that a statement on it (this time from September 1940. Jewish doctors (refugees) who a newspaper in Geneva, "L'Essor") was in 28 person submitted not only to the Minister of and left this to the Norwegian authorities in- Foreign Affairs, but to the Minister of the stead. Interior, the Minister of Propaganda and to The resolution did not have any immediate several party organizations. Less well known consequences. Its significance was more a mat- is it that the protest of the legitimate leader- ter of principle. The decree issued by Jonas ship of the Norwegian Church, the bishops, Lie, Minister of Police, on February 10, 1942, the teachers of the theological faculties and regarding the identification of Jewish persons of 25 religious communities and other Christian through the indication of the letter "J" in organizations, was sent for comment to the their identification cards, contributed far more bishops installed by NS. The responses from to the predicament the Jews found themselves the Nazi bishops are not filed in the Ministry in. It is evident from a rough draft of a letter of Church and School, but the responses from to the chief of the Norwegian State Police four bishops, however, are registred in the (Statspolitiet), Marthinsen (October 27, 1942) journal. The Nazi bishop of stated that the Ministry of Police had, on October that he found imprisonment of the Jews to 10, 1941, been approached by Befehlhaber der be entirely proper. In a number of issues of Sicherheitspolizei and des SD (the commander "Norske Nyheter" in London from February in chief of the German Security police and 4, 1943, it is said that the same bishop con- Security service in Norway) on this matter. cluded that the Jews were "the plague bacteria The chief of the Norwegian Security police of society". Skancke did not attempt to alter asked the German Befehlhaber der Sicherheits- the marital laws in 1941, but on December polizei a question about who was to be classi- 11, 1942, after the deportation had already fied as Jewish. The answer he received, formed started, he signed a circular to the marriage the basis for decisions which were prepared. authorities on precisely this matter. It was an In the meantime, in NS quarters work was announcement about a law which would, in also proceeding on this matter. In the rough all likelihood, categorize the spouse of a Jew draft just mentioned it is stated that the ini- as a Jew (according to a circular from the Mi- tiator was the NS statistical office, and that nistry of Justice November 28). The wedding the office intended to use the material for documents in such cases were to be sent to the examining the Jewish problem in Norway stat- Ministry of Justice before the wedding took istically. The NS contacted the Germans (Ein- place. satz-Stab, Wegener) regarding the regulations The NS sought to boom the resolution of for the duty of registration. Police Minister March 12, 1942 by the Quisling government Lie decided to måke the preliminary draft of (which had been inaugurated by the Reichs- the questionnaire that all Jews were to fill in kommissar on Febryary 1, 1942). It was a more inquisitive. He subsumed the question- resolution which restored the prohibition of naire with questions concerning "Jewish aim- § 2 in the Constitution of 1814 barring admis- inality", as he called it. sion of Jews into the country. This resolution, The first "physical" police actions against in point of fact, was partly due to German the Jews as a group occurred in June 1941. pressure. In a letter, dated January 9, about But even prior to this date, and with increasing a meeting in the Reichskommissariat is found intensity from the autumn of 1941, Jews were the following statement: "Zur Klärung der individually arrested and some of them were Judenfrage beabsichtigt das Reichskommissariat even deported before the sweeping deporta- keine einschneidenden offiziellen Massnahmen tions took place. Most of the Jewish men in vorzunehmen. Es wird aber dafür Sorge getra- Northern Norway were arrested on June 18, gen, dass die Juden aus dem Staatsdienst aus- 1941 and were not released later on. When scheiden" (For the clearance of the Jewish Germany attacked the Soviet Union four days question the Reichskommissariat does not in- later, the stateless Jewish men in Norway were tend to resort to sweeping measures. However, arrested. These were, however, released in the it will see to it that the civil service is purged beginning of July — most of them having been of Jews). The Reichskommissariat wanted to imprisoned at Vollan prison (Trondheim) and work for a revival of the discarded paragraph at Grini, the German prison camp near Oslo. of the Norwegian constitution, but did not In the autumn of 1941 the actions against the want to be the official instigator of change Jews in Trondheim began. Families were, one

29 after another, deprived of their possessions back to a decree from the previous year (Oct- and family members were, in many cases, im- ober 6) regarding persons suspected of viola- prisoned (first at Vollan and later on at Fal- ting the Reich commissioner's ordinances from stad, the German prison camp 80 kilometres 1940 (September 25, October 7), which was from Trondheim). This was undoubtedly due now, in October 1942, extended to persons who to the fact that Trondheim had, on October "were suspected of having committed or intend- 11, 1941 got a new Gestapo chief, Ernst Flesch. ing to commit actions subversive to the state But even as early as in the spring of 1941, or to the people". The decree of 1941 referred Wehrmacht had, without notice, begun to use back to paragraph 39 of the criminal code the synagogue as living quarters for soldiers. which applied to such measures as the duty The synagogue was subjected to considerable of registration, deprivation of freedom, banish- devastation and vandalization. The interior was ment from places of residence, measures against quite destroyed and the Stars of David in the the mentally insane, alcoholics, and people who lead-encased windows were replaced by swasti- were mentally retarded. kas. The State Police's zeal is evident in the dos- Arrest actions in Trondheim continued in siers containing separate individual forms for the beginning of 1942. On March 7, four of every Jew. On October 26, the police set out the city's Jews were shot, after, being sentenc- to arrest all Jewish men in the morning at 6 ed to death as stated in the court records, o'clock. If the person the Police was ordered for listening to and spreading news from Lon- to arrest was not at home, the policed returned don. In the days of martial law in Trondheim at 8 o'clock and 10 o'clock and once again at the beginning of October, the rest of the during the evening. The same procedure was male Jews were arrested. Among the ten exe- to be repeated two days later. Arrest orders cuted on the first day was a Jewish man who were sent to police stations around the country, had been arrested as early as January. He had raids on cinemas and on streets in smaller been transported to the north in August, and towns occurred. All this and further details can had then been taken south again to Trond- be substantiated in documents in the State Pol- heim a few weeks before martial law was ice's archives. Inquires were made to taxi sta- declared in Trondheim. This was hardly a tions about people who had fled from a hos- coincidence. In the following month, three pital and requested taxi transport. older Jews in - the Falstad camp, who alleg- When the men were arrested on October edly should have been taken to hospital, were 26, they were forced to sign a declaration shot in the forest around Falstad. stating that they would relinquish all they In the summer of 1942, Jews were arrested owned. This was in accordance with a law in smaller cities and, in August, actions began that was passed a little later on in the morning. against Oslo Jews who had rented summer The law of October 26 legalized the confisca- houses in Nærsnes, 30 kilometres from Oslo. tion of Jewish property. An ordinance regard- Ten adult men were arrested — including the ing the seizure of the German Jews' property congregation's rabbi. in Norway had already been prepared in the Then the incident occurred which gave the Reichskommissariat in July. The only change Germans the excuse they were looking for — made in the rough draft from the Reichskom- if they needed any — in order to initiate de- missariat was that the month was changed from cisive action aganist the Jews. The incident July to October. This was after Quisling had occurred on the 22th of October. The leader put his law into effect. The German decisions of a refugee transport, a transport which was were not to be made public. The Norwegian to bring 10 Jews to Sweden, shot a Nazi police decisions did not, however, deviate much from officer on the train to Halden. Events then the German decisions. On a few issues, more- began to happen in rapid succession. A law over, they were more extensive. which was enacted two days later (October The newspapers did not report the arrest 24) gave the NS government the authority to action of all Jewish men starting on October arrest the Jews — males first — and enjoin 26, nor did they report the succeeding deport- upon women to report themselves. This was ations — at least not in plain language. The done pursuant to a law in which the word Jew Jewish men were sent to Berg (near the city did not exist. The law of October 24 referred Tønsberg), where a Norwegian prison camp

30 now was brought into use, even if the neces- end to the persecution of Jews was not capable sary preparations for that use hade not been of preventing the deportations which were then carried through. The Jews arrested in Oslo about to occur. The first deportation occurred were first sent to the Bredtveit prison outside on November 19 and involved 21 Jews, two Oslo and then some days later to Berg. No transports followed the next week, on Novem- one was taken from Bredtveit to Berg after ber the 26th: The "Monte Rosa" with 26 the 28th of October. This is a dear indication Jews and "Donau". The Germans stated on that it was already apparent to the Germans the same day that the "Donau" transport in- at that time that such an action was an un- cluded 532 persons. Since the list of names necessary and roundabout way of dealing with included only 531 persons (two persons are the situation since the Jews would, most likely, even listed twice, on the other hand at least be deported — as rumor had it — as early the name of one deported is not listed), this as November. number might be not entirely correct. On the 17th of November the law regard- From the documents presented at the Eich- ing duty to register was passed. This law mann trial and other material which formed pertained to all Jews having permanent pla- the basis for the legal interrogations in this ces of residence or sustenance in the country case a detailed chronology of the "Donau" as well as all who were full, half or quarter transport can be obtained. Among the docu- Jewish. This law — patterned after the Ger- ments are the Police Chief Reinhard's announ- man law — also defined who was to be con- cement from Oslo to the Reichssicherheitshaupt- sidered a full, half or quarter Jew. The Nor- amt in Berlin and Stapoleitstelle (regional wegian lawmakers, however, went further than heardquarter of the Gestapo) in Stettin on the their German teachers. In a letter to Auswär- night of November 24 of the navy's sudden tiges Amt in Berlin, dated March 16, 1943 procurement of a ship for transport (according and signed by Oberregierungsrat (Chief Go- to other sources the Wehrmacht had consis- vernment Counsellor) Schiedermair, the Reichs- tently refused to assist in an undertaking of kommissariat commented on the decision on this kind) and Sturmbannführer (SS Major) "Mischlinge" ("bastards"). According to the Günther's answer in the afternoon of Novem- Norwegian law, "Mischlinge" would be con- ber 25 with a request to use to the outmost sidered as Jews, but the German decisions on the possibility for transport available at that deportation had several nuances. Schiedermair time. Günther also took the opportunity to give commented on the Norwegian rule by stating the guidelines for who was to be — as he that it was intented to use this law as widely termed it — "evacuated". Excepted from this as possible: "Es ist in Aussicht genommen von evacuation were Jews in mixed marriages and dieser Bestimmung möglichst weitgehend Ge- the "Mischlinge" who were not classified as brauch zu machen." The Norwegian decisions Jews. An important section deals with the si- also created problems in Germany since they tuation of the deported Norwegian Jews. They also included foreign citizens. A systematic lost their Norwegian citizenship after they left application of the Norwegian decisions would Norwegian territory and the Norwegian govern- negate the promise that Auswärtiges Amt had ment's right of inquiery about individual Jews given to foreign governments. This included was dispensed with. The return of deported that attempts against Jews would not begin Jews was out of the question. This section read in those occupied areas where "Mischlinge" as follows: "Weiter bitte ich zu erwirken, dass who were citizens of the foreign country lived. die abbeförderten Juden nach Verlassen des In a letter to the Reichskommissariat, dated norwegischen Gebietes ihre norwegische Staats- April 15, 1943 and signed v. Thadden, the angehörigkeit verlieren und die norwegische Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Berlin suggested Regierung keinerlei Ansprüche mehr hinsicht- that the interested governments be first given lich einzelner Juden erhebt. Ein Rückkehr the opportunity to recall such citizens. Eich- abbeförderter Juden nach Norwegen kommt in mann was also involved because Auswärtiges keinem einzigen Fall mehr in Frage." Amt asked Reichssicherheitshauptamt to encour- The "Donau" crossing was estimated to last age support for this proposal through his 21/2 days. Bad weather delayed the boat by branch in Oslo. one day. The storm was so hard in Swinemünde The Church's plea on November 10 for an that the border police could not get a telegrap-

31 hed message regarding the "Donau" 's passage They received a visit from Mr. Skancke, the through Swinemünde to Stettin. The "Donau" Minister of Church Affairs, after he had heard was able to dock at Dunzig wharf in Stettin that the prisoners had been ill-treated during only after a 92 hour crossing. The train was their residence in Falstad. There is, however, delayed from the station by two hours. It is not any information that either Skancke or stated in documents dated November 30 from Quisling prevented 158 Jews from beeing de- Stapo Stettin (three are signed Dr. Riedel) : ported with "Gotenland" on February 24 (em- "Der Eisenbahntransportzug hat Stettin vom barkation the 24, the ship left Oslo the next Breslauer-Bahnhof ab 17.12 hr verlassen und morning). On the February 25, Eichmann in- trifft nach Angabe der Reichsbahn am 1.12.42 formed Stettin of the 158 Jews to Berlin. From zwischen 16 bis 17 Uhr in Auschwitz ein. Im Berlin they would be sent with a transport Transport befinden sich 532 Juden. Führer of Jews who were to go to Auschwitz on the des Transportes ist Krim. Sekr. Schapals. Stärke first of March. Grossmann was, once more, des Begleitkommandos 17" ("Vermerk", rem- "Übergebender", and in a "Vermerk" from ark). Another document dated November 28 Stapo II it was annonced on February 26 that stated that the necessary agreements on the the train with the prisoners would leave on formality of customs at the ship's arrival were February 27 at 7.53 pm from the central freight arranged. Übergabeprotokoll (transfer protocol) station in Stettin. was posted in both Stettin and Auschwitz. The Of the 530 (532) in the "Donau" trans- one in Stettin was signed by SS Untersturm- port 250 men, between the ages 16-50, were führer (2. lieutenant) Grossmann from Oslo as sent into the camp, according to the reports of "Übergebender" (delivering part) and Scha- survivors. The "Kalendarium der Ereignisse pals as "Übernehmender" (accepting part). in Konzentrationslagern", (Auschwitz, num- After the transport reached Auschwitz at 9 ber 3-1942) about this transport states under pm on the first of December, an Oberschar- December 1, 1942 that 186 were sent into führer (platoon leader) in Auschwitz prepared the camp as prisoners and the others were the following short Übernahmebestätigung (ac- gased: "Nach der Selektion lieferte man 186 ceptance document) : "Die Übernahme von Männer als Häftlinge ins Lager ein. Sie be- 532 Juden aus Norwegen wird hiermit bestä- kamen die Nummer 79064 bis 79249. Die tigt" (The delivery of 532 Jews from Nor- Übrigen wurden vergast". The same fate (the way is hereby confirmed). After carrying out gas-chamber) awaited about 130 of the 158 the task, Shapals returned to Stettin and re- of the "Gotenland" transport on their arrival ported that the provisions which were loaded in Auschwitz the night before March 3. The on board the ship in Oslo and had not been last deportations occurred as late as the sum- delivered in Stettin, had been immediately de- mer 1944. All together 760 persons, whom livered in Auschwitz. "Besondere Schwierig- the Germans considered to be Jews (some of keiten entstanden während des Transports them not believers in the Jewish faith) were nicht. Todesfälle waren nicht eingetreten". deported. Out of these 760 only 25 survived. (There were no special difficulties during the Twenty-two Norwegian Jews lost their lives transport. There were no death casualities). as a result of war casualities, executions and The last sentence reveals what could have hap- in other circumstances, so that the total loss pened during such transports, and it is sub- for the Jewish population of Norway was 757, stantiated in what we know from statements that means more than 42 % of all Jews in from other sources. It was an oppressive jour- Norway. ney, but, in spite of this, many tried to be There are also German documents on the courageous and they also said their prayers escape of Norwegian Jew's to Sweden. The which were recited, in accordance to Jewish Germans could not understand how it was tradition, three times a day. possible to help the Norwegian Jews escape. The same irrevocable faith in God is also On the 4th of December, the German ambassa- evident in a letter from Bredtveit. At the turn dor (minister) in Stockholm, the Prince of of the year 1942/43 more than 150 Jews sat Wied, telegraphed Berlin that he had received in prison there. Many of them were from information from a "Vertrauensmann" (con- Trondheim, northern Norway and the west- fidant) that 400 Jews had come to Sweden coast and spent three months at Bredtveit. during the previous months. Deputy perman-

32 ent undersecretary (Unterstaatssekretär) Lut- of this event spread through the population her wanted party member Rademacher to ex- like wildfire, but without arousing much in- plain how this was possible. The Security ser- terest. A number of people sympathized with vice in Oslo was repeatedly requested to pre- the "poor, harrassed and innocent Jews". The pare a report on this situation. It was stated opposition manifested by the Church was men- in a report from the commander in chief of tioned and the special services and prayers for the German Security police and Security ser- the Jews. vice in Norway, lieutenant colonel Fehlis to There are quite a few documents in Yad Reichssicherheitshauptamt on November 14 Vashem in Jerusalem which describe the that the relatively small number of Jews ac- attempts made by Swedish authorities to bring companying the "Donau" transport was ex- to Sweden people who were in prison in Nor- plained by the fact that a large number of way and even Jews who were already deported. persons had managed to escape to Sweden or When the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs had hidden themselves in remotely located cot- approached the German legation in Stockholm tages in the mountains. It is stated in a report regarding the situation of the Jews in Norway, "Meldungen aus Norwegen" Nr. 50, dated the the legation responded by asking the Swedish 17th of January, 1943 that a number of relief government what right it had to approach the organizations were established with the inten- legation in regard to events which had occurred tion of helping Jews across the border. It is in Norway (according to a telegram sent to inserted that in most cases help was given Berlin from the German ambassador the Prince in return for payment. "An diesem Juden- of Wied, dated December 3, 1942). Two schmuggel waren Polizeibeamte, andere Beam- weeks later the Swedish minister (ambassa- te und Intelligenzler beteiligt" (In this smugg- dor) in Berlin, Richert, made a démarche to ling Norwegian police officers, other civil ser- the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It is vants and intellectuals were involved). But not stated in a memo written by Staatssekretär (dep- a single word about all the others who parti- uty permanent secretary) Weiszäcker and dated cipated in the rescue. December 17: It is stated in a secret message from the "Der Schwedische Gesandte begann heute Reichskommissar Terboven to the German bei mir ein Gespräch darüber, dass die schwe- NSDAP office dated November 6, 1942, that dische Regierung bereit wäre, die aus Norwe- the three most important political events of gen abzutransportierenden Juden norwegischer the past few weeks were the NS party conven- Staatsangehörigkeit in Schweden aufzunehmen. tion, the martial law in Trondheim and the Ich hade Herrn Richert gleich gesagt, ich efforts against the Jews. In reference to the möchte hierüber in ein amtliches Gespräch mit last event, he stated that the Jewish question, ihm nicht eintreten. Würde er von seiner Re- up to that time, had played no role in Nor- gierung zu einer Mitteilung dieser Art beauf- way. There were 1200 people of the Jewish tragt, so glaubte ich ihm von vornherein einen race who had lived peacefully and quietly. "Es Misserfolg voraussagen zu können." gibt unter ihnen sogar tüchtige Bauern und Then the Swedes asked about individuals, Handwerker, die im guten Ansehen stehen, mostly people who had been deported. The und die bisher als absolut loyale Staatsbürger Germans were reluctant to give an answer, gave gegolten haben. Die Vermögensbeschlagnahm- unsatisfactory answers and made the excuse ung hat zunächst wenig Verständnis gefunden, that they did not know where these people und die 'armen' Juden werden auch hier be- were living in the East (letter Reichssicher- dauert. Die Partei hat sich inzwischen auch heitshauptamt July 23, 1943). Eichmann stated dieses Problems angenommen und zur Klärung in a letter regarding an older Swedish-born der Judenfrage in vielen Schriften und Zeit- woman who was deported with "Donau" ungsartikeln beigetragen." The German Police (written to the Legationssekretär v. Hahn and chief Fehlis stated in a report that the Nor- dated March 1, 1943) that the woman had wegian police, in accordance with the Reichs- become very sick during the transport and kommissariat, surprisingly had arrested all men. died at the place of destination, in spite of It was, however, clarified that the Norwegian medical efforts, "verstarb schliesslich am Be- State Police had planned and implemented the stimmugsort trotz ärtzlicher Bemühungen". arrest action. It was also stated that the news When it is stated that no one died onboard 33 the "Donau" or on the way to Auschwitz of names because names of some of the people (compare Schapal's report), Eichmann in other closest to me appeared on the list and also words is stating that she died in the gas cham- because many of them had died in the gas ber. He also added: "Von ihrer Abtransport chamber on exactly that day two years earlier. wäre abgesehen warden, wenn die Mitteilung Kersten, in good faith, wrote this. Kersten über ihre wiedererworbene schwedische Staats- was also instrumental in persuading Himmler angehörigkeit früher in Oslo eingetroffen wä- to transfer all the "Aryan-married" Jewish re" (she would not have been deported if it prisoners at Berg who had not been deported had been reported earlier to Oslo that she together with the other Jewish men in Novem- had become Swedish citizenship again). This ber 1942. The Swedes had been struggling is obviously the opposite of what was stated for a solution all through 1944. The applica- in the last part of the letter. In this part of tion was made through the consulate in Oslo. the letter, Eichmann pretended that the Swe- The Security police for the German state wan- des were trying to sabotage the measures the ted to turn down the application on "Sicher- Germans were taking against the Jews, but the heits- und abwehrpolizeilichen Gründen" (po- Germans would not take account of such Swe- lice-security and conter intelligence reasons). dish citizenship. It was suggested in a secret "Vortragsnotiz" "Ich gebe hiervon Kenntnis mit der Be- from the ministry of Foreign Affairs in Berlin merkung, dass beabsichtigt ist, Juden norwe- (dated October 11, 1944) that the Swedes gischer Staatsangehörigkeit, die in der geschil- should be informed that they were not entitled derten merkwürdigen Weise von der schwe- ("legitimiert") to intervene on behalf of the dischen Regierung noch schnell in dieser ten- Jews and that, even if the Jews were granted densiösen Form eingebürgert werden, ohne Swedish citizenship, they would still be con- Rücksicht darauf in die laufenden Judenmass- sidered as Jews by the Germans. The Germans nahmen einzubeziehen." also found ways and means to delay their de- The energetic attempts made by the Swedish cision on the Swedish request. On October General Consulate in Oslo to save Jews an- 27, Auswärtiges Amt decided on the following gered the Germans. The consulate contacted plan of action: First it would not give the Norwegian Jews and gave them the necessary Swedish government an answer to its request, forms to fill in. According to a letter from since the Swedes had neither officially applied the Reichskommissariat dated February 18, to Auswärtiges Amt in Berlin nor to the lega- 1943 this even applied to Jews in Bredtveit tion (embassy) in Stockholm. Furthermore, the prison. In a letter dated March 1, Eichmann Chief of the Sicherheitspolizei (Security Poli- stated that he knew of 40 such cases. And, ce) in Oslo was to receive a message that he on the same day, Sturmbannführer (major) should not bring up the issue again. If the Günther, in a letter to Auswärtiges Amt, wrote Swedish General Consul in Oslo applied again that the Swedish attempts were quite obvious to the Chief of the Security Police, the chief and that it would have been appropriate if was instructed to say that he was not authori- the Swedish government had, at a considerably zed ("befugt") to negotiate with foreign re- earlier date, concerned itself about the citizen- presentatives on questions of this sort. The ship of those persons and had not waited till issue was to be drawn out and was not finally the last minute. However, in spite of this solved until the last month of the war. On opposition, a few individuals (about 20) who the second of May these prisoners came to had got Swedish citizenship were released from Sweden. Bredtveit during the month of February and After many discussions in the different mi- March 1943. nisteries concerning the dissolution of the Je- The Swedes continued their efforts until the wish religious communities the Norwegian last days of the war. On March 3, 1945 the ministerpresident himself, Quisling, on May Finnish physical therapist Felix Kersten visited, 21, 1943 made the resolution to dissolve the on behalf of the Swedish government, Himmler communities. The NS Attorney General, Nor- to try to get 57 Norwegian Jews released. vik, who stated that the persecution of Jews Kersten wrote in his book (Norwegian edition had injured the Quisling authorities, had ad- page 105) that Himmler consented to the re- vised against the Ministry of the Church lease. It was shocking for me to read the list assuming the authority for the dissolution of 34 the Jewish communities, because he was afraid refugees of Jewish origin. Reports to the that this action would catalyze the opposition Foreign Ministry in Berlin concerning the pro- of the Norwegian Church. But the minister, test of the Norwegian Church against the per- Skancke, wrote in a letter dated December 19, secutions. Correspondence between Auswärtiges three weeks after the "Donau" transport: "Sin- Amt in Berlin and the Reichskommissariat in ce the superintendents and the members of Oslo about "bastards". Documents concerning the congregation have moved from the country deportation and transports from Norway and — as far as one knows — this ministry has orders from the Reichssicherheitshauptamt: nothing aganist the community being disbanded Documents concerning Swedish intervention for and its property and possessions confiscated." Norwegian Jews. Neither did the minister oppose the use of the synagogue in Bergstien (Oslo) for profane Norwegian National Archives (Riksarkivet, purposes. No considerable damage was made Oslo) in the synagogue in Bergstien, contrary to what happened in Trondheim. If the war had lasted Archives of the State Police, actions against on for some weeks more after May 8, 1945 Jews, registration and arrest orders, dossiers of even the Jewish cemetery in Trondheim would every individual Jew. Documents from the Ge- have been totally destroyed. stapo IV B 4 b and from the Reichskommis- I have intentionally avoided mentioning sariat. Lists of Jewish firms, of arrested Jews examples of gruesome prison treatment and and of Jewish prisoners in the camps and pri- maltreatment of the Jews in Auschwitz and sons in Norway. Documents from trials against in the camps in Norway. In Grini there were quisling ministers. Correspondence between five different kinds of regulations ("Haftstu- German and NS authorities. fen") for prisoners. The fifth and worst was for earlier criminals, asocial persons and Jews. Trial in Baden-Baden 1967 against the Gestapo All prisoners belonging to this group were chief in Norway not allowed to receive letters and visits. I have also left out the outstanding help Document about regulations for prisoners in the Norwegian Resistance Movement gave to the Grini camp. Reports from German author- Jews in their attempts to flee to Sweden. This ities in Norway to Germany (NSDAP), partly would require a whole lecture in itself. We concerning the escape of Jews to Sweden and Norwegian Jews will always keep in our minds the assistance of the Norwegian Home Front. and be grateful for the solidarity shown us under dangerous conditions. Archives of the Ministry of the Church (Oslo) So many years have passed since the war Documents about mixed marriages, the dissolu- ended. The atrocities of the war might now tion of the Jewish communities, confiscation be past history to most people, and history of their properties and use of the synagogues. has to be relearned by the young. But for many Statements of Nazi bishops. of us, this time is still near past. These events were, in a great degree, about us and about people who were close to us. Det Mosaiske Trossamfund, Oslo (The Jewish Community), Correspondence 1940-45

Sources Norsk Lovtidende. (Norwegian Legal Journal) 1942 The documents used in this artide are essen- Anti-Jewish laws: March 12 (§ 2 in the Nor- tially from the following institutions: wegian Constitution of 1814 (Prohibition against admission of Jews to Norway), October Yad Vashem, Jerusalem 24, October 26 (confiscation of Jewish prop- German documents about Jews in Norway and erty), November 17 (duty to register).

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