Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 1996

For the first time, a review of Irian the Fiji Labour Party. It was expected Jaya is included in this issue. that these would continue in the lead- up to the handing over of the Constitu- tion Review Commission report. But overshadowing the national consensus Fiji talks was the government’s handling of In his new year address to the nation, the highly charged land issue. Agricul- Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka urged tural leases are due to expire in 1997, the people of Fiji to make 1996 the under the Agricultural Landlord and year of “national consensus.” It was Tenants Act (alta). In February, leader perhaps an appropriate refrain, given of the House of Representatives and the expected challenges that lay ahead. government backbencher Koresi Mata- Uppermost in the prime minister’s tolu announced that his newly formed mind was dealing with the findings of Fijian Canegrowers Association would the Constitution Review Commission. campaign for the nonrenewal of cane Its report was due to be handed to leases for Indian farmers. He also President Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara claimed that Fijian cane farmers (who sometime in the middle of the year. But currently make up about 25 percent of if 1996 was remarkable for one thing, the farmers) would “take over the it was the prime minister’s ability to sugar industry by the year 2000.” confuse and confound political foes What incensed the Indian opposition and allies alike. In a year marked by was the government’s (and Rabuka’s) economic gloom and political uncer- silence in the wake of these claims and tainty, the prime minister’s quest for their failure to censure Matatolu. “national consensus” seemed to raise Instead there was a general plea from more questions than it answered. How the deputy prime minister for “greater serious and genuine was Sitiveni sensitivity” on all sides. Rabuka? More important, was he By March “Fijian unity” seemed to capable of forging national consensus have replaced “national consensus” as in Fiji, providing the strong and the government’s first priority. The enlightened leadership so desperately Fijian Association Party leader, Jose- needed? fata Kamikamica, failed yet again in The national consensus initiative his bid to win the Tailevu seat in the got off to a rocky start in February, House of Representatives, his third when the ruling party, the Soqosoqo ni loss since the general elections in 1994 Vakavulewa ni Taukei (svt), held and the second in a by-election. He “National Consensus Talks” with the lost to the svt candidate, Ratu Manasa two Indian opposition parties, the Seniloli. Immediately after the by-elec- National Federation Party (nfp) and tion, Rabuka offered the Fijian Associ-

458 political reviews • melanesia 459 ation Party (fap) a possible coalition media, there was no consensus on the partnership with the Soqosoqo ni prime minister’s position on the issue. Vakavulewa ni Taukei. The offer was As one observer noted, “No one can made through President Ratu Sir recollect whether Rabuka had actually Kamisese Mara. It was suggested by mentioned a government of national Rabuka that Kamikamica could be unity in any definitive form” (Review, given a seat in cabinet through May 1996, 20). appointment to the Senate. Observers The prospects for a marriage speculated that Rabuka’s invitation to between the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa the Fijian Association Party, which ni Taukei and the Fijian Association caught everyone—not least Kami- Party seemed to be killed by the death kamica—by surprise, was motivated of Ratu Manasa Seniloli, the newly by Rabuka’s need for Kamikamica’s elected representative for Tailevu. help in managing the nation’s eco- Known to be terminally ill at the time nomic problems. It was also suggested of the election, his death only weeks that Kamikamica’s entry to the cabinet into his term unexpectedly forced the might have a “calming effect” on the issue of whether or not to field a joint Indian opposition, insofar as he was svt-fap candidate. Rabuka had regarded as a moderate on constitu- mooted the idea in the media the tional issues. But there was also the previous month, suggesting that possibility that this was part of a ploy Kamikamica could be nominated by Rabuka to exert control and lever- unopposed for the seat in any future age over the svt caucus—a way to by-election. In May, talks led by svt ensure cooperation and unity within powerbroker Inoke Kubuabola were caucus when dealing with issues like held with the Fijian Association Party the Agricultural Landlord and Tenants on the issue of a joint candidate. But Act and the constitution. Rabuka was reportedly against the Whatever the intention, the initia- idea, stating that he did not need the tive failed to materialize and the coali- Fijian Association Party. Both parties tion talks broke down after barely subsequently fielded separate candi- beginning. In April, Rabuka accused dates. the Fijian Association Party of setting The Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni conditions, including the requirement Taukei nominated former Commis- that Kamikamica be the coalition sioner Western Lagisoa Delana, while leader. It was later found that Rabuka the Fijian Association Party decided to had based his claims on inaccurate try a new tack and nominated Bau media reports and no such condition high chief Ratu Epenisa Cakobau had been made. Rabuka also stated instead of Kamikamica. The Fijian that talks with the opposition leader, Association Party hoped that the Jai Ram Reddy, were going well, Cakobau name would carry enough removing the need for a coalition with weight to swing the votes in their the Fijian Association Party. But while favor. This was not to be, and the the idea of a government of national Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei unity was being bandied around in the once again scored a victory in the by- 460 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 election held in June. Reflecting the and discipline within his ranks. In divisions in the chiefly establishment, May, the volatile and unpredictable the svt candidate had been strongly backbencher (and Rabuka’s uncle), supported by the two powerful sisters Militoni Leweniqila, publicly threat- of the Fijian Association Party’s candi- ened to bring down the Rabuka gov- date, Adi Litia Cakobau and Adi ernment. He had made similar threats Samanunu Talakuli. in previous years. Although the out- While the two Fijian parties failed burst was quickly quelled, and a public to resolve their differences, there were and tearful apology made by Lewe- signs of greater cooperation between niqila was accepted, the incident the Fijian Association Party and other appeared to be the catalyst for a cabi- political parties. The Fijian Association net reshuffle. Rabuka announced the Party invited nfp leader Jai Ram new cabinet line-up in June, the ninth Reddy to address a fundraising dinner in four years. It was widely regarded as in May, and there was agreement creating Rabuka’s best cabinet to date, between the National Federation Party, with the inclusion of several highly the Fijian Association Party, the Fiji competent ministers. Also included Labour Party, and the General Electors were some well-known and outspoken Party to field joint candidates in the critics of the prime minister, Leweni- up-coming municipal elections, under qila among them. But if Rabuka had the banner of a new Ratepayers’ Asso- sought to strengthen party unity with ciation. his new cabinet line-up, the manner in The Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni which the reshuffle was announced Taukei, meanwhile, indicated that it seemed highly provocative. None of might be prepared to change the racial the cabinet ministers dropped by exclusivity of its party. In May a com- Rabuka were personally informed of mittee reviewing its constitution sug- their removal, and Rabuka flew out of gested that the party be opened up to the country just hours after finalizing other races. This was interpreted as a the reshuffle. For those former minis- revival of the “three-legged stool” con- ters, justifiably dismayed at their cept of the old Alliance Party of Ratu demotions, this treatment would have Mara, which was a combination of the caused some disquiet and resentment. Fijian Association, the Indian Alliance, The country awaited the release of and the General Electors Association. the Constitution Review Commission Some observers believed the proposal report with some trepidation. The was an attempt to instill credibility in Indian opposition parties attempted to the government, while others saw it as sound hopeful and optimistic, but this a sign that the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- was a difficult task given the anti- vulewa ni Taukei recognized it could Indian tone of the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- not solve the nation’s problems with- vulewa ni Taukei’s own submission to out the participation of all races. the commission in October 1995. That Rabuka’s thoughts on this issue submission had rejected the need for were not made public, but he was any change to the 1990 constitution. clearly troubled by problems of unity According to Jai Ram Reddy, “We take political reviews • melanesia 461 it one step at a time. I have put my dling of numerous allegations, and good faith in the decency and good actual cases, of mismanagement, cor- faith of all races and I am working on ruption, and abuse of office. The that premise. If at the end of the road Native Lands Trust Board itself that does not work out, then we will became the focus of a police investiga- look at other options” (Review, May tion after a former assistant auditor 1996, 19). alleged misuse of a total of f$200 mil- The issue of land and the review of lion by the board. There was no way the alta legislation highlighted the of immediately verifying the allegation, problem of forging national consensus. as nltb accounts had not been audited In a poignant reminder of how deep since 1989. Other targets of inquiry the racial gulf remained, Indian were the Housing Authority and the farmers reported their inability to dis- Fiji Public Service Credit Union. In the cuss the future of their land leases with latter case it was revealed that office Fijian landowners. One farmer from bearers had taken out loans far in Sabeto admitted he had not held any excess of the value of their shares. But talks with his landowners on the it was the National Bank of Fiji, renewal of his lease, fearful that doing declared “technically insolvent” in so would cause bad feeling. “What if 1995, that created the most political they ask for money to renew? How do and economic waves. In March it was I react?” (Review, June 1996, 53). revealed by the new management that Confusion and uncertainty prevailed the problem of bad loans, previously on both sides, especially on the issue of thought to be f$120 million, actually whether the renewal of leases was stood at f$220 million. It was esti- something to be decided between the mated that up to f$160 million would tenants and the landowners, or by the have to be written off. As a way of Native Lands Trust Board (nltb, the managing this, the bank would be official landlord). There were numer- restructured into a good bank (a per- ous cases of landowners demanding sonal bank) and a bad bank (an asset premium payments for the renewal of management bank), which would serve leases, contrary to board policy. Many as a specialized recovery unit. A gov- farmers preferred to comply with these ernment bond would be issued to buy demands, rather than risk antagoniz- the problem loans and transfer them to ing the landowners. There was criti- the bad bank. It would also be neces- cism of the government’s failure to sary, as part of cost-cutting efforts, to clarify the future of land leases and to implement staff redundancies. assuage the fears of Indian tenants. A What infuriated the public, the survey being carried out by the Native unions, and the opposition parties was Lands Trust Board on the amount of the government’s refusal to take action land to revert to landowners was not against those in positions of authority, expected to be completed until the end who were ultimately responsible for of the year. what has emerged as the biggest finan- Also testing the government’s will to cial disaster in Fiji’s history. They build national consensus was its han- included former Finance Minister (and 462 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 current Home Affairs Minister) Paul Reddy in August to not pursue his Manueli. Instead the bank’s employees motion of no confidence in Manueli looked set to pay the price for the folly over his role in the bank scandal. and greed of their superiors. About Ostensibly this was because the prime 340 workers were to be made redun- minister would be overseas at the time. dant. In July, as parliament began But it was apparent that Reddy’s (and debating the National Bank of Fiji Rabuka’s) main concern was not to restructuring bill, bank workers went sour relations in parliament as it pre- on strike in protest against the size of pared to receive the commission’s the redundancy package offered by report, and not to undermine unity in management. It became one of the Rabuka’s cabinet. The other sign of longest running strikes in recent years. political consensus was far more self- After two weeks, a compromise pack- serving. Government and opposition age of f$7.8 million was agreed to, but parties in parliament voted over- not before Prime Minister Rabuka pro- whelmingly in favor of a pay raise for voked public outrage by suggesting parliamentarians, which had been that civil servants should perhaps take recommended by the Parliamentary a 2.5 percent pay cut to help keep the Emoluments and Benefits Committee, bank workers on board. This went chaired by prominent businessman down like the proverbial lead balloon Lionel Yee. The pay increase would with the Fiji Public Servants Associa- cost an estimated f$700,000, with tion, which had a 3.5 percent pay raise remuneration for cabinet ministers and pending. the opposition leader increasing by 44 In parliament, both the National percent. Federation Party and the Fiji Labour There was no dissent in parliament Party sought to capitalize on the public on the recommendations, although anger over the National Bank scandal. outside parliament the move caused Jai Ram Reddy planned to move a widespread consternation, if not con- motion of no confidence in Paul tempt. Some union leaders vowed to Manueli. This was deferred until the follow the parliamentarians’ example September session. Labour leader and push for their workers to receive Mahendra Chaudhary called for the comparable pay increases. Then, in an resignation of the governor of the embarrassing about-face, Rabuka Reserve Bank of Fiji. Most observers ordered that the raise be put on hold. remained skeptical that police investi- It had been brought to his attention gations into cases of fraud at the that increases in field allowances for National Bank would lead to success- soldiers serving in peacekeeping opera- ful prosecutions. tions, approved in 1993, had so far not As the Constitution Review Com- been implemented because the govern- mission neared the completion of its ment could not afford the increase. But report, there seemed to emerge a there were questions about the “legal- renewed spirit of consensus, at least ity” of Rabuka’s actions in stopping among the main political parties. This legislation that had been agreed to by was evident with the decision taken by parliament, and the cabinet later ruled political reviews • melanesia 463 that the raise for parliamentarians confident and secure in the land of should go ahead. their birth. The report, titled Fiji: September saw the long-awaited Towards a United Future, had at its release of the Constitution Review core the position that all races must be Commission report. The three com- able to share in the government of the missioners, Chairman Sir Paul Reeves, country, and this required the emer- Dr Brij Lal, and Mr Tomasi Vakatora, gence of multiethnic parties or coali- handed their 699-page unanimous tions, which was not possible under report to the president on 6 September. the present communal electoral sys- The day before the report was tabled tem. In order to promote multiethnic in parliament its contents were leaked power sharing, the commission recom- to the Fiji Post newspaper. This was mended the introduction of a common the first indication that the commission roll system for 45 seats in the 70-seat had recommended far-reaching House of Representatives. The remain- changes to Fiji’s constitution. Full der should be communal (at least for details were not available until after the time being) and be allocated the tabling of the report on 10 Septem- according to population as follows: 12 ber at a joint sitting of parliament that Fijian seats, 10 Indian seats, 2 general was addressed by the president, the electors’ seats, and 1 Rotuman seat. prime minister, and the leader of the While the Upper House would not be opposition and witnessed by an based on ethnicity, the provinces impressive gathering of business lead- would form the bases of the constitu- ers, public servants, senior diplomats, encies, with two candidates elected the media, and academics. Later that from each province. This system would day the government hosted a gala probably favor Fijians. party on the grounds of parliament, to On the question of Fijian para- celebrate the release of the report and mountcy, the Constitution Review perhaps demonstrate its goodwill and Commission’s position was that while commitment to the review process, Fijian interests needed to be given spe- whatever the contents of the report cial protection, this should not be might be. But not everybody was in a through relegating other races to a celebratory mood that day. lesser status. “We find no basis on While many had expected, and per- which the paramountcy of Fijian inter- haps hoped, that the three commis- ests or Fijian political paramountcy sioners would agree to recommend a can be elevated into a right,” the com- move away from the overwhelmingly missioners declared. Thus, apart from communal nature of the country’s elec- the position of president, no positions toral system and the racial biases or proportions of public offices should inherent in the 1990 constitution, no be reserved for people of a particular one fully anticipated the breadth of race. The approach they recommended change that was being proposed. The was “entrenchment” in the constitu- commission had boldly defined a new tion of provisions concerning Fijian vision for Fiji, one that aimed to interests relating to land, natural ensure that all racial groups could feel resources, chiefly titles, customary law, 464 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 and dispute settlement. Under the cur- mise Fijian interests. Rabuka’s rent system, policy over such areas response to this was unequivocal: “As may be subject to amendment or Prime Minister I wish to ensure the appeal by act of parliament. Entrench- success of consensus building within ment was also recommended for the the committee. I need to be there” (FT, role and powers of the Bose Levu Vaka 24 Sept 1996, 1). Turaga (the Great Council of Chiefs). Fijian politicians from other politi- Among other things, the commission cal parties, including the Fijian Associ- recommended that the Great Council ation Party, the Vanua Independent of Chiefs be given direct power to veto Party, and the Fijian Nationalist Party legislation that might affect Fijian of Sakeasi Butadroka, found common interests. In general the commission cause with the svt hardliners in oppos- elevated the Great Council of Chiefs to ing the Constitution Review Commis- a position of political power not cur- sion’s recommendations. The prime rently enjoyed under the present con- minister was condemned for forsaking stitution. This was seen as providing the cause of the 1987 coup. This greater protection for Fijian interests forced Rabuka to issue an ultimatum than the current system provided. to government ministers who were Sensing the need for calm, both the speaking against the report: those who president and the prime minister preferred the path of the Fijian Nation- sought to allay Fijian fears that what alist Party and others advocating civil was being recommended would harm unrest should resign. None did. their interests. Addressing the joint sit- The other main challenge came ting of parliament, Rabuka said, “The from the provincial councils. Rabuka’s country needs a constitution that gave own province of Cakaudrove voted to all citizens a feeling that this is their reject the report “because it did not home” (IB, Oct 1996, 37). He also protect Fijian rights.” This meeting mentioned the need to meet interna- had been chaired by svt hardliner and tional obligations and to restore local Deputy Prime Minister Ratu Inoke and foreign business confidence. But it Kubuabola. While some provinces was clear that building consensus voted as Cakaudrove did, others around this report would not be an decided to wait for the recommenda- easy task. The immediate challenge tions of special council committees, came from within Rabuka’s own party, which would study the report and pro- when a number of prominent svt par- vide a more informed opinion to the liamentarians and cabinet ministers provincial councils. This approach was voiced their strong disapproval of the adopted by Lau, but only after strong report “because the crc has totally pressure from President Ratu Mara rejected and disregarded the party’s and Lauan Senator Filipe Bole. Ratu submission.” It was even suggested by Mara reportedly warned delegates to some that Rabuka should not chair the the Lau Provincial Council: “If anyone Parliamentary Select Committee that is contemplating throwing out this would consider the report, because his report, I have a good mind to do the pro-multiracial stance would compro- same to him” (FT, 8 Oct 1996, 5). political reviews • melanesia 465

Other political parties, as well as Nationalist Party and newly revived international opinion, were clearly Taukei Movement for their threats of pleased with the report’s findings, civil unrest. There was speculation that although none wanted to sound too the prime minister was finally rising confident. Nfp leader Jai Ram Reddy above communal and racial politics. preferred to remain circumspect in his However when the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- comments, declaring that he did not vulewa ni Taukei suffered a crushing want to preempt the deliberations of defeat in the municipal elections in late the Parliamentary Select Committee. September, against the multiracial Reddy had agreed with Rabuka that Ratepayers’ Association, Rabuka was the committee should meet in camera, quick to blame the common roll elec- with no reporting of its deliberations toral system, among other things, for until its work was done. It was also its poor showing. Such a system, he agreed that normal parliamentary ses- said, did not guarantee Fijian represen- sions, after the budget session in tation for Fijians. Claiming that Fijians November-December, should be sus- needed to have seats reserved for them, pended until the committee completed he suggested amendments to the Local its work. This is expected to be around Government Act to allow the appoint- March 1997. The review process needs ment of village representatives on to be completed by July 1997, as stipu- municipal councils. This response lated in the 1990 Constitution. The struck at the heart of the approach task of the Select Committee is to agree advocated by the Constitution Review on the recommendations of the report, Commission in its report and led the to be adopted by parliament through Fiji Times to editorialize that “the call an amendment to the 1990 Constitu- was a throwback to [the prime minis- tion. The committee’s recommenda- ter’s] philosophy at the time of the tions must first be approved by the coups: if you can’t win, change the Great Council of Chiefs. The Select rules.” Committee comprises 24 members In what was probably his most sur- from the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni prising performance of the year, Taukei, the National Federation Party, Rabuka broke down and cried at a the Fiji Labour Party, the Fijian Associ- Christian interdenominational thanks- ation Party, and the General Electors giving service in November. The tears or General Voters Parties. were shed, he said, in asking for for- If Rabuka was disappointed that the giveness from the people of Fiji. He Constitution Review Commission would not specify, though, what he report had seemingly shown little was asking forgiveness for. Some spec- regard for the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- ulated that perhaps he should be ask- vulewa ni Taukei’s submission, he did ing forgiveness for the shocking not show it. His statements reiterated revelations in the Auditor General’s the national consensus theme: “The Report for 1993–94 (released in late stance of Fiji for the Fijians won’t October), which chronicled wide- work” (Review, Nov 1996, 15). He spread mismanagement and abuse of also publicly condemned the Fijian office by government officials, includ- 466 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 ing theft and misappropriation. Nepo- ment near Nadi, and the recently tism was found to be rife. The result privatized shipyard. Unfortunately, by was considerable loss of revenue from the end of 1996, Placer (the company government coffers (and taxpayers’ developing the Namosi copper mine) pockets). More worrying perhaps was had announced that it was withdraw- a loss of morale and a creeping culture ing from Fiji because it had been of corruption. The main problem was unable to find a partner to share the seen to be laxity in taking disciplinary risk. Placer had raised hopes, at one measures and in following proper pro- time, of generating around f$600 mil- cedures and guidelines. lion a year from the Namosi venture. Following closely on the heels of the The government’s first case of privati- auditor general’s report was the first of zation also proved a disaster when the the high-profile prosecutions in the New Zealand partner in the shipyard National Bank of Fiji saga, involving deal announced it had gone into senior bank management, business- receivership and was pulling out. No people, and politicians. Appearing in investors came forward in the Vulani court for the first time were former development, although the nearby National Bank of Fiji General Denarau resort was taken over by new Manager Visanti Makrava, two svt owners with the promise of major new parliamentarians (and former cabinet development. Meanwhile the Levuka- ministers) Koresi Matatolu and Ratu based Pacific Fishing Company was Ovini Bokini, and prominent fishing forced to shut down, laying off five company executive Graham South- hundred workers (until the govern- wick. While Matatolu was charged ment injected an emergency cash flow with fraudulent conversion of of f$5 million into the company). The f$200,000, Ratu Ovini was charged company’s problems included poor with official corruption—accepting productivity, erratic tuna supply, com- bribes from Southwick among other petition from other producers, and loss things. All the accused pleaded of markets overseas. innocent, but Matatolu was eventu- There were few positive economic ally forced to stand down from his indicators in 1996. On the bright side, position as leader of the House of Emperor Gold Mine announced plans Representatives. to open two more mines on Viti Levu. The state of the economy in 1996 Garment manufacturers anticipated a was perhaps also cause for tears. In boom in exports in the next few years, January, Minister for Trade and Com- rising from f$200 million to f$500 merce Jim Ah Koy confidently pre- million by the year 2000. The long- dicted that “1996 is going to be the term future of the industry looked year of the turnaround” for the Fiji increasingly uncertain, however, given economy (Review, Feb 1996, 23). He the unwillingness of Australia and cited as evidence the number of new New Zealand to relax the rules of ori- projects that would see fruition that gin under the sparteca trade agree- year, including the Namosi copper ment. Cane production in 1996 was mine, Vulani—a new tourism develop- high, but the industry reported a loss political reviews • melanesia 467 of earnings due to inefficiencies in pro- investment. A second investment of duction and low sugar content of cane. us$100,000 would later be required, On the other hand, a severe decline paid into an investment account was reported in the retail sector, and administered by the Hong Kong–based the property market remained company. depressed. Lack of consumer confi- Addressing the fundamental eco- dence was pervasive, and business- nomic problems of the nation will, people worried about the inaction of however, require more substantive the government, especially its failure to measures. What many regarded as implement any of the recommenda- Fiji’s principal problems—low invest- tions of the 1995 Economic Summit. ment levels by the private sector In response to such criticism, Rabuka coupled with unemployment and released a budget strategy document in poverty—may only be alleviated May, titled Action Now. It stated that through the resolution of political the government would aim for a bal- issues: the constitutional review, the anced budget by the year 2000, and set Agricultural Landlord and Tenants a 3 percent growth rate for the next Act, greater accountability in govern- four years. ment, and an improvement in its over- The budget, handed down in all economic management. November, was notable for being the As the year drew to a close, many in first billion-dollar budget in Fiji’s his- Fiji were probably pleased to see the tory but also, more disturbingly, for end of 1996 and hoped for a better having the highest deficit to date 1997. It had been a shocking year for (f$219.7 million or 8.2 percent of the unprecedented number of road gross domestic product). It included a deaths (112) and reported violent provision of f$133 million for the crime, including gang rapes and mur- National Bank of Fiji’s “bad bank.” ders. Race relations did not seem any The national debt was estimated to be better, with a number of reported cases f$1.167 billion, with an annual inter- of vandalism and theft at Hindu tem- est of f$108.8 million. Opposition ples and other places of worship. parties warned that the country was Migration figures revealed a continu- heading toward bankruptcy. The gov- ing high number of Indians leaving the ernment set 1999 as its target for country (4463 in 1995, out of a total achieving a balanced budget. But with of 4931 emigrants that year). With no new tax raises or spending cuts, it many Fijians probably uneasy at the was difficult to see how this would be recommendations of the Constitution realized. One revenue-generating idea, Review Commission, it falls on all par- the dubious Asia Business Migration ties to promote reconciliation and scheme, was revived by cabinet. It is a compromise. But perhaps most critical deal between the government and a is the role and leadership of Rabuka. Hong Kong–based company that will Will there be a satisfactory outcome to allow a maximum of seven thousand the constitution review process and the four-person “units” into the country, Agricultural Landlord and Tenants Act each paying us$30,000 as an initial in 1997? Much depends on the prime 468 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 minister. Whether he has the fortitude, been that events in Irian Jaya are now goodwill, and determination to bring it more openly reported and more widely off remains to be seen. discussed than ever before. Sandra Tarte A series of clashes between the mili- tary and the Organisasi Papua Mer- deka in the vicinity of Timika and the References Freeport mine during late 1994 and

FT, Fiji Times. Daily. Suva. early 1995 had resulted in an undeter- mined number of deaths among the IB, Islands Business. Monthly. Suva. local Amungme community. Reports Review. Monthly. Suva. of up to seventy-seven deaths and a number of other serious human rights abuses during this period made inter- national news after the release of suc- Irian Jaya cessive reports, first by the Australian During 1996 Irian Jaya featured even Council for Overseas Aid in April more prominently in the national and 1995 and then by the Bishop of the international media than during the Jayapura diocese, Monsignor Mun- previous year, when reports of human ninghoff, in August 1995. Investigative rights abuses in the area of the Free- missions by the Australian and United port mine had brought the easternmost States embassies and by the National province of the Republic of Indonesia Commission for Human Rights (Kom- under the closest international scrutiny nas Ham) could find no evidence for since its incorporation in 1969. Free- the direct involvement of Freeport port was in the news again in 1996, security personnel in these events, but when rioting in the townships of Tem- forced the army, which had denied the bagapura and Timika forced the mine veracity of the reports, to launch its to close briefly, but the outstanding own investigations. Four soldiers—a media event of the year was the taking lieutenant and three privates—were of twenty-four hostages—seven of arrested and appeared before a mili- them European—at Mapnduma by tary court in January 1996 in connec- guerrillas of the Organisasi Papua tion with a massacre near Hoea Merdeka (opm). A compound of media village, where between three (the attention during the previous year, the army’s estimate) and eleven people had presence of a large press contingent been killed; the privates were sen- over the five months of the Mapnduma tenced in February to jail terms rang- hostage crisis, and the continuing ing between one and three years, the development of Internet and other officer to a sixteen-month term. A fur- communications links, produced an ther consequence of this trial was the unprecedented flow of information release of a fifteen-page booklet by the about the province. This information is chief of the regional Trikora Regional of variable quality, and reports of the Command, Major-General Dunidja, same event from different sources outlining the army’s code for conduct rarely concur, but the net result has in relation to human rights. political reviews • melanesia 469

A clear line of connection can be brigade and son-in-law of President traced between the events of 1994–95 Suharto, assembled in the nearest gov- and the taking of the hostages at Map- ernment centers at Wamena and nduma by the Organisasi Papua Mer- Timika, together with detectives from deka. The local opm leader, Kelik Scotland Yard. Despite some initial (“Kelly”) Kwalik, was an Amungme announcements to the contrary, the who had lost at least four family mem- army soon settled for a strategy of bers during the 1994–95 killings. The negotiation with the hostage-takers, targeting of Europeans as hostages who insisted on dealing only with appears to have been part of a deliber- Christian mission contacts. Although ate policy aimed at drawing the atten- varying lists of demands were released tion of a larger audience to the by opm leaders living in exile, the con- grievances of the general Timika area. ditions set by the hostage-taking party On 8 January 1996, a large contingent included recognition of the indepen- of some two hundred men, armed for dent state of West Papua and a plane; the most part with bows and arrows, neither demand was acceptable to the took twenty-four people hostage in the Indonesian authorities, and the ensu- village of Mapnduma, 160 kilometers ing stalemate promised a standoff of east of Timika. Among the hostages some duration. Fourteen of the hos- were two teams of researchers: a joint tages, all of them villagers from Mapn- expedition from Cambridge Univer- duma, were released within the first sity and the Jakarta Biological Sciences two weeks, together with German Club, and a smaller World Wildlife Frank Momberg (wwf), who was Fund for Nature (wwf) team pursuing handed over to the missionaries to act a long-term project in conjunction as an intermediary on the understand- with local communities aimed at ing that he return to captivity (a condi- improving the viability of the Lorentz tion that was later waived). Natural Reserve. In all, seven Europe- Though the leader of the group that ans (four British, two Dutch, and a had initially taken the hostages was German) and four non-Irianese Indo- Daniel Yudas Kogoya, of the local nesians were taken, along with several Nduga community, Kelly Kwalik had of their Irianese colleagues and assis- clearly assumed control by 25 January, tants, and a large number of Map- when he met with Bishop Munning- nduma villagers. hoff. Shortly after that meeting, which News of the kidnappings was failed to secure the release of any other greeted by international headlines that hostages, contact with the hostage suggested a lack of editorial familiarity party became increasingly sporadic. with the people, let alone the location, Not until 23 February was another of Irian Jaya: “Brit Students in ‘Lost meeting held, this time under the aus- World’ Kidnap Terror,” “4 Held by pices of the International Center for Head-Shrink Tribe” (DM, 11 Jan the Red Cross, whose representative 1996). Senior army officers, including Henry Fournier entered into a mara- Brigadier-General Prabowo Subianto, thon series of negotiations that ran commander of the elite Kopassus intermittently for almost eleven weeks. 470 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997

The relevant chain of command within Lasamahu, were killed by their the Organisasi Papua Merdeka was captors. never clearly established; at times The foreign hostages were returned Kwalik and other members of the to their respective countries after an Mapnduma unit would allude to an emotional funeral for their two col- immediate superior based in neighbor- leagues in Java. The British press ing Papua New Guinea, identified excelled itself in an orgy of tabloid widely by others as Moses Weror. journalism, writing of “savage” “Stone However a letter from Weror, secured Age rebels” in their “jungle hell” by the Red Cross at a meeting with indulging in “wild hypnotic dancing” him on 9 March, which demanded the and wielding “poison arrows” to immediate release of the hostages, was threaten “pretty brunette” hostages pointedly ignored by Kwalik. As with (DM, 17, 20 May 1996; Guardian, 17 most other opm units still operating in May 1996). The army, which was Irian Jaya, Kwalik’s group appears to widely praised for its role by the Indo- have acted largely independently of nesian parliament, the governments of any other unit. the foreign hostages, and the World Visits to the hostages by Red Cross Wildlife Fund for Nature, promoted all doctors monitored the slow decline of those troops involved. their health, but a sense of urgency in Less heralded were some of the inci- the negotiation process developed out dental casualties of the Mapnduma of concern for Martha Klein, who had hostage crisis. In the course of military been four months pregnant when operations during the crisis, three taken hostage. Events moved quickly young Nduga boys were killed, and after 8 May, when a handover cere- three more wounded on 12 March mony at the hamlet of Geselama, when playing with grenades left in brokered by the Red Cross, was called Kenyam village. Reprisals for these off at the last minute by Kwalik. The and other incidents resulted in the kill- Red Cross formally withdrew from ing of two soldiers on 14 April; the further negotiation, and the army, following morning, when their bodies smarting from having been sidelined were brought to an airport hangar in during much of the crisis, moved Timika, a Kopassus soldier apparently immediately into action. Pilotless went berserk, killing sixteen and drone aircraft located the hostage wounding another fourteen. The dead party using infrared sensors that were mostly Kopassus soldiers, Lieu- detected heat from bodies and tenant-Colonel Adel Gustimigo, the fires. A week later, on 15 May, the commander of the antiterrorist hostage-takers, who had been on the Detachment 81, being among them, move for days, broke into flight from but they also included an Airfast pilot approaching Kopassus soldiers; in a from New Zealand and four other confusing series of events, nine of the civilians. A ban has since been placed eleven remaining hostages ran for free- on visits to the Lorentz Natural dom, but two of the Indonesian hos- Reserve and on walking trips to the tages, Navy Panekenan and Yosias area of the Carstenz glaciers and, with political reviews • melanesia 471 the justification of the deaths on 8 subsidiary of the Djajanti Group, from May, the army has continued to pursue their camp in the West Mimika area, the Kwalik group in an arena that is some 60 kilometers west of Timika. no longer the focus of international Pursued by the military, who managed attention. to kill Titus Orop Yogi on 22 August, Although the Mapnduma hostage the captors released their hostages in crisis attracted more attention from the several batches until 18 September, international press than any other when the last two hostages were found event in Irian Jaya since the death of murdered; the rest of the hostage- Michael Rockefeller in 1961, other taking party escaped. Initially, the mili- equally newsworthy events that tary had identified the hostage-taking occurred during the crisis received little as an apolitical act of banditry, but coverage. The two most notable documents found on the body of Titus events, in terms of mortality alone, Yogi were regarded as firm evidence of were the reports during February and opm links. Armed Forces Commander March of the deaths of at least 229 General Feisal Tanjung entered into a people in a series of respiratory-related war of words with walhi, the national epidemics in the Jayawijaya regency in umbrella organization for environmen- which Mapnduma lies, and the loss of tal nongovernment organizations, more than 100 lives and destruction of when he suggested a link between over two thousand homes in a massive them and the Djajanti kidnapping. earthquake and tidal wave that rocked Meanwhile the Amungme leader, Tom Biak on 17 February. Beanal, was forced to strenuously deny There was also a telling contrast in the role reported for him, by both the the limited international coverage military and overseas opm represen- accorded to three other hostage-taking tatives, of spokesman for the Yogi events during 1996. Two Indonesian brothers’ group. Following the Dja- high school students, captured by the janti kidnapping, the army required all Organisasi Papua Merdeka in Novem- timber companies working in the ber 1995 and taken across the border Timika area to accept a military secu- to Papua New Guinea, were finally rity presence or face a ban on further released unharmed on 28 January logging activity, resulting in the sus- 1996 after the Indonesian authorities pension in October of Djajanti’s opera- rejected a ransom demand of rp34 tions in the area. million. In February, a French mining Mineral resource companies operat- geologist working for PT Nabire ing in Irian Jaya kept pace with the Bhakti and his Irianese assistant were nationwide boom in exploration and kidnapped in the West Paniai area by development. British Gas announced a an opm unit led by the Yogi brothers, major find of natural gas at its Muturi but released, also unharmed, after one concession in Bintuni Bay, while Atlan- night. The third kidnapping occurred tic Richfield reported a trebling of the on 15 August, when the Yogi brothers estimate of reserves at its enormous took seventeen employees of the tim- gas field in the adjacent Wiriagar con- ber company, PT Kamundan Raya, a cession, a find that caused some 472 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 embarrassment in Jakarta because the in the reinstatement of its political risk Indonesian government was then insurance policy, which had been can- bolstering its claim to the Natuna gas celed during the previous year by the field, in the South China Sea, by link- US Government’s Overseas Private ing the development of Natuna to a Investment Corporation (opic). In series of ambitious industrial projects. September, Freeport canceled both its One of these projects, the brainchild of opic and World Bank miga insurance State Minister of Research and Tech- contracts, a move regarded by analysts nology B J Habibie, involves the clear- as a rebuff to opic and an attempt to ance of the vast Lakes Plains area of withdraw from the miga policy before Irian Jaya and the construction of a miga dispatched a field team to inves- hydroelectric dam across the Mamber- tigate compliance with the terms of the amo River. During a state visit to Indo- policy. nesia by Germany’s Chancellor Kohl in A parallel audit in February of Free- October, a memorandum of under- port Indonesia’s social impacts by standing was signed by the two coun- Labat-Anderson resulted only in a pre- tries relating to the Mamberamo liminary report, as the audit’s findings Project, which will ultimately power a were rendered irrelevant almost imme- regional industrial center. By Decem- diately when three days of rioting in ber, the decision had been taken to the townships of Tembagapura and develop both the Natuna and the Bin- Timika forced a temporary shutdown tuni Bay fields simultaneously. of the mine. Such is the world signifi- PT Freeport Indonesia, the devel- cance of Freeport’s copper production oper of the single largest and most that the price of copper jumped us$15 valuable mining complex in Indonesia to us$2580 per tonne when news of at its Grasberg mine and “Golden Tri- the shutdown broke (Australian, 14 angle” of orebodies in the Tem- March 1996). The immediate cause of bagapura area, was again the center of the riots was an accident on 7 March, most of the province’s mining activity. in which a Dani man was injured by a During 1996, the company announced Freeport vehicle; although he recov- an increase in proven and provable ered sufficiently to be released the fol- reserves of 600 million tonnes and lowing day, some of his kinsmen were plans for the expansion of mill denied access to the hospital to visit throughput from 120,000 to 200,000 him. By 9 March a crowd of three hun- metric tonnes per day. Positive results dred had gathered to demand that were also declared from drilling pro- Freeport disband its unpopular secu- grams at Freeport Indonesia’s major rity force and, after an Amungme new prospect at Wabu, to the north of woman and her child were barred the Grasberg mine, and at the Kucing from the Tembagapura shopping cen- Liar prospect within the Golden Trian- ter on 10 March by Freeport security, gle. The results of an audit by Dames protesters attacked the town’s offices, & Moore of the company’s environ- schools, and shops. On 12 March, the mental performance were made public riot shifted to Timika, where between in April and played an important role five hundred and three thousand peo- political reviews • melanesia 473 ple attacked Freeport Indonesia’s envi- genocide.” After ironing out some dif- ronmental laboratory and other ferences with his US lawyer, Martin facilities, and began to move on the Regan, Beanal flew to Louisiana for a airport. The arrival by plane of troops, preliminary hearing of the suit on 24 accompanied by Prabowo, forced an May. On 29 June, the representative end to the protests, but not before council of the Amungme, lemasa, three people had died in a vehicle acci- issued a statement rejecting the offer of dent during the riot. Jim-Bob Moffett, the “1 percent” package. Freeport, the chief executive officer of Freeport which had gone to press after the April Indonesia’s parent company, Freeport meeting with the claim that a deal had McMoRan, arrived on 13 March and, been struck with the communities, had in a meeting held the following day at sought to preempt this response by Timika, was confronted with a list of encouraging the development of an demands from forty community repre- alternative representative body for the sentatives. Amungme, amungkal, but a major, At a promised second meeting on peaceful demonstration by Amungme 13 April, Moffett made an offer of a people in Timika on 18 July made it complex package of financial arrange- clear that amungkal lacked wide- ments, which included earmarking 1 spread support for their acceptance of percent of Freeport Indonesia’s annual the 1 percent offer and the one-off revenue for development programs for payment. the local communities over a period of On 12 March, the same day the ten years (the “Integrated Timika riots spread from Tembagapura to Development Plan”), doubling the Timika, Dr Thomas Wainggai, a senior number of its Irianese employees Biak statesman jailed for twenty years within five years, and committing up for his part in a 1988 declaration of to us$100 million to an environmental West Papuan independence, died of “clean-up” fund. The initial terms of a heart failure while being transferred trust fund supplied by a yearly divi- from prison to hospital in Jakarta. On dend and a position for local repre- 18 March, a crowd of some ten thou- sentatives at Freeport’s General Share- sand people gathered at Sentani to holders Meeting were also set out, and meet the plane carrying his body. As offers made of a one-off payment of the cortege passed through Abepura, rp500 million to each of the seven sections of the crowd began to riot; the ethnic groups in the vicinity of Free- Abepura market, where many of the port’s Contract of Work area. While non-Irianese transmigrants sell their this offer was being considered by produce, was gutted by fire, and one community leaders, the leading soldier and four civilians were killed spokesman for the Amungme, Tom before rapid reaction forces from the Beanal, filed a class action lawsuit Regional Reserve in Sulawesi and Java against Freeport in the District Court were flown in. In connection with the at New Orleans, seeking us$6 billion Abepura riots, 113 people in Jayapura in damages for human rights viola- and 4 Irianese in Java were arrested; of tions, “eco-terrorism,” and “cultural these, 39 were later formally charged. 474 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997

Graffiti written during the Abepura Guardian. Daily. Manchester. riots in support of Kelly Kwalik were Jakarta Post. Daily. Jakarta. widely reported by the media. The same general discontent over Reuters News Service. jobs and other opportunities for Iria- TAPOL Bulletin. Monthly. London. nese that underlay both the Timika and Abepura riots surfaced again in Tifa Irian. Weekly. Jayapura. the northern coastal town of Nabire. Noting that Irianese represented only 15 percent of the province’s civil ser- vice in the lower ranks and “even less” New Caledonia at higher ranks, Administrative The process of negotiating a “consen- Reform Minister T B Silalahi had sual solution” for the future of this announced in April that a further two French overseas territory took a new thousand Irianese would be recruited turn in 1996, as French Premier Alain as civil servants in 1996. When a lim- Juppé rejected the options of either ited number of appointments were independence or association and pro- made in Nabire on 2 July, a disap- posed instead “autonomy” with pointed crowd of two thousand French Polynesia as a model. This attacked government offices, the apparent abrogation of the Matignon regent’s house, and the local jail; there Accords of 1988 (which provided for a were no fatalities, but thirteen people referendum on sovereignty in 1998) were wounded, and Suharto himself led to intensified mobilization by pro- reprimanded the local authorities for independence groups and the tempo- mishandling the situation. One con- rary marginalization of Jacques sequence of the riots at Timika, Lafleur’s loyalist Rassemblement pour Abepura, and Nabire has been the la Calédonie dans la République announcement by General Feisal Tan- (rpcr). By year’s end, however, they jung that the Timika area will now agreed on “sovereignty shared with become a major regional center for the France.” armed forces, with an airforce base After the July 1995 provincial elec- and a permanent army garrison of tions, and the rise in the Territorial 1850 troops at Timika, and a new Congress of dissident loyalists such as naval base at the adjacent port of Didier Leroux, Lafleur had become Amamapare. more conciliatory. In January 1996 his Chris Ballard talks with nationalist leaders of the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (flnks) produced agree- References ment that control over immigration Australian. Daily. Melbourne. and mineral and marine resources should devolve from Paris to the local DM, Daily Mirror. London. government. Yet the flnks continued Far Eastern Economic Review. Weekly. to demand independence in 1998, Hong Kong. whereas Lafleur sought a “thirty-year pact” with no guarantees of separation political reviews • melanesia 475 from France. Meanwhile, the Union who voiced a desire to discuss decolo- Syndicaliste des Travailleurs Kanak nization directly with France, without et Exploités (ustke), a multiethnic including the rpcr in talks—in effect leftist labor movement that openly answering Juppé’s extra-Matignon supports Kanak independence, orga- ploy with one of their own. Wamytan nized strikes ranging from the threatened to withdraw from the docks to the public broadcasting Matignon peace process altogether organization. unless Paris reinstated the possibility In February, French Minister for of independence. The flnks also con- Overseas Territories Jean-Jacques de demned as “inadequate” the one-and- Peretti seemed to have agreed with the a-half- to five-year sentences handed flnks and rpcr to move up the refer- down by the French-run court for endum to 1997 and to discuss what seven loyalists convicted of burglaries degree of sovereignty was feasible and and arms-caching with an intent to what paths to follow to develop New fight Kanak militants. Memories of Caledonia’s economy. Then in April, intercommunal violence in the 1980s the follow-up committee established still haunt New Caledonia’s political by the Matignon Accords met in Paris. negotiators. Premier Juppé—whose political style In late June, de Peretti visited has made him unpopular in France Noumea for a week, in response to the (European, 17–23 Oct 1996)— flnks demand for a special envoy to shocked the Kanak nationalists by pro- get the talks back on track. Wamytan posing only greater “autonomy.” Rock urged the minister to help Kanak Wamytan of the flnks withdrew his rediscover their identity after a hun- delegation from the talks, denounced dred forty years of French colonialism the perceived breach of the Matignon and said they would never cease their agreements and reaffirmed his party’s quest for control of their ancestral call for an “irreversible process leading land. De Peretti met with a variety of to an accession of sovereignty,” begin- groups, including customary chiefs, ning with a temporary sharing of and left on an optimistic note in early power through some form of asso- July, saying the talks would resume. ciation as a transition to full inde- He had apparently reached confiden- pendence (Maclellan and Boengkih tial agreements with the flnks, and 1996, 5). Lafleur, who has pursued a shortly after his return to Paris he hope that economic development will announced that France would indeed create more jobs and less discontent, discuss the future of the territory accused the flnks of seeking an directly with the nationalists. “We impasse in order to make more were surprised by this attitude,” demands later. Wamytan said, “because it’s a right In fact, the reference to “associa- wing in France that has accepted hav- tion” was a compromise, a couching of ing bilateral discussions” (ran, 9 July “independence” in pragmatic, less con- 96). The flnks also objected to Yves frontational terms. But after the April Cabana as French interministerial dele- impasse, the flnks replaced its team of gate to New Caledonia, because he negotiators with more radical men had previously represented the rpcr in 476 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 negotiations, and in October he the mining industry, tourism, and resigned. administrative employment, at the On the international front, flnks expense of agriculture or other alterna- leaders pressed the United Nations tives, as the late Jean-Marie Tjibaou’s Decolonization Committee to mediate “rural” approach would have pro- and even to observe the 1998 referen- moted. Pointing out the educational dum. Lafleur predicted that tripartite handicaps faced by most Kanak, negotiations (flnks–Paris–rpcr) Bensa complained that many young would resume out of necessity and Kanak have false hopes that indepen- argued that they were an “internal dence will bring them sudden eco- matter” for France, not the concern of nomic success (MD, Feb 96, 7). Leroux, the United Nations. Prime Minister head of the dissident loyalist party Une Maxime Carlot Korman of Vanuatu Nouvelle Calédonie pour Tous visited New Caledonia to speak with (uncpt), warned that massive invest- leaders ranging from French High ments in the Kanak-dominated North- Commissioner Dominique Bur to ern and Islands Provinces have built up Wamytan, but he insisted that his infrastructure but done little to help country would not become involved in the poor: “more than independence, the issue of Kanak independence. In we should fear a social explosion” contrast, Foreign Affairs Minister (Maclellan and Boengkih 1996, 11). Kilroy Genia of Papua New Guinea Even the pro-independence Prot- told the Decolonization Committee estant Church has criticized flnks that the Melanesian Spearhead was leaders for becoming a new Kanak very concerned about the plight of “petty bourgeoisie,” now that they Kanak and called for France to have moved into positions of power in respect their right to choose inde- the provincial governments and Con- pendence. gress. Among the rural and urban poor Discussions about New Caledonia’s (notably in the growing squatter slums social and economic future continued around Noumea), drug abuse, teenage as well. The territory is still mostly suicides, and domestic violence are on dependent on nickel mining, which the increase, along with growing provides 90 percent of its export earn- dependence on imported foods. In ings, and on hundreds of millions of November, Aloisio Sako, president of dollars in annual French aid. Plans by the Wallisian-dominated Rassemble- the local development bureau rely on a ment Démocratique Océanien (rdo), massive expansion of the nickel indus- expressed the needs of the immigrant try to create most of the ten thousand minority he represents in Congress by new jobs hoped for—tourism, fishing, asking for more access to jobs, hous- cattle raising, and a host of smaller ing, and education. The rdo is an ally projects would account for a much of the flnks and the ustke and sup- smaller proportion (IB, April 1996, 22– ports association in 1998 and ultimate 24). Ethnologist Alban Bensa, who has independence, but Sako called for the worked among Kanak for twenty emergence of a multiethnic “Caledo- years, criticized the flnks emphasis on nian culture” with equal rights for all. political reviews • melanesia 477

The Union Calédonienne (uc) and sure on France. The ustke wants local Union Progressiste Mélanésienne control over natural resources and has (upm) held their annual congresses in protested annually against unlimited November, replacing their previous immigration, which threatens the local presidents with men perceived as more inhabitants’ jobs. In May, the flnks supportive of speeding up decoloniza- government in the Northern Province tion. François Burcke, well known for announced that Falconbridge, a Cana- his gradualist stance, did not even dian firm, would help the Société attend the uc meetings, saying, “Want- Minérale Sud Pacifique (smsp, pur- ing to move quickly is wanting to ruin chased, ironically, from Lafleur in everything instead of seeing the future 1990) develop a new nickel-process- with serenity” (ran, 7 Nov 1996). Ber- ing plant by 2002. This pact was quite nard Lepeu replaced him as uc presi- a coup, considering the general eco- dent and declared, “Yesterday we nomic slowdown that has resulted wanted Kanak Socialist Independence; from investor trepidations over the ter- we have accepted a compromise in ritory’s uncertain future. But the being content with a state associated Société le Nickel (sln, majority owned with France that concerns all the by the French state), refused to allow inhabitants of New Caledonia.” But he the smsp access to the Tiébaghi ore warned that Kanak paramountcy as vein on northwest Grande Terre (the the indigenous people of the country main island). Consequently, in late cannot be made subordinate to the October the ustke and flnks together rights accorded by Matignon to “fel- called a twenty-four-hour strike that low victims of history” brought in by shut down 14 of the territory’s 17 colonization: “I cannot find my legiti- mines. The flnks declared the block- macy in the concept of internal auton- age a part of its overall negotiating omy.” Victor Tutugoro replaced process with France. Edmond Nekiriai as head of the upm What emerged was a clash of and argued that only the methods of visions over the future geography of achieving sovereignty were open to development. The flnks plan would question: “Independence is not nego- develop not only a mine at Tiébaghi tiable, because it is a right” (ran, 11 but also at nearby Koumac a port, air- Nov 1996). The Parti de Libération port, and urban center to offset the Kanak (palika), which broke from the concentration of population and eco- uc during the 1995 elections, affirmed nomic activity around Noumea in the at its congress that the flnks needed to south. Paul Néaoutyine, former presi- speak with one voice. Raphael Mapou dent of the flnks and chief negotiator said the 1998 vote was essential to for the Northern Province, described win, so that the project of indepen- the plans for Koumac-Tiébaghi as dence would begin the very next day. carefully thought out, to redress old The ustke sees itself as the socio- imbalances. In mid-November, the sln economic vanguard of a self-governing proposed a compromise, to give the Kanaky, and in cooperation with the smsp Koniambo instead, in the center- flnks it has been stepping up the pres- west, in exchange for Poum, on the 478 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 extreme northwest tip of Grande lung cancer among employees (PIM, Terre. Raphael Pidjot commented that Nov 1996, 23–24). In December, elec- economically the Koniambo site would tions were also held for a revived have many advantages, but its center- Chamber of Agriculture, which will west location would undermine the promote exports to France. flnks plan to move population and Because of its mining industry, New industry toward the northwest and Caledonia is one of the most indus- effect a wider dispersal away from trialized countries in the South Pacific, Noumea. and the ustke network of twelve labor As this tug-of-war continued, Ber- federations keeps growing in power. Its nard Lepeu of the uc revealed that the economic activism lends significant flnks hoped eventually to move the clout to flnks demands for self-gov- territorial capital itself out of Noumea ernment and local development. For to Koné-Pouembout, halfway up the example, it shut down the docks for west coast and within the borders of two weeks in July (after already strik- the Northern Province, thus creating ing for four days in January) and three nodes of urban development, not voiced opposition to selling nickel to just two (and undermining, over time, foreign interests. It also bolstered the the political-economic power base of October mine shutdown with a general the rpcr in the South). Néaoutyine strike. The ustke has never avoided said the sln offer had its appeal, confrontation with authorities or with because Koniambo is right next to political opponents. In August, its Koné-Pouembout, where a costly new blockade of provincial government cross-island road to the northeast coast offices on Lifou led to a violent clash is being built, but the flnks still pre- with anti-flnks attackers wielding ferred to purchase Tiébaghi and axes and iron bars, in which seven develop Koumac. By December, how- people were injured. In September, ever, the flnks had agreed to the police arrested ustke pickets for exchange of Poum for Koniambo (ran, blocking access to a Ballande store. Nov–Dec 1996). All this maneuvering The next month, the union won its coincides with an 11 percent rise in the case in court by having five employees world price of nickel, due to reduced reinstated, though Ballande managed flows of cheap Russian ores and a to render that decision moot by dele- demand for stainless steel in Asia. gitimizing the tribunal. Riot police also Inco, Falconbridge’s chief Canadian clashed with ustke protesters at the rival, and an Australian firm are also Tomo nickel mine; three people were looking into opening new sites in New injured and those arrested were Caledonia, which is the third largest charged with “armed” interference nickel exporter in the world after Rus- with police. In December, the ustke sia and Canada. Both nationalists and attempted to open a new shipping line loyalists hope mining development in from Noumea to Port Vila in Vanuatu the North will create more jobs, even via the Loyalty Islands. though the local high grade ore also Leroux has said that France needs contains asbestos, which has caused to acknowledge “the colonial act” and political reviews • melanesia 479 redress social injustices, including the tencies” of the (French) state. Frogier local economic monopolism of Lafleur emphasized the “stability” that would and his rpcr allies. His party voiced result from such a course, that is, a support for increasing devolution of potential boom in outside investment. powers to local authorities, and has The struggle for “Kanaky,” as opposed received some support from the flnks to quasi-colonial dependency on to be included in negotiations with France, continues, as the team of France. In September, Berger Kawa’s flnks-ustke bargains aggressively to National Council for the Rights of win concessions from both Paris and Indigenous People commemorated at the rpcr about steps toward sover- Bourail the French colonial takeover of eignty (including disempowering 1853 and reiterated the linkage Noumea). between the recovery of Kanak lands david a chappell and national independence. Recent public trials of French and Caldoche (local European) officials for financial References corruption have tended to undermine European. London. Weekly. accusations by loyalists that a sover- eign Kanak-run regime would only IB, Islands Business. Monthly. Suva. replicate the “stealing” that reportedly Maclellan, Nic, and Sarimin J Boengkih. goes on in some other Oceanian coun- 1996. France’s Decolonisation Process in tries. Moreover, massive French aid New Caledonia. Working paper. July. Mel- and the inflated “hardship” salaries bourne: Victoria University. paid to metropolitan officials (from MD, Le Monde Diplomatique. Paris. Paris) contribute to a very high cost of Monthly. living in Noumea. A vote on full sovereignty would be PIM, Pacific Islands Monthly. Suva. unlikely to attract a majority at the ran, Radio Australia News. English and moment. Nekiriai has estimated that French. only 37 percent of New Caledonians (ie, 80 percent of Kanak) favor com- plete independence. But Kanak, now Papua New Guinea only 45 percent of the total popula- tion, are expected to become a demo- This was a frustrating year for Prime graphic majority in about twenty years Minister Sir Julius Chan, who hoped (MD, Feb 1996, 7). On 28 December, to make progress in some key areas in a vote on the budget of the Territo- and boost his standing in the run-up to rial Congress, the flnks and rpcr the 1997 general elections. Develop- agreed on “sovereignty shared with ments in the mining and oil sectors France,” a process of change to begin kept the economy buoyant, but the in 1998 that, in the words of the government continued to struggle with rpcr’s Pierre Frogier, will affirm the the World Bank over policy reform special identity of New Caledonia issues. Tragically, Chan’s hopes for a while respecting the “proper compe- timely resolution of the Bougainville 480 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 secessionist crisis were dashed as the and Morobe Governor Jerry Nalau, situation there took a definite turn for converged on the scene, only to be the worse in 1996, prolonging the suf- turned back, threatened, or assaulted fering of the people and exacerbating by the police. Governor Nalau later already strained relations with Austra- admitted in parliament that he had lia and, especially, Solomon Islands. By advised the people to maintain their the end of the year, with his parliamen- roadblock, but strenuously denied tary coalition in some disarray, Chan’s allegations that he had told them to chances of a further term in office blow up the bridge (PC, 19 Feb 1996, looked slim. 13–15). When he came to office in 1994, In May, the shooting deaths of Chan, like all recent prime ministers, senior public servant and one-time was determined to do something about director of the Institute for Applied the so-called law-and-order situation. Social and Economic Research (now However, the “year of law enforce- the National Research Institute) ment” got off to an inauspicious start Ephraim Makis and his brother Albert in mid-January when a conflict Uming in Port Moresby led to renewed between a group of people from the calls for a crackdown on crime (PC, 6 Eastern Highlands and residents of the May 1996, 1). After a particularly Waterise area in the Markham Valley intense wave of murders and armed erupted into violence. The Waterise robberies in Port Moresby in October, group blocked the nearby Highlands cabinet approved the imposition of a Highway to protest the incident and, two-month nationwide nighttime cur- after a Waterise youth died of gunshot few, which went into effect on 8 wounds, demanded 200,000 kina in November. The curfew was part of a compensation. Two weeks later, frus- series of measures designed to trated by the lack of progress in strengthen police “firepower” and help attempts to negotiate a settlement, and them target “hard-core criminals” (TN, following a skirmish with police 6 Nov 1996, 1). Observers of previous attempting to clear the highway, the efforts to get tough on crime argued Waterise villagers used World War II that the effect of these measures would munitions to blow up the Yuang Creek only be temporary, and the National Bridge. newspaper went as far as to suggest The local police were particularly that the curfew would be “a bigger upset by the burning of a police vehicle inconvenience to the public than the and the loss of six firearms during the criminals” (TN, 7 Nov 1996, 4). confrontation prior to the explosion. As the government focused on When reinforcements arrived from “raskol” gang activity, some of its crit- Goroka, the police rampaged through ics urged more attention to corruption, Waterise and surrounding villages, another important aspect of the “crime shooting, looting, and burning down nightmare.” Although many in the pri- houses. Local leaders, including vate sector are clearly concerned about Markham MP and Forest Minister official corruption, few have been will- Andrew Baing, Lae MP Bart Philemon, ing to say so publicly. In May 1996, political reviews • melanesia 481 however, the issue gained considerable package of emergency funding, the media exposure when Oil Search World Bank had insisted on the reform Chairman Trevor Kennedy, whose of a long list of government policies. company is a major operator in the Some $200 million in aid and loans crucial oil industry, told shareholders was released in 1995, but the balance that he was concerned about growing was withheld pending evidence that levels of corruption and argued that the reforms had been implemented. the “biggest threat to the future” was Government officials were clearly irri- the government’s “lack of focus and tated by critical public comments made discipline” (PC, 9 May 1996, 11). Pre- by Marianne Haug, the World Bank’s dictably, the speech drew an angry regional director, shortly before a response from government leaders. World Bank team arrived for talks in Chan issued a lengthy statement that Papua New Guinea in February (PC, 20 called Kennedy a “peanut boy,” Feb 1996, 11). The talks quickly accused him of being ill-informed, became mired in “personality differ- paternalistic, and expendable, and ences,” and the World Bank team was invited him to resign (PC, 13 May asked to leave, apparently by senior 1996, 17). Finance Department official Morea Meanwhile the Ombudsman Com- Vele. However, the talks lasted long mission continued its lonely struggle enough to establish that the sides had against official wrongdoing, and lead- very different views regarding progress ership tribunals successfully pursued on the issues. Before departing the some high-profile cases. Three former country, team leader Pirouz Hama- cabinet ministers, Timothy Bonga, dian-Rad expressed “major concern” John Nilkare, and Paul Pora, were regarding the government’s “commit- found guilty of multiple counts of mis- ment or ability to implement its reform conduct in office, and in October a program in a transparent and consis- leadership tribunal was set up to hear tent manner” (PC, 8–10 March 1996, charges against Foreign Affairs and 1). Trade Secretary Gabriel Dusava. All The World Bank made it very clear protested their innocence except that it was not going to release the sec- Nilkare, who admitted that some of ond tranche of the loan, and on 17 his past actions might have “gone off April served notice that the deal could the mark” (PC, 2 July 1996, 5). Bonga be canceled unless all outstanding in particular appeared unrepentant, issues were settled within ninety days. arguing that he was “just unfortunate Government leaders complained that to be one of the few that have been these pressure tactics compromised prosecuted while the others have Papua New Guinea’s sovereignty, and walked free” (PC, 1 May 1996, 1). Prime Minister Chan told reporters The extraordinary standoff that that “no one is going to give me an began in 1995 between the govern- ultimatum” (PC, 23 April 1996, 32). In ment and the World Bank continued fact, the cabinet had already bowed to throughout the year (see Wesley-Smith the inevitable at its meeting of 11 1996). In return for a us$358 million March by endorsing a policy package 482 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 designed to address major World Bank Matters came to a head in July concerns. Among other things, the cab- when parliament passed amendments inet endorsed a system to ensure that to the Forestry Act altering the respec- major investment projects, such as oil tive roles of the Minister for Forests refineries and fish canneries, would and the Forestry Authority Board. The not violate the free market principles bank claimed these were not the of the structural adjustment program, changes they had endorsed on a recent and took steps to limit the amount of visit, and indicated they would have to tariff protection afforded to the be reversed for the loan to be approved Korean-owned Halla cement factory (PC, 30 July 1996, 1). For a while, gov- (PC, 14 March 1996, 3). By mid-May, ernment leaders adopted a defiant pos- the parties appeared to agree that all ture, with Chan claiming to have the necessary policy decisions were in alternative sources of finance and say- place, but that the process of imple- ing he was ready to tell the bank to mentation remained unsatisfactory (PC, “go to hell” (PC, 2 Aug 1996, 3; 5 Sept 20 May 1996, 11). As Deputy Prime 1996, 2). Relations deteriorated even Minister and Finance Minister Chris further in September, when the World Haiveta put it, “Cabinet can go ahead Bank’s Pirouz Hamidian-Rad joined a and make all these decisions but if the chorus of protest at the government’s [government] agencies do not imple- revenue budget. He was especially crit- ment them, then we have a big prob- ical of proposed new import duties on lem” (PC, 1 May 1996, 3). rice and fuel oil, and the reintroduc- However, government policy deci- tion of certain price controls. The gov- sions were to precipitate further show- ernment’s decision to hand down such downs with the bank later in the year. a budget, he said, “clearly indicated it The bank had placed considerable was no longer interested in continuing importance on reforms in the troubled the structural adjustment program” forestry industry, which received a (PC, 27–29 Sept 1996, 1). boost in March when the cabinet In the first of a remarkable series of endorsed the so-called Logging Code reversals, the government abandoned of Conduct, undertook to fast-track or modified the controversial revenue the implementation of a new logging measures less than a week after they tax and royalty system, and promised were announced. Finance Minister that amendments to the Forestry Act Haiveta immediately traveled to New would be limited to “technical mat- York to reopen talks with the World ters” (PC, 14 March 1996, 3). The Bank before their latest deadline amendment issue was crucial, because expired. In a faxed letter to Prime Min- Forest Minister Andrew Baing was ister Chan, Haiveta outlined five con- actively seeking to change the act in ditions to be satisfied before the loan ways that critics claimed would would be released, the most important enhance his own powers and under- of which was to reinstate the indepen- mine the independence of the National dence and integrity of the National Forest Authority Board (PC, 19 Feb Forestry Board through further 1996, 5). amendments to the Forestry Act. He political reviews • melanesia 483 indicated that the country’s “good ment to move ahead with its plans to image and credibility” would be dam- privatize more state assets, and to aged if the agreement with the World announce at the end of October “the Bank were allowed to lapse, jeopardiz- complete (or near complete) and early” ing other external aid and financing sale of its equity in financial institu- arrangements, and adversely affecting tions, including the Papua New the forthcoming public float of Oro- Guinea Banking Corporation and gen, a company set up to manage some Niugini Insurance Corporation (PC, 31 of the state’s mineral and petroleum Oct 1996, 27). assets (PC, 4 Oct 1996, 1, 5). Chan and Orogen investor confidence was, no his cabinet reluctantly agreed that doubt, boosted by some positive devel- these were compelling reasons for opments in the mineral and oil sectors compliance, and on 8 October parlia- during 1996. The smooth progress of ment passed the Forestry (Amend- the giant Lihir gold project toward a ment) Bill 1996 (PC, 9 Oct 1996, 1). 1997 startup date was certainly This removed the major obstacle to encouraging, especially given its trou- settlement, although it took several bled early history. The oil industry also more months to satisfy a number of looked set to continue its expansion, other conditions. The second tranche with the Gobe field heading for pro- of the loan was finally released early in duction, and a promising new find by 1997. Chevron Niugini at its Moran IX drill The blaze of publicity surrounding site in the Southern Highlands, within the lengthy struggle with the World range of the Kutubu project’s process- Bank apparently did not affect public ing and exporting facilities. However, confidence in the future of Papua New the extractive industries continued to Guinea’s lucrative mining and oil sec- be plagued by disputes. The govern- tors. In September, some 49 percent of ment continued to resist landowners’ the state’s stake in large mining and oil demands to control a bigger stake in projects was transferred from the Min- the Kutubu project and the right to eral Resources Development Com- market their share of production (PC, 8 pany to a new company, Orogen Jan 1996, 13; 16 Jan 1996, 11; 6 Feb Minerals Limited. Shares in Orogen, 1996, 21). named after the geological process that Meanwhile, the key player in Papua produced the country’s mineral wealth, New Guinea’s oil industry expressed were first offered to residents of Papua frustration at delays at the Gobe New Guinea at a discounted price project. Speaking to a petroleum con- before overseas bids were invited. The vention in Port Moresby in September, float, which closed at the end of Octo- Oil Search Managing Director Peter ber, was heavily oversubscribed, Botten noted that agreement with attracting worldwide offers totaling landowners had yet to be reached. “It 2.6 billion kina for approximately 270 appears to me,” he said, “that the pri- million kina worth of shares (PC, 31 mary risk of development in Papua Oct 1996, 1). The highly successful New Guinea is not the vagaries of Orogen float prompted the govern- nature but the failure to manage 484 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 expectations and aspirations of people Settlement of the Bougainville seces- in the project area” (PC, 10 Sept 1996, sionist crisis remained elusive in 1996. 23). The All Bougainville Leaders’ Talks in The people living on the Ok Tedi Cairns in December 1995 had initiated and Fly rivers downstream of the Ok a dialogue that looked promising Tedi copper and gold mine had some between the various factions in Bou- of their expectations met during 1996. gainville. However, the mood of In 1994, landowners had brought an optimism began to dissipate almost a$4 billion legal claim in Australia immediately, when Bougainville Revo- against mine operator Broken Hill Pro- lutionary Army (bra) and Bougainville prietary (bhp) for damage caused by Interim Government (big) leaders were the discharge of large quantities of attacked by Papua New Guinea secu- untreated tailings from the project into rity forces as they returned to Bougain- the river system. In 1995, bhp and the ville by sea from the Solomon Islands Papua New Guinea government tried after the Cairns talks. Prime Minister to defuse the challenge by providing Chan denied big leader Joseph Kabui’s compensation for affected villagers charge that this was a deliberate assas- under the terms of the Ok Tedi sination attempt, claiming that because Restated Eighth Supplemental Agree- the group was supposed to travel by ment. The first payments were distrib- helicopter the military unit involved uted in April 1996, shortly after a law had been caught unawares (PC, 11 Jan was enacted prohibiting the pursuit of 1996, 2). Papua New Guinea–based compensa- The situation deteriorated rapidly in tion claims in foreign courts (PC, 15 March after a firefight between secu- April 1996, 2; 23 April 1996, 3). Then rity forces in boats and a bra contin- in June, before the government had an gent on Motsungan Island off the west opportunity to exercise its new legal coast of Buka left six police and sol- powers, the case against bhp was set- diers dead (PC, 13 March 1996, 1; 18 tled out of court. In a major victory, March 1996, 1). Five days later the the landowners received a$110 million bra group, led by Ishmael Toroana, in compensation and the promise of a ambushed and killed four more police- tailings disposal system, while their men on Buka (PC, 19 March 1996, 1). Melbourne law firm, Slater and Gor- The Buka incidents were, it seems, the don, was awarded a$7.6 million in final straw for Prime Minister Chan, legal fees. By the end of the year the who had become increasingly disen- mining company was considering vari- chanted with the peace efforts initiated ous options to deal with the tailings since 1994 by Bougainville Transi- disposal problem. Meanwhile, govern- tional Government Premier Theodore ment officials were, no doubt, moni- Miriung. On 21 March he called off toring the cost of the various options, the two-year-old cease-fire and sig- and wondering when, if ever, the ten- naled a return to the military option. year-old, multibillion-dollar project “I am now convinced,” he told the would yield substantial revenues for nation, “that we have exhausted all the state (PC, 26 Sept 1996, 27). human tolerance....There is not one political reviews • melanesia 485 shed of proof, no indication at all, that 20–22 Sept 1996, 1). An internal the rebels are sincere.” He warned the investigation by the Papua New “criminals who continue to kill, destroy Guinea Defence Force later found that and destabilize the peace longed for by the attack had been initiated by resis- all” that their “darkest hour has tance fighters angry at the drunken arrived” (PC, 22 March 1996, 8). conduct of the soldiers and their ill- The new military offensive, which treatment of local people and residents came in June, made matters worse. of the Kangu Beach care center. Resis- Operation High Speed II involved two tance leaders had solicited the help of battalions of troops, one of which had the bra, who joined in the killing and recently arrived on rotation, backed up escaped with ammunition and more by police and resistance fighters. The than thirty military weapons. The plan was to seal the border with the report held the commanding officer of Solomons and advance on rebel the company stationed at Kangu Beach strongholds in the interior from points responsible for the breakdown in disci- on the east and west coasts of the pline that led to the massacre (PC, 25– island (SMH, 19 June 1996, 1). Troops 27 Oct 1996, 1; 21 Jan 1997, 1). The were deployed into bra-held areas, five hostages were still in captivity at and on several occasions exchanged the end of the year, despite concerted fire with rebel groups. These attempts by Premier Theodore Miri- exchanges claimed the lives of four sol- ung, senior local MP John Momis, and diers, bra commander Nathan Mat- Sir Michael Somare, the country’s first evai, and an unknown number of prime minister, to secure their release. others (PC, 2 Aug 1996, 4). However, The Kangu Beach incident also the stated objective of “wiping out” revealed the depth of the distrust that the bra was not achieved, and the had developed between Bougainville operation ended quietly on 15 July, Transitional Government Premier when the 520 troops who should have Theodoe Miriung and members of the been relieved in June were withdrawn Papua New Guinea Defence Force. to the Papua New Guinea mainland Along with many others, Miriung had (PC, 14 Aug 1996, 2). roundly condemned High Speed II and A further blow to military morale predicted its failure. Long suspicious was delivered less than two months of his pre-1994 connections with the after the ignominy of High Speed II. bra, the military responded by restrict- On 8 September an attack at Kangu ing his movements on several occa- Beach on the south coast of Bougain- sions. In September, Defence Minister ville killed twelve members of the secu- Mathias Ijape, citing military intelli- rity forces, their largest loss in a single gence, openly accused Miriung of incit- incident since the crisis began in 1988, ing the Kangu Beach attack. Although and a further five were taken hostage. Miriung categorically denied the The attack was originally blamed on charge, he was temporarily placed the bra, but reports that government- under house arrest in Buka (PC, 11 Sept trained “resistance” fighters were 1996, 1). involved soon began to surface (PC, In a tragic setback for the peace 486 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 process on Bougainville, Theodore Guinea Defence Force, already reeling Miriung was shot dead on 12 October from the failure of Operation High 1996 in his wife’s village in the Siwai Speed II and the Kangu Beach fiasco. area of southwest Bougainville. The Solomon Islands was in the fore- assassination sent shock waves front of protests about the handling of throughout the nation and overseas. the Bougainville crisis by Papua New Anguished regional MP John Momis Guinea authorities, especially the secu- said that Miriung was “without doubt rity forces. For some years, Papua New one of Bougainville’s all-time great Guinea authorities have tried to block leaders” whose death had “taken a the traffic of people and supplies large part of me with him.” He said between Bougainville and Solomon the death marked the passing of an era Islands, and have sought Solomon “of dialogue, reconciliation, and great Islands’ full cooperation in doing so. hopes for peace on Bougainville” and However, the Solomons leaders have demanded to know “Who shot him, argued that they don’t have sufficient and why?” (PC, 17 Oct 1996, 12). resources to patrol the border area, Although Prime Minister Chan had and have refused to allow Papua New clearly lost his initial enthusiasm for Guinea hot-pursuit rights across the Miriung’s peacemaking efforts, he border. Although there have been described the killing as an act of mad- numerous border violations in recent ness and vowed to bring the perpetra- years, such incursions became more tors to justice (TN, 13 Oct 1996, 1). He blatant in 1996. Especially after the appointed a Sri Lankan judge recom- lifting of the cease-fire early in the mended by the Commonwealth Secre- year, the Papua New Guinea forces tariat in London to head the official seemed to consider themselves free to inquiry. cross into Solomon Islands in hot pur- In early December, Judge Thiruvuk- suit of suspected bra fighters or to dis- karasu Suntheralingam presented his rupt suspected bases or supply lines. In report, which found that five defense March, Defence Minister Mathias force soldiers and several resistance Ijape warned Solomon Islands that “if fighters stationed at Tonu Camp had criminals cross the border and want to participated in the murder of Theodore get refuge in Solomon Islands, the Miriung (TN, 2 Dec 1996, 1). Defense pngdf will cross their border in hot force leaders claimed the investigation pursuit and deal with those criminals was biased, but the full report, which on Solomon Islands soil” (PC, 27 was not made public until early 1997, March 1996, 2). left little doubt about the complicity of Solomon Islands protested eighteen defense force personnel. The report did border violations in April and May not say who ordered the attack or who alone, some of which involved fire- in the military chain of command had fights with Solomon Islands police or knowledge of it, nor did it tackle the members of the Field Force. In June a question of motive. Nevertheless, the patrol boat reportedly fired on the vil- report served to damage even further lage of Liuliu in Choiseul Province, public confidence in the Papua New and suspected bra fighters were killed political reviews • melanesia 487 in Solomon Islands waters by a Papua and upset Chan’s aspiration to lead the New Guinea helicopter later the same People’s Progress Party to victory in month. In late June a series of incidents June 1997. occurred at the Solomon Islands post Terence Wesley-Smith at Tuluve, and in early July a Papua New Guinea patrol boat bombarded the Field Force observation post at References Ovau on several occasions (May 1996, May, R J. 1996. The Situation on Bougain- 12–14; PC, 15 July 1996, 11). Such ville: Implications for Papua New Guinea, incidents gave ongoing diplomatic Australia and the Region. Current Issues talks added urgency, and in July both Brief 9, 1996–97. Canberra: Parliamentary countries agreed to accelerate work on Research Service. a series of border treaties and to estab- lish a Joint Border Commission to PC, Post-Courier. Daily. Port Moresby. coordinate and oversee border man- SMH, Sydney Morning Herald. Daily. agement issues (PC, 8 July 1996, 5). Things did not look good for Prime TN, The National. Daily. Port Moresby. Minister Chan as 1996 drew to a Wesley-Smith, Terence. 1996. Papua New close. In particular, he had taken on Guinea in Review. The Contemporary the mighty World Bank and lost, while Pacific 8:428–436. failing to bring about a settlement of the Bougainville crisis, which had occupied much of his attention since Solomon Islands coming to office in 1994. He had, however, managed to keep his govern- In 1996 politics in the Solomon Islands ing coalition together and maintain his were turbulent, as usual, but by majority in parliament, despite some December the focus of political discus- significant conflicts between members sion was on the general election, of his People’s Progress Party and its scheduled for July 1997. Many poten- major coalition partner Pangu Pati tial candidates began campaigning for over cabinet appointments and minis- an election billed to be the most inter- terial responsibilities (PC, 31 July 1996, esting since independence from Great 2; 6–8 Sept 1996, 1). There were also Britain in July 1978, and coinciding problems within Pangu Pati. In Octo- with the nineteenth anniversary cele- ber, an unsuccessful move to oust brations. The year was also character- Deputy Prime Minister Chris Haiveta ized by leadership squabbles and as leader of Pangu was apparently political discord that left many press- sparked by Haiveta’s controversial rev- ing issues unresolved. This, however, is enue budget (PC, 7 Oct 1996, 1). The not unusual in a country where the party also finally broke its ties with political landscape is often marked by founding member Sir Michael Somare, rapid and unpredictable changes. who had announced plans to set up a In early 1996 the country was still new political group, the National Alli- trying to deal with issues inherited ance, to contest the national election from previous years, particularly the 488 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 political bickering and constitutional of the director of public prosecutions crisis of late 1994, which resulted in planned to appeal the ruling. the collapse of the National Coalition This was not the only corruption Party (ncp) government led by Francis story of 1996. Allegations of corrup- Billy Hilly. The most dramatic aspect tion emerged from nearly every sector of this event was the allegation that of public life, involving many who five cabinet ministers of the ncp gov- occupy responsible positions in politics ernment had defected to join Solomon and the public service. By midyear Mamaloni’s Solomon Islands National many citizens were concerned that cor- Unity and Reconciliation Party ruption would become part of the (sinurp) after receiving bribes from public sector culture, and there was Robert Goh, a Honiara businessman widespread distrust of politicians and and director of Goh and Partners Pub- public servants. Finance Minister lic Accountants. Deprived of his Christopher Columbus Abe stated in majority, Billy Hilly was forced by February that fraudulent appropria- Governor General Sir Moses Pitakaka tion of government payments was not to resign as prime minister in October confined to the Treasury Division of 1994. Mamaloni was immediately his ministry, but widespread through- elected prime minister and formed the out the government system. Abe was sinurp government. reacting to new measures imposed by The five defectors were later Accountant General Michael Katea to charged with corruption and appeared curb embezzlement and other fraudu- before the Magistrate’s Court for a lent payments from the government preliminary hearing in January 1996. treasury (SC, 22 Feb 1996). During the court hearing Robert Goh The most dramatic manifestation of admitted that he had paid for hired official corruption was uncovered in cars and accommodation for the five April and May when Prime Minister who had by then become cabinet min- Mamaloni (as acting finance minister) isters in the sinurp government: Alfred ordered the suspension of thirty-five Maetia (Education), John Musuota public servants on half pay for alleg- (Posts and Telecommunications), edly misappropriating si$10 million of Edmund Anderson (Agriculture and government funds (SS, 8 May 1996). Fisheries), Francis Orodani (Lands and Since then, the amount of allegedly Housing), and Oliver Zapo (Justice) misappropriated government money (SS, 19 Jan 1996). Although the case has increased to si$35 million. This was committed to the High Court, revelation shocked and angered the these men retained their ministerial country. The prime minister then portfolios for most of the year. In late ordered the police to confiscate the August, Orodani and Musuota were property of the thirty-five public ser- fired by the prime minister along with vants. For Mamaloni, this was a spec- two other cabinet ministers, although tacular move to salvage his political it was unclear whether this was related reputation, which had nose-dived since to the corruption saga. Orodani was he came to power in late 1994 because acquitted in November, but the office of controversies over the logging political reviews • melanesia 489 industry, corruption charges against end of December 1995, to a peak of five of his cabinet ministers, and the 14.5 percent at the end of March 1996 continuous deterioration of the coun- (cbsi, April 1996). By the third quarter try’s economy. Despite huge publicity, the rate of inflation had dropped back however, none of the public servants to 10.4 percent, although this was still involved had been officially charged by 1.9 per cent higher than the rate for the end of 1996. This left many people the same quarter of the previous year. wondering whether the case was The Central Bank noted that “by merely a public relations ploy aimed at regional and international standards improving the reputation of the sinurp the current rate of inflation is high in government, and more particularly Solomon Islands, although from a his- Mamaloni, in preparation for the 1997 torical perspective inflation has always general elections. been high” (cbsi, Sept 1995, 20). Central Islands Province Premier Average urban workers living on mini- Peter Manetiva and his deputy, Charles mal salaries were the hardest hit by the Sagulinge, also faced corruption high inflation rate. charges during the year. In February It was a difficult year in nearly every the Magistrate’s Court in Honiara sector of the economy. Government heard allegations that they had been debt increased both domestically and induced by hotel accommodation and internationally. Many citizens were cash to grant a business license to a astounded when the Honiara news- company called Marving Brothers, paper Solomon Star reported in allowing it to log on Pavuvu in the March that the government owed the Russell Islands. The payments were National Provident Fund (the coun- allegedly made by Goh and Partners try’s only national superannuation Public Accountants and Allan scheme) a total of si$20 million in Kemakeza, the member of parliament rents ($917,473), loans ($5,676,015), for Savo and Russells and minister for contributions ($10 million), securities environment and conservation (SS, 23 ($1,915,370), and surcharges Feb 1996). The Pavuvu issue became ($1,096,000) (ss, 15 March 1996). controversial after landowners began The country’s three commercial banks resisting government proposals to log were also affected by the government’s the island in 1995. inability to pay bank securities. While corruption charges against According to the Central Bank, the people in power were being debated in government had accrued over $8 mil- the media, tried in the courts, and lion of debts to the banks since the whispered in the galleries of public life, start of 1995. The general manager of the economy continued to receive a the National Bank of Solomon Islands battering. The most obvious indication stated that the “loss of reliable income of the deteriorating economic situation hits straight at our ability to grow and was the rapidly increasing cost of liv- expand” (SS, 1 May 1996). ing. The Central Bank of Solomon The country continued to accumu- Islands reported that the rate of infla- late debts with international lending tion increased from 10.4 percent at the agencies such as the World Bank, the 490 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997

International Monetary Fund, and the percent on the same period a year ear- Asian Development Bank. By the end lier. This represented about 78 percent of the year the government was operat- of total expected revenues for the ing on a huge budget deficit that had whole year, as recorded in the 1996 been inherited from previous years. In budget estimates. This means that the 1995, Finance Minister Abe told par- overall government revenue perfor- liament of his difficulties financing a mance in 1996 will be broadly in line “huge” budget deficit: “The govern- with the budget outcome. However, ment debt is rocketing upwards and the Central Bank argues that “revenues now accounts for some 70 percent of could have been higher by around our gross domestic products. This si$11.8 million had the government means that the government has proceeded to suspend all duty exemp- incurred a debt of about $1,750 for tions and remissions to logging com- every single person here in the isles of panies” (cbsi, Sept 1996, 23). “Local” Solomons” (sinp 1995). logging companies in particular have Despite the grim fiscal picture, the been given 100 percent export tax story was a little more positive on the exemption, even though most of them macroeconomic level by the third have overseas partners. For example, quarter of 1996. The balance of pay- Prime Minister Mamaloni’s logging ments showed a trade surplus of si$30 company, Somma Limited, works in million, 19 percent higher than the partnership with the Goodwill Com- previous quarter and 15 percent higher pany of Malaysia. than the same quarter of the previous These improvements in the year. The value of total exports also economy were, unfortunately, over- increased by 15 percent to si$168 mil- shadowed by the government’s huge lion in the quarter ending 30 Septem- domestic and international debts. The ber, compared with a decline of 7 government’s borrowing had exceeded percent in the previous quarter. Total its ability to repay. In a desperate exports for the nine months through attempt to salvage the country’s crip- September reached si$471 million, 21 pled economy, parliament passed a percent higher than for the same controversial bill in December 1995 period a year before. This allowed that, if implemented, would impose a 2 external reserves to grow to si$102 percent tax on every withdrawal from million by September, the equivalent of bank savings. In February 1996, around 1.6 months of import cover. Finance Minister Abe announced that However, taking into account the gov- despite widespread criticism of the ernment’s external arrears of around proposed tax, it would be effected in si$17 million, the reserves represent June. The decision outraged the public only 1.3 months of import cover (cbsi, as well as the banks. However, the fate Sept 1996). of the proposed debit tax was deter- Government revenues also mined when, in May, Abe fell ill in improved during the nine months to Singapore and had to spend some September. The total revenues were weeks receiving medical treatment in si$263 million, which was up by 13 Australia. During his absence, Prime political reviews • melanesia 491

Minister Mamaloni, a veteran political dred residents of Gold Ridge in central genius, took the opportunity to mend Guadalcanal will be relocated to his and his government’s public image. Lungga (near Henderson Airport) in In a tactical public relations campaign, order to make way for the mining Mamaloni made himself acting finance operation. This is planned to be a tem- minister and subsequently ordered the porary relocation. After the mining is debit tax bill thrown out. In addition, completed, in about ten years, the he suspended payments from the Con- environment in the Gold Ridge area stituency Development Fund, which will be rejuvenated and the residents gave each member of parliament per- returned to their homes (SS, 31 Jan sonal control over si$200,000 per 1996). A general social impact assess- year. However, the decision to suspend ment was prepared, but, despite its the fund was reversed in July, when profound social implications, the Abe returned as finance minister. relocation plan was not studied spe- The government’s biggest economic cifically. achievement was finalizing agree- The estimated si$6 million cost of ments for a gold-mining project on the resettlement scheme will be met by Guadalcanal. The economic situation the Ross Mining Company. It involves is expected to be boosted when the the construction of residential houses, Gold Ridge gold mine begins opera- schools, and a clinic and is expected to tion in June 1997. The agreements for provide more than a hundred direct mining were finalized in a series of jobs over a period of about twenty documents signed in 1996 between weeks. A ground-breaking ceremony Ross Mining of Australia, the govern- was held in November to mark the ment, and the Gold Ridge Landowners beginning of construction work on Association, which represents the Gold Ridge resettlement village (SS, 13 landowning tribes in the area. This is Nov 1996). The company had paid Solomon Islands’ first large-scale min- si$90,000 in access fees to landowners ing project, although alluvial gold has earlier in the year and estimated that been mined at Gold Ridge since the the capital development cost will be 1970s. Throughout the year the gov- about si$125 million (SS, 31 Jan 1996). ernment’s immediate concern was to Events in 1996 were dominated by ensure the Gold Ridge project got another long-standing resource-extrac- started as soon as possible. This is not tion issue. The government continued surprising given that the Gold Ridge its controversial policies in the forestry deposit contains an estimated si$1 industry, despite widespread criticism billion worth of gold. The company from foreign governments as well as expected to complete the feasibility international and local nongovernment studies by July 1996 and be ready to organizations and individuals. It was go ahead with the project (SS, 7 Feb estimated that the forestry resource 1996). was being harvested at three times the However, like most projects, there sustainable rate, causing uproar were a number of costs. As part of the among environmental groups. Also, agreement the more than seven hun- there was concern over the govern- 492 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 ment’s 100 percent export tax exemp- The eight-year war between the tion awarded to some logging rebel Bougainville Revolutionary Army companies, including the prime minis- (bra) and the Papua New Guinea gov- ter’s own Somma Limited, which oper- ernment across the western border in ates in his West Makira constituency. Bougainville continued to affect the These criticisms culminated in an Aus- Solomon Islands. Officially the tralian Broadcasting Commission For- Solomon Islands government recog- eign Correspondent television program nizes the crisis as an internal matter for produced in August, which highlighted Papua New Guinea. However, the real- the prime minister’s involvement in the ity is that Solomon Islands involve- logging industry. The issue of logging ment is inevitable. First, the number of was made more prominent by the Cen- Bougainvillean civilians fleeing the tral Bank of Solomon Islands 1995 war-torn island into the Solomon Annual Report, which stated that Islands continues to increase, and despite an increase in log exports, the many crossed the border in 1996 seek- revenue from log products has not ing medical assistance, often for bullet increased. This caused many people to wounds (SS, 11 Dec 1996). ask questions. The situation has been further exac- Forest policy in Solomon Islands is erbated by the presence in Honiara a political as well as an environmental over the last six years of bra represen- issue. The reactions and responses of tative Martin Miriori. However, in foreign governments as well as interna- January Miriori’s house in Honiara tional and domestic nongovernment (which also housed the bra office) was organizations were also important. burned down. Two Bougainvilleans Australia’s then minister for develop- were later arrested and charged with ment cooperation and Pacific affairs, arson. Fearing for his and his family’s Gordon Bilney, for example, lashed safety, Miriori was eventually given out against the government’s logging political asylum in the Netherlands policy. In reaction, an executive officer and in June was flown out of Honiara of the Solomon Islands Forest Indus- in a specially arranged Australian mili- tries Association, Erick Kes, stated that tary aircraft. “it is deplorable, that the minister Continued Papua New Guinea totally ignored affirmative change and Defence Force incursions into the positive developments taking place in Solomon Islands, and a number of this industry” (SV, 16 Feb 1996). For- armed confrontations with the estry is an issue that will definitely fea- Solomon Islands Police Field Force, ture in campaigns for the 1997 drew the country further into the Bou- election. It was ironic that in February gainville crisis. As Prime Minister the prime minister blamed the Forestry Mamaloni noted in July, the crisis has Division of the Ministry of Forest, resulted in the increasing militarization Environment and Conservation for of the Solomon Islands economy and what it had described as the present society (SS, 5 July 1996), imposing fur- untidy situation in the forestry ther strains on the country’s budget. industry (SS, 16 Feb 1996). There is an increasing acceptance political reviews • melanesia 493 within civilian society of the need for a (National, 10 Jan 1997). Sir Julius military, particularly in Western and later told reporters in Port Moresby Choiseul Provinces, which share the that “these talks have ensured that border with Bougainville. At the dip- recent strains in the relationship lomatic level, the government has caused by the crisis do not derail our requested assistance from the United friendly relationship” (National, 10 Nations to help find a solution for the Jan 1997). crisis. Former diplomat and Foreign Min- The Bougainville crisis continues to ister Francis Saemala was appointed as be an important agenda item affecting the government’s special envoy on the relations between the Solomon Islands Bougainville crisis on 2 June 1996. His and Papua New Guinea. When twelve terms of reference included “to pursue PNG soldiers were killed on Kangu a more determined effort for a con- Beach in South Bougainville in Septem- structive and cooperative approach to ber, Solomon Islanders were accused of resolving the crisis...and to seek to supplying the arms to the Bougainville establish a peace plan” (SN, June–July Revolutionary Army. Solomon 1996). However, by the end of the year Islander students in various Papua the Bougainville crisis was far from New Guinea institutions were repatri- being resolved, and the Solomon ated after some were allegedly threat- Islands perspective had not changed. ened. Most were later sent back to Perhaps the Mamaloni govern- Papua New Guinea after assurances ment’s most important domestic politi- that their security would be guaranteed cal landmark during the year was the by the PNG government, which had passing of the new Provincial Govern- expressed disappointment over the ment Bill 1996, which replaced the repatriation decision (SS, 11 Oct 1996). Provincial Government Act 1981. This Diplomatic relations deteriorated to was a long-standing issue that had first the point that officials in the two coun- been discussed in the 1980s but was tries refused to talk to each other. never passed by parliament because of Prime Minister Mamaloni, in particu- continual changes in government. This lar, refused to meet his PNG counter- time it went through parliament with- part, Sir Julius Chan. However, the out many difficulties. The new act situation improved in early 1997, allows for a restructuring of the pro- when Chan talked with Mamaloni in vincial government system with the Honiara on his way back from the objective of helping people participate state funeral of Marshall Islands Presi- more in the process of governance. dent Amata Kabua. The two countries Previously, the Solomon Islands had a agreed to establish joint border surveil- three-tier system of government, with lance that would allow PNG Defence central and provincial governments as Force personnel “to be based on bor- well as area councils. Each of the nine der posts in the Solomon Islands, provincial governments had an elected allowing them to police the movement assembly with a premier, an executive, of Bougainville rebels between Bou- and a speaker. This system was gainville Island and the Solomons” deemed expensive and not conducive 494 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 to popular decision-making. The new cerns (personal communication, July system replaces provincial govern- 1996). In Guadalcanal Province, poli- ments with provincial councils consist- tics were much more traumatic. ing of presidents of area assemblies, Throughout the first half of the year, the only local bodies to be elected by the province’s premier, Gideon Moses, the people. Consequently, there will be came under criticism for his general two, instead of three, elected tiers of handling of provincial affairs. A num- government. This, it was argued, ber of calls for him to resign came would improve people’s participation from within the provincial assembly in the decision-making process (sinp and from his executive. In late March a 1996). motion of no confidence was moved The bill was widely accepted within and passed. However, Moses refused parliament, but there were mixed reac- to step down, arguing that the provin- tions outside parliament. Initially, cial Speaker did not comply with the Malaita, Western, and Guadalcanal provincial standing order when he Provinces opposed the bill. Although accepted the notice for the motion of Malaita and Western Provinces later no confidence (SS, 29 March 1996). withdrew their opposition, Guadal- Moses challenged the validity of the canal Province argued that the imple- motion of no confidence in the High mentation of the bill was unconstitu- Court, which subsequently ruled in his tional and filed a case in the High favor. However, immediately after the Court. One of the major arguments is High Court decision, another motion that the inclusion of chiefs as unelected of no confidence was filed against him, members of the Area Assemblies is and in mid-April he was ousted from unconstitutional because the constitu- power. Moses was replaced by Siriako tion requires that leaders should be Usa as premier. In Western Province, chosen through universal suffrage. In Premier Thornley Hite took the Bou- late February 1997, the High Court gainville crisis as the most important ruled in favor of Guadalcanal Province issue, especially in view of the increas- and declared the 1996 Provincial Gov- ing number of Bougainvilleans coming ernment Act “null and void.” across the border to Gizo, the provin- Politics in the central government cial capital. In other provinces, finance were mirrored in the provincial gov- held center stage in political discus- ernments. In two provinces there were sions. changes in leadership, while in the As stated earlier, 1996 was marked others the same issues of finance, log- by early preparations for the 1997 ging, and the Bougainville crisis domi- election by individuals and political nated the political agenda. In Choiseul parties. In January, former Governor Province, which is adjacent to Bou- General Sir George Lepping publicly gainville, Premier Clement Kengava announced his intention to compete in was voted out in a motion of no confi- the general election. Immediately he dence. New Premier Jerold Simmy began organizing the Peoples Alliance Vazarabatu identified the spillover Party. In June the party held a three- effects of the Bougainville crisis and day national convention, after which logging as his most immediate con- Sir George was elected president, political reviews • melanesia 495 replacing Brown Saua who had died Christian Fellowship) merged to form earlier in the year (SS, 31 Jan 1996). a new National Party and elected Ale- Other political parties were also pre- bua as leader. The three parties that paring for the 1997 general election. In did not join the new National Party February, president and founder of the were the National Action Party of Christian Democratic Front Milton Solomon Islands led by Francis Sae- Talasasa announced that the party was mala, the Peoples Alliance Party led by working toward finalizing candidates Sir George Lepping, and the Labour to contest the 1997 general election Party led by Joses Tuhanuku (SS, 8 and planning a national convention in May 1996). June, when it would launch its mani- The formation of this new opposi- festo and announce its candidates. tion party caused an interesting twist Talasasa announced that the party in Solomon Islands politics when Fran- expected to field twenty candidates in cis Saemala, an arch rival of Mama- four provinces. If this eventuates, it loni, later in the year left the will be the first time the party has con- opposition and joined the government tested the elections since its formation as minister for planning and national in 1988 (SS, 9 Feb 1996). The forma- development. This followed one of tion of such a party reflects the impor- Mamaloni’s political stunts, when in tant role churches can play in the late August he fired four of his cabinet country’s politics. There is already a ministers, cut the number of ministries Christian Fellowship party in parlia- from nineteen to sixteen, and recruited ment, and it is likely churches will con- Saemala. The ministers fired included tinue to have significant influence on Abe (Finance), Orodani (Justice), politics and the state. Musuota (Posts and Telecommunica- Within the opposition, prepara- tions), and George Luilamo (Com- tions for the 1997 election were tem- merce). Orodani and Musuota were at porarily marred by political wrangling the time awaiting High Court trial for between the parties. In April, after charges of corruption, while Luilamo continuous political bickering between in 1995 had been charged with corrup- the parties, Sir Baddley Devesi resigned tion in relation to the Pavuvu logging as leader of the opposition. In May issue and acquitted. On the other former Prime Minister Ezekiel Alebua hand, Abe was in August interviewed was elected to replace him. Alebua’s in the controversial ABC Foreign Cor- first task was to call on Prime Minister respondent program on logging and Mamaloni to declare a state of emer- made remarks that apparently infuri- gency at the border with Papua New ated Prime Minister Mamaloni. Guinea and start dialogue with Prime Another important event, not only Minister Sir Julius Chan. Alebua also for the Solomon Islands, but for the lashed out against the government’s rest of independent Melanesia, was forestry policy and the management of Fiji’s decision to join the Melanesian the economy. But the most interesting Spearhead Group after four years as an development was when three of the six observer. Commenting on Fiji’s inclu- parties in the opposition (United Party, sion, the permanent secretary to the National Front for Progress, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Benjamin 496 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997

Newyear, stated that Fiji’s decision to affected by the furor over logging, par- join will strengthen the organization’s ticularly the cancellation of Australian base: “The benefits, especially in trade, funding for the Timber Control Unit, social and economic cooperation and which was established as part of a for- cultural exchange to each member of estry aid project. This was designed to the msg should only increase with indicate Australia’s displeasure with Fiji’s inclusion” (SS, 24 May 1996). the Solomon Islands government’s Other developments in the interna- unsustainable logging policy. However, tional arena for the Solomon Islands relations were beginning to improve by included the increasing interest of the last quarter of 1996. Foreign Min- Japan and the relationship with Aus- ister David Sitai visited Canberra in tralia. Japan, over the last few years, November and met his Australian has had an increasing involvement in counterpart, Alexander Downer. They terms of aid projects as well as closer discussed, among other things, the log- diplomatic relations. It became the ging issue. Sitai stated after the meet- largest single bilateral aid donor, fund- ing that there is now a better ing a number of important capital understanding between the two gov- projects such as the construction of the ernments (personal interview). country’s new international terminal, a The 1997 election promises to be fisheries depot and facilities for a new the most interesting to date for several Honiara market, improvements to the reasons. First, there will be three gen- Honiara water supply system, and the erations of Solomon Islanders partici- national fisheries project. The reasons pating: those who were adults at the for and implications of Japan’s increas- time of independence and participated ing interest in the Solomon Islands are in the first postindependence election interesting. Economically, the Solomon in 1979; those born before indepen- Islands has nothing much to offer in dence (and now in their late twenties) terms of trade, except for the fisheries who were not old enough to partici- resource, which is already dominated pate in the 1979 and 1982 elections; by the Japanese company, Taiyo and those born immediately after inde- Gyogyo. However, politically there is a pendence, who will be participating lot at stake for Japan, which is cur- for the first time. These three genera- rently trying to get support for its tions have diverse ideas, interests, and inclusion in the United Nations Secu- expectations that will provide innova- rity Council; the Solomon Islands vote tive campaign platforms and voting in the General Assembly could be cru- patterns, unlike previous elections, cial. Also, Japan is trying to win votes where the majority of voters and can- for its campaign against the worldwide didates belonged to the first two gener- ban on whaling, and in 1995 the ations. Many of the present Solomon Islands voted in favor of parliamentarians who climbed the pin- Japan. The Solomon Islands and other nacles of power and became prominent countries in the Southwest Pacific are during the colonial era are likely to be among Japan’s closest neighbors. challenged and replaced in 1997. Relations with Australia were According to a survey conducted by political reviews • melanesia 497 the Solomon Islands Development References Trust’s hundreds of village workers, most parliamentarians are unlikely to cbsi, Central Bank of Solomon Islands. 1996. Quarterly Review. Honiara. be returned in the coming election. “Of the 2,108 survey returns almost National. Port Moresby. two people out of every three voters Roughan, John. 1996. Solomon Citizen, 29 are choosing not to return their October. present parliamentarian if an election were held tomorrow” (Roughan SC, Solomon Citizen. Honiara. Weekly. 1996). sinp, Solomon Islands National Parliament. Second, issues such as the economy, 1995. Hansard Parliamentary Report. logging, corruption, leadership quali- June. Honiara. ties, and the Bougainville crisis will all ——— . feature prominently in the 1997 elec- . 1996 Provincial Government Bill 1996. Honiara. tion. These issues have become increas- ingly important in the last two years. SN, Solomon Nius. Honiara. Government The number of corruption cases monthly. uncovered in 1996 is also bound to SS, Solomon Star, Honiara. Twice weekly. have an impact on the election results. Furthermore, voters’ awareness of SV, Solomon Voice. Honiara. Twice weekly. their role and rights in the political process has undoubtedly improved since previous elections. Third, despite this increasing aware- Vanuatu ness, and the existence of political par- The year of living dangerously might ties, the personalities of candidates will aptly describe 1996 in Vanuatu. continue to have a huge influence on The short life-expectancy for the voter choice. In a society with deeply newly elected Vohor-Lini govern- rooted patronage-based electoral and ment, forecast in this review at the coalition politics it will be a long time close of 1995, was quickly fulfilled and before parties become an important ushered in a year in which the institu- variable in determining election out- tions of the state were continuously comes. Patronage-based politics have assaulted and their integrity danger- intensified in recent years as a result of ously threatened. The parliament, the candidates’ access to substantial government, the judiciary, the police amounts of money that could be used and mobile force, and the Office of the for campaigning. This is particularly so Ombudsman were all at various times for current members of parliament, under attack and in peril. At year’s who have personal control of project end, much as in a bad year for funds worth si$200,000 each year cyclones, the country had survived the through the Constituency Develop- storms and an apparent calm pre- ment Fund. vailed, but the trail of destruction left Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka in its wake was observable everywhere. It remains to be seen how well the 498 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 exotic species of Westminster-style par- dence, signed by a majority of the liamentary government recovers from members of parliament, had been the havoc. lodged requesting an extraordinary On 4 January 1996, newly elected session to debate it. Andeng and six Prime Minister Serge Vohor married ump members of parliament had and on the tenth departed the country joined the 20-member Unity Front (uf) to attend the funeral of the late Presi- opposition in Vanuatu’s 50-seat parlia- dent of France François Mitterrand, ment to upset the new government. leaving the government in the hands of Vohor responded by accusing Carlot- his coalition partner and deputy, Korman of fomenting the move against Father Walter Lini. Lini’s pre-election him. Father Lini, foreseeing the need to remark that “in politics there is no for- have a competent justice to hear con- giveness” was rapidly given practical stitutional cases, and in spite of his expression in the replacement by party earlier remarks, proceeded to extend faithful of the directors of Civil Avia- the contract of the chief justice for two tion, Public Works, Health, and the years. On 7 February, Vohor sought Cultural Centre; the suspension of the an order to prevent the parliament heads of the Police Special Branch and from sitting the following day, and the National Tourism Office; and when denied by the Supreme Court, public acknowledgment that the con- stunned his collegues and the nation by tract of Chief Justice d’Imecourt, due announcing that he was resigning from to expire in March, would not be the prime ministership with immediate renewed. Lini’s failure to spare Union effect. At 10 o’clock next morning of Moderate Parties (ump) followers President Leye Lenelcau signed a from his purge of public servants in decree dissolving the parliament, an portfolios under his control soon led to act that helped to explain Vohor’s complaints that the government sudden resignation. At noon, Radio seemed to be a National United Party Vanuatu announced that contrary to (nup)–ump coalition, not the other any reports, the president had not dis- way round. That discontent early solved parliament. To add to the con- became a stalking-horse for former fusion, later that night Radio Vanuatu Prime Minister Carlot-Korman’s ambi- broadcast a prerecorded interview tion to supplant his own party leader with the president in which he dis- in the top job. Carlot-Korman was not cussed the reasons that had led him to reconciled to his loss of the prime min- issue the decree. Both local newspapers istership, and Amos Andeng, ump next day reported parliament’s dissolu- member for Ambrym, while less driven tion. The attorney-general obtained a by personal ambition, was not recon- court order restraining publication of ciled to his party’s failure to win gov- any such statement. ernment in its own right—a failure he In the interval before Carlot- blamed on Vohor and his faction in the Korman was elected prime minister on party. 23 February, an extraordinary On 31 January the Speaker’s office sequence of events took place: Lini, announced that a motion of no confi- angered by the court’s failure to pre- political reviews • melanesia 499 vent parliament from sitting, set up a ity into the previous cohesion of the commission of inquiry into the former Unity Front, and even into the prime minister, and the chief justice Vanua‘aku Party (vp) itself. There, dis- patently intended to dismiss him for satisfaction among backbenchers with gross misconduct; Vohor purported to the allocation of ministerial portfolios, revoke his resignation and resume which was seen as favoring the four office, and Lini, in his last hours as smaller parties in the coalition, rankled minister for justice, acted to suspend to the point of some party members or dismiss the commissioner of police, talking of crossing the floor to join in the chief justice, the attorney-general, another vote of no confidence. the clerk and deputy clerk of the par- In April, parliament passed the liament, and was considering action to 1996 budget almost six months late remove the president! His actions were and considered two reports by the all beyond his legal authority and, ombudsman, one identifying serious taken together, seem calculated to have problems in public administration aris- effected a coup d’état by administra- ing from lack of guidance on correct tive means. procedures or the failure to observe On 23 February, the floor of the them where they did exist, and the House itself became a battleground, other castigating the failures of past where the police were first asked to governments to enact the constitution’s persuade the acting Speaker to vacate stipulations on multilingualism. They the chair for the conduct of the session, launched what was to become a volley and later forcibly to remove from the of damaging broadsides against the chamber Vanuatu’s only woman mem- government and ministers as the year ber of parliament, Hilda Lini. Follow- progressed and more and more abuse ing the defeat of the Vohor government of public office occurred. and the swearing-in of Carlot-Korman The rift in the Union of Moderate and his ministry, the day’s proceedings Parties widened further in May when were immediately challenged in court. Vohor’s faction boycotted a national On 1 March, the chief justice, in con- party congress convened by Carlot- firming the validity of the appointment Korman, which then elected him presi- of the new prime minister and dismiss- dent. The party now found itself with ing all the several grounds for Vohor two national executives. Proliferation or Lini’s application, observed: “The of parties continued as a former high- facts...show...that every officer of profile ump woman activist, Maria the Government or Parliament was Kalsakau, founded her own “Liberal doing his utmost to ensure that the due Party.” For the first time since indepen- process of Parliamentary democracy dence, two ni-Vanuatu, Kalkot Matas should operate within the Constitution Kelekele and Vincent Lunabeck, were and the rule of law.” appointed justices of the Supreme However, a change in government Court. did not bring greater stability or better Vanuatu’s Finance Minister Barak governance; on the contrary, it served Sope, the mercurial leader of the to introduce new elements of instabil- Melanesian Progressive Party (mpp), 500 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 also began to exert his muscle in May zenship) of interference in Vanuatu’s and backed some “adventurous” internal affairs, and, following the development proposals, including a recovery of the documents in London geothermal power plant, a cement fac- by the British police, claimed that his tory, a mine and tourist complex, the government’s actions had rectified the sale of investor passports, and the issue situation. Unable to discipline Sope, on of a license to the “Dragon Bank” whose continued support in parlia- despite doubts about its record in ment his government depended, Carlot- Indonesia. Far and away his most Korman hit out at others and threat- imaginative initiative was the issue of ened to withhold the salaries of staff at ten us$10 million bank guarantees to Radio Vanuatu if a news item on the be traded on international financial ombudsman’s report was not with- markets by an Australian, Peter Swan- drawn. As soon as Swanson returned son, and some US business associates. to Vanuatu from overseas he was The guarantees issued by the Reserve arrested and remanded in custody with- Bank of Vanuatu were signed by the out bail by the Magistrate’s Court. On prime minister, the finance minister, appeal, the chief justice agreed to grant the governor of the Reserve Bank, and bail, but on impossible terms—the re- the first secretary of the Finance Minis- turn of the ten bank guarantees, a try. Their total value was more than surety of 10 million vatu, and the sur- twice the value of Vanuatu’s national render of all his travel documents, in- reserves and promised a risk-free profit cluding a Vanuatu diplomatic passport. from short-term interest of us$250 At the beginning of August, under million in two years. increasing pressure from the publicity The ombudsman completed an flowing from the ombudsman’s report urgent investigation into the bank and from other members of his own “scam” in early June and sent copies of government, Carlot-Korman finally her draft report to the prime minister, reshuffled his cabinet, moving Sope the foreign minister, and the deputy from Finance to Trade, Commerce and prime minister as required prior to Industry; his mpp colleague Edgell public release. At the beginning of July, from Lands; and Ravutia of the Fren in the absence of any response from Melanesie Party (fmp) from Tourism the government, the ombudsman pub- and Communications in order “to licly released her report, in which she inject fresh blood” into the develop- recommended that the president repri- ment effort. Sope’s reaction was to mand the prime minister and that the enter immediately into negotiations prime minister dismiss Sope, the gov- with the opposition. Given cause, the ernor of the Reserve Bank, and the prime minister dismissed him from the minister’s first secretary for their ministry entirely on 12 August. He involvement in the matter. Carlot-Kor- also dismissed Sope’s associates Edgell man, infuriated by the report’s publica- and Tan Union (tu) members Boule- tion, repudiated it as inaccurate and kone and Ravutia, who had formed a irrelevant, accused the ombudsman as new political grouping, the mtf (m for a “foreigner” (despite her Vanuatu citi- Melanesian Progressive Party, t for political reviews • melanesia 501

Tan Union, and f for Fren Melanesie), Faced with irresistible numbers for negotiating with the opposition. against him, Carlot-Korman brokered The sacked ministers all put it about a reconciliation with Vohor and pub- publicly that they had resigned before lished the points of their agreement in being pushed, and the Vanua‘aku Party a joint memorandum of understanding acquired an additional ministry in the on 19 September, under which the reshuffle. decisions of the rival party congresses Thus strengthened, the opposition were declared null and void, the court parties requested an extraordinary ses- case over the competing claims to the sion of parliament on 20 August, but name Union of Moderate Parties was the Speaker denied it on a technicality. withdrawn, and a Vohor adherent was Facing defeat in parliament, Carlot- appointed minister for Land and Natu- Korman threatened to prosecute his ral Resources. Three days later Carlot- erstwhile ministers for “treason” in Korman denounced Vohor for lying treating with the opposition to over- and abandoned the agreement. Vohor throw the democratically elected gov- immediately signed an agreement with ernment, a folly so extreme it is the opposition parties, under which he explicable only as a Napoleonic delu- would again become prime minister. sion of Carlot-Korman’s that “l’état Parliament, failing of a quorum for its c’est moi.” The attorney-general sitting on 25 September, reconvened advised that charges of sedition could on the thirtieth for only as long as it be expected to be prosecuted success- took the Speaker to close it on an fully. The Speaker, now embroiled in alleged procedural irregularity. Back in the machinations of the prime minister court again for urgent redress, Justice to retain power at all cost, announced Lunabeck ordered parliament to sit at that the sitting already scheduled for 7:30 the same night and stated that the 26 August would be deferred until 30 Speaker should be tried for contempt September. The opposition, whose of court. The opposition’s vote of no ensuing petition for an extraordinary confidence in Carlot-Korman was car- session was again rejected by the ried, and Vohor was elected prime Speaker, applied to the Supreme Court minister. Barak Sope, for whose blood for an order, and on 2 September the they had so recently bayed while in court held the Speaker’s ruling uncon- opposition, was installed as deputy stitutional and ordered the parliament prime minister. It took Vohor two to sit in seven days. The government, weeks to complete his ministry, mostly deeming the court’s order an infringe- because Willie Jimmy, who had ment by the judiciary of the constitu- become leader of the opposition after tional principle of the separation of the change of government in February, powers, took the matter to the Court had pretensions to the position of of Appeal, which comprised two prime minister. Disappointed in those judges from New Zealand and one hopes, he threatened to bring down the from Britain. On 16 September the government and stood out, resisting appeal was dismissed and parliament ultimate appointment as minister for ordered to sit on 25 September. Foreign Affairs and Immigration. 502 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997

Back in office and finding himself rienced ministers from the Vanua‘aku acting prime minister in Vohor’s Party. Vohor now enjoyed a large par- absence, Sope immediately moved to liamentary majority and was relatively resuscitate the bank guarantee scheme, free from the perpetual threat of no- which he persisted in claiming was a confidence motions that had preoccu- good deal for Vanuatu. In the name of pied politicians and paralyzed all gov- the Vanuatu government he demanded ernment programs continuously since that the ten documents being held by the general elections in late 1995. It British government authorities be also produced, for the first time since returned. Fortunately, the British 1991, a two-thirds anglophone major- authorities managed to stall on techni- ity in the twelve-member Council of cal legal grounds. Meantime the Ministers. ombudsman released yet another In October the government was report condemning Sope for alleged again in the Supreme Court seeking to breaches of the leadership code, ille- set aside a decision of Carlot-Korman’s gally signing a $250,000 guarantee in government to dissolve all six provin- his previous term as finance minister, cial councils, for electoral irregularities and pressuring the National Provident in some and gross maladministration Fund into a major investment in a sys- in others, and to conduct fresh elec- tem of electronic banking known as tions on the twenty-ninth under a new Cybank. In response to the report’s electoral system thought to disadvan- publication in October, Sope asserted tage smaller parties. It failed in court, there was a conspiracy involving Aus- and elections were held on 4 Novem- tralia to prevent Vanuatu gaining real ber. They were notable only because financial independence and, in a mem- support for the National United Party orable utterance, declared that “the fell, and the new Liberal Party of fact that the Ombudsman can investi- Maria Kalsakau won its first seat in an gate a Minister is detrimental to the election. operation of a democracy.” Lini’s animus toward the chief On 19 October, in what could prove justice was of long standing, and in to be a move of profound significance October he completed what he had for the future of stable government in failed to do in February by canceling Vanuatu, the leaders of the two major his contract. D’Imecourt, however, anglophone parties, Father Lini and remained a judge because procedurally Donald Kalpokas, conducted a formal only the president, acting on the rec- custom reconciliation, apparently ommendation of the Judicial Services mending the rift that occurred in 1991 Commission, could dismiss a judge. and brought more than a decade of Frustrated by the law’s delay, the anglophone dominance of Vanuatu police were instructed to deport him politics to an end. On 25 October, in a with only two hours’ notice. The judge surprise move that must have flowed managed to obtain an injunction from the vp-nup reconciliation, Vohor restraining their action but remained in sacked Sope and his mtf colleagues a state of siege while prosecution and and replaced them with able and expe- plaintiff’s counsel struggled daily over political reviews • melanesia 503 its execution. Agreement was ulti- response, they declared they would mately reached that the chief justice “stand down” from duty and refuse to and his family would leave Vanuatu obey the orders of their commanding and stay in Noumea pending a hearing officers. Frustrated by continued fail- of his claim of wrongful dismissal at ure to redress their grievances, they the end of November. The Vanuatu decided to take the law into their own government would in the interim con- hands. In an act of rebellion on 12 tinue to pay his salary, his accommo- October, an armed detachment dation costs and per diem in Noumea, abducted the president from his bed, and would guarantee his return travel dragooned a Vanair pilot from his and entry to the country at the time of sleep, commandeered a domestic air- his lawsuit. craft, and before dawn took off for While politicians thus played power Malekula and a surprise early audience games and tied up the Supreme Court with the acting prime minister. Sope with adjudicating the constitutionality and Member of Parliament for Male- of their dubious stratagems and ruses, kula Sato Kilman, rather less roughly a far more dangerous threat to the constrained than the other two, agreed exercise of democratic government to return to Port Vila with them on the was fermenting in the Vanuatu Mobile plane and to call a meeting of the Force, the paramilitary wing of the Council of Ministers. At the same time police force. the stand-down group detained their In August, members of the Vanuatu commanding officers under armed Mobile Force held a meeting to discuss guard at Cook Barracks and forcibly a rankling grievance over the nonpay- abducted the police commissioner, ment of allowances going back over a their supreme commander. Later in the number of years. At the time Hilda afternoon, at a meeting in Indepen- Lini referred publicly to rumors of a dence Park, Sope announced the estab- planned coup d’état that at the time lishment of a commission of inquiry to seemed no more than a rhetorical investigate their claims and stated that trope in the midst of the government’s no action would be taken against any ever more desperate efforts to avoid member of the stand-down group. The defeat in a vote of no confidence. The Vanuatu Mobile Force’s actions and rumor was quickly denied by the com- their impunity from reprisals embold- missioner of police, but stung the ened them to reject nominations for prime minister’s office into ordering acting commanders to replace those the sacking of the three Radio Vanuatu they had already driven from the bar- journalists responsible for the story. racks, and created growing uneasiness In September, 107 members of the and tension among people in the capi- Vanuatu Mobile Force wrote to the tal at the veto power over government minister for Home Affairs demanding the military now seemed to enjoy. payment of their outstanding allow- As a result of unrelated develop- ances, a demand that was rejected by ments, Vohor, on 7 November, com- the minister as an internal budgetary plying with a decision of the nup problem for the force to resolve. In congress, replaced Hilda Lini as minis- 504 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 ter of justice by her brother Father weeks afterward she announced the Lini, to whom Vohor delegated formation of a new “movement” the responsibility for resolving the crisis Tuvanuatu Movement, which she said with the Vanuatu Mobile Force. The was not a political party but a grass- same day the vmf stand-down group, roots movement based on traditional impatient with the failure of the com- economic and political systems to mission of inquiry to report to them by restore power to the chiefs. the end of the previous month, invaded In December, parliament sat in ordi- the Department of Finance and nary session and passed the 1997 roughly abducted an expatriate Aus- budget, which revealed a deficit in gov- tralian accountant, David Schupp, to ernment outlays in 1996 equal to Cook Barracks to explain the delay. almost 10 percent of the recurrent This assault on a civilian—moreover, a budget—a shortfall attributed to mas- foreign national —was seen as a seri- sive import duty exemptions granted ous escalation in their violence. by the former finance minister and to On 12 November, in a bold, coura- overspending on public sector salaries, geous, brilliantly planned and executed which had increased by 30 percent move, Lini surprised and arrested 150 since 1994. Budget priorities were members of the Vanuatu Mobile Force focused on health and education and with a small tactical force of police for savings to be found through down- commanded by Peter Bong, the former sizing public service numbers and head of the Criminal Investigation improving service delivery. Regretta- Department who had been forced into bly, the bill to enact the Leadership early retirement earlier in the year. All Code was withdrawn for unspecified but about thirty of those arrested were reasons, but most probably because of released within twenty-four hours, but provisions for it to be retrospective to those detained were denied bail to face the time of independence. charges of kidnapping. They included Moves were also reportedly afoot to Corporal Kilman, the most prominent mend the rift in the Union of Moderate negotiator for the stand-down group, Parties, and Carlot-Korman was and his elder brother Sato Kilman, MP, reported to have accepted that Vohor a former commanding officer of the would remain prime minister. These Vanuatu Mobile Force and police com- reports will again unsettle the coali- missioner. Sato Kilman was eventually tion, because, if effected, Vohor would granted bail, and the others enjoyed need to drop nup or vp ministers to only a day or two of liberty at Christ- make way for his party colleagues. mas–New Year before returning to the Rumors around Port Vila spoke of the lock-up to await trial in late January. National United Party losing out. But Before year’s end, Hilda Lini’s the recent reconciliation between Lini loyalty to her brother finally failed, and Kalpokas may well militate and she resigned from the National against easy rearrangement among United Party, deploring the failure of partners now accustomed to betrayal. all the major political parties to deliver At year’s end, although the country development to the people. A few had survived a succession of political political reviews • melanesia 505 dramas, two coup attempts, and the veto over all actions affecting their sacking of the chief justice, the interests of which they did not Supreme Court had three major cases approve; and it had removed a contro- before it, all heavily weighted with versial judge who had himself become political significance—the prosecution a factor in local politicking in ways of Peter Swanson for his involvement inimical to continued respect for the in the bank guarantee scheme; the independence and impartiality of the prosecution of the mutinous members bench. The year 1997 promises more of the Vanuatu Mobile Force, behind “interesting times” in Vanuatu. which lurks the shadow of a possible David Ambrose coup attempt involving other nonmili- tary figures; and the appeal by the former chief justice against wrongful References dismissal. On the positive side of the Pacific Report. Canberra. Fortnightly balance sheet, the government enjoyed newsletter. a current majority in parliament large enough to enable the implementation Radio Australia. of policy and programs for the first Radio Vanuatu. time in twelve months; it had quelled Trading Post. Port Vila. Weekly. an insurrection in its armed force, which for several months had held a Vanuatu Weekly. Port Vila.