Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 1996

For the first time, a review of Irian the Labour Party. It was expected Jaya is included in this issue. that these would continue in the lead- up to the handing over of the Constitu- tion Review Commission report. But overshadowing the national consensus Fiji talks was the government’s handling of In his new year address to the nation, the highly charged land issue. Agricul- Prime Minister urged tural leases are due to expire in 1997, the people of Fiji to make 1996 the under the Agricultural Landlord and year of “national consensus.” It was Tenants Act (alta). In February, leader perhaps an appropriate refrain, given of the House of Representatives and the expected challenges that lay ahead. government backbencher Koresi Mata- Uppermost in the prime minister’s tolu announced that his newly formed mind was dealing with the findings of Fijian Canegrowers Association would the Constitution Review Commission. campaign for the nonrenewal of cane Its report was due to be handed to leases for Indian farmers. He also President Sir claimed that Fijian cane farmers (who sometime in the middle of the year. But currently make up about 25 percent of if 1996 was remarkable for one thing, the farmers) would “take over the it was the prime minister’s ability to sugar industry by the year 2000.” confuse and confound political foes What incensed the Indian opposition and allies alike. In a year marked by was the government’s (and Rabuka’s) economic gloom and political uncer- silence in the wake of these claims and tainty, the prime minister’s quest for their failure to censure Matatolu. “national consensus” seemed to raise Instead there was a general plea from more questions than it answered. How the deputy prime minister for “greater serious and genuine was Sitiveni sensitivity” on all sides. Rabuka? More important, was he By March “Fijian unity” seemed to capable of forging national consensus have replaced “national consensus” as in Fiji, providing the strong and the government’s first priority. The enlightened leadership so desperately leader, Jose- needed? fata Kamikamica, failed yet again in The national consensus initiative his bid to win the Tailevu seat in the got off to a rocky start in February, House of Representatives, his third when the ruling party, the Soqosoqo ni loss since the general elections in 1994 Vakavulewa ni Taukei (svt), held and the second in a by-election. He “National Consensus Talks” with the lost to the svt candidate, Ratu Manasa two Indian opposition parties, the Seniloli. Immediately after the by-elec- National (nfp) and tion, Rabuka offered the Fijian Associ-

458 political reviews • melanesia 459 ation Party (fap) a possible coalition media, there was no consensus on the partnership with the Soqosoqo ni prime minister’s position on the issue. Vakavulewa ni Taukei. The offer was As one observer noted, “No one can made through President Ratu Sir recollect whether Rabuka had actually Kamisese Mara. It was suggested by mentioned a government of national Rabuka that Kamikamica could be unity in any definitive form” (Review, given a seat in cabinet through May 1996, 20). appointment to the Senate. Observers The prospects for a marriage speculated that Rabuka’s invitation to between the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa the Fijian Association Party, which ni Taukei and the Fijian Association caught everyone—not least Kami- Party seemed to be killed by the death kamica—by surprise, was motivated of Ratu Manasa Seniloli, the newly by Rabuka’s need for Kamikamica’s elected representative for Tailevu. help in managing the nation’s eco- Known to be terminally ill at the time nomic problems. It was also suggested of the election, his death only weeks that Kamikamica’s entry to the cabinet into his term unexpectedly forced the might have a “calming effect” on the issue of whether or not to field a joint Indian opposition, insofar as he was svt-fap candidate. Rabuka had regarded as a moderate on constitu- mooted the idea in the media the tional issues. But there was also the previous month, suggesting that possibility that this was part of a ploy Kamikamica could be nominated by Rabuka to exert control and lever- unopposed for the seat in any future age over the svt caucus—a way to by-election. In May, talks led by svt ensure cooperation and unity within powerbroker Inoke Kubuabola were caucus when dealing with issues like held with the Fijian Association Party the Agricultural Landlord and Tenants on the issue of a joint candidate. But Act and the constitution. Rabuka was reportedly against the Whatever the intention, the initia- idea, stating that he did not need the tive failed to materialize and the coali- Fijian Association Party. Both parties tion talks broke down after barely subsequently fielded separate candi- beginning. In April, Rabuka accused dates. the Fijian Association Party of setting The Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni conditions, including the requirement Taukei nominated former Commis- that Kamikamica be the coalition sioner Western Lagisoa Delana, while leader. It was later found that Rabuka the Fijian Association Party decided to had based his claims on inaccurate try a new tack and nominated Bau media reports and no such condition high chief Ratu Epenisa Cakobau had been made. Rabuka also stated instead of Kamikamica. The Fijian that talks with the opposition leader, Association Party hoped that the Jai Ram Reddy, were going well, Cakobau name would carry enough removing the need for a coalition with weight to swing the votes in their the Fijian Association Party. But while favor. This was not to be, and the the idea of a government of national Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei unity was being bandied around in the once again scored a victory in the by- 460 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 election held in June. Reflecting the and discipline within his ranks. In divisions in the chiefly establishment, May, the volatile and unpredictable the svt candidate had been strongly backbencher (and Rabuka’s uncle), supported by the two powerful sisters Militoni Leweniqila, publicly threat- of the Fijian Association Party’s candi- ened to bring down the Rabuka gov- date, Adi Litia Cakobau and Adi ernment. He had made similar threats Samanunu Talakuli. in previous years. Although the out- While the two Fijian parties failed burst was quickly quelled, and a public to resolve their differences, there were and tearful apology made by Lewe- signs of greater cooperation between niqila was accepted, the incident the Fijian Association Party and other appeared to be the catalyst for a cabi- political parties. The Fijian Association net reshuffle. Rabuka announced the Party invited nfp leader Jai Ram new cabinet line-up in June, the ninth Reddy to address a fundraising dinner in four years. It was widely regarded as in May, and there was agreement creating Rabuka’s best cabinet to date, between the National Federation Party, with the inclusion of several highly the Fijian Association Party, the Fiji competent ministers. Also included Labour Party, and the General Electors were some well-known and outspoken Party to field joint candidates in the critics of the prime minister, Leweni- up-coming municipal elections, under qila among them. But if Rabuka had the banner of a new Ratepayers’ Asso- sought to strengthen party unity with ciation. his new cabinet line-up, the manner in The Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni which the reshuffle was announced Taukei, meanwhile, indicated that it seemed highly provocative. None of might be prepared to change the racial the cabinet ministers dropped by exclusivity of its party. In May a com- Rabuka were personally informed of mittee reviewing its constitution sug- their removal, and Rabuka flew out of gested that the party be opened up to the country just hours after finalizing other races. This was interpreted as a the reshuffle. For those former minis- revival of the “three-legged stool” con- ters, justifiably dismayed at their cept of the old of Ratu demotions, this treatment would have Mara, which was a combination of the caused some disquiet and resentment. Fijian Association, the Indian Alliance, The country awaited the release of and the General Electors Association. the Constitution Review Commission Some observers believed the proposal report with some trepidation. The was an attempt to instill credibility in Indian opposition parties attempted to the government, while others saw it as sound hopeful and optimistic, but this a sign that the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- was a difficult task given the anti- vulewa ni Taukei recognized it could Indian tone of the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- not solve the nation’s problems with- vulewa ni Taukei’s own submission to out the participation of all races. the commission in October 1995. That Rabuka’s thoughts on this issue submission had rejected the need for were not made public, but he was any change to the 1990 constitution. clearly troubled by problems of unity According to Jai Ram Reddy, “We take political reviews • melanesia 461 it one step at a time. I have put my dling of numerous allegations, and good faith in the decency and good actual cases, of mismanagement, cor- faith of all races and I am working on ruption, and abuse of office. The that premise. If at the end of the road Native Lands Trust Board itself that does not work out, then we will became the focus of a police investiga- look at other options” (Review, May tion after a former assistant auditor 1996, 19). alleged misuse of a total of f$200 mil- The issue of land and the review of lion by the board. There was no way the alta legislation highlighted the of immediately verifying the allegation, problem of forging national consensus. as nltb accounts had not been audited In a poignant reminder of how deep since 1989. Other targets of inquiry the racial gulf remained, Indian were the Housing Authority and the farmers reported their inability to dis- Fiji Public Service Credit Union. In the cuss the future of their land leases with latter case it was revealed that office Fijian landowners. One farmer from bearers had taken out loans far in Sabeto admitted he had not held any excess of the value of their shares. But talks with his landowners on the it was the National Bank of Fiji, renewal of his lease, fearful that doing declared “technically insolvent” in so would cause bad feeling. “What if 1995, that created the most political they ask for money to renew? How do and economic waves. In March it was I react?” (Review, June 1996, 53). revealed by the new management that Confusion and uncertainty prevailed the problem of bad loans, previously on both sides, especially on the issue of thought to be f$120 million, actually whether the renewal of leases was stood at f$220 million. It was esti- something to be decided between the mated that up to f$160 million would tenants and the landowners, or by the have to be written off. As a way of Native Lands Trust Board (nltb, the managing this, the bank would be official landlord). There were numer- restructured into a good bank (a per- ous cases of landowners demanding sonal bank) and a bad bank (an asset premium payments for the renewal of management bank), which would serve leases, contrary to board policy. Many as a specialized recovery unit. A gov- farmers preferred to comply with these ernment bond would be issued to buy demands, rather than risk antagoniz- the problem loans and transfer them to ing the landowners. There was criti- the bad bank. It would also be neces- cism of the government’s failure to sary, as part of cost-cutting efforts, to clarify the future of land leases and to implement staff redundancies. assuage the fears of Indian tenants. A What infuriated the public, the survey being carried out by the Native unions, and the opposition parties was Lands Trust Board on the amount of the government’s refusal to take action land to revert to landowners was not against those in positions of authority, expected to be completed until the end who were ultimately responsible for of the year. what has emerged as the biggest finan- Also testing the government’s will to cial disaster in Fiji’s history. They build national consensus was its han- included former Finance Minister (and 462 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 current Home Affairs Minister) Paul Reddy in August to not pursue his Manueli. Instead the bank’s employees motion of no confidence in Manueli looked set to pay the price for the folly over his role in the bank scandal. and greed of their superiors. About Ostensibly this was because the prime 340 workers were to be made redun- minister would be overseas at the time. dant. In July, as parliament began But it was apparent that Reddy’s (and debating the National Bank of Fiji Rabuka’s) main concern was not to restructuring bill, bank workers went sour relations in parliament as it pre- on strike in protest against the size of pared to receive the commission’s the redundancy package offered by report, and not to undermine unity in management. It became one of the Rabuka’s cabinet. The other sign of longest running strikes in recent years. political consensus was far more self- After two weeks, a compromise pack- serving. Government and opposition age of f$7.8 million was agreed to, but parties in parliament voted over- not before Prime Minister Rabuka pro- whelmingly in favor of a pay raise for voked public outrage by suggesting parliamentarians, which had been that civil servants should perhaps take recommended by the Parliamentary a 2.5 percent pay cut to help keep the Emoluments and Benefits Committee, bank workers on board. This went chaired by prominent businessman down like the proverbial lead balloon Lionel Yee. The pay increase would with the Fiji Public Servants Associa- cost an estimated f$700,000, with tion, which had a 3.5 percent pay raise remuneration for cabinet ministers and pending. the opposition leader increasing by 44 In parliament, both the National percent. Federation Party and the Fiji Labour There was no dissent in parliament Party sought to capitalize on the public on the recommendations, although anger over the National Bank scandal. outside parliament the move caused Jai Ram Reddy planned to move a widespread consternation, if not con- motion of no confidence in Paul tempt. Some union leaders vowed to Manueli. This was deferred until the follow the parliamentarians’ example September session. Labour leader and push for their workers to receive Mahendra Chaudhary called for the comparable pay increases. Then, in an resignation of the governor of the embarrassing about-face, Rabuka Reserve Bank of Fiji. Most observers ordered that the raise be put on hold. remained skeptical that police investi- It had been brought to his attention gations into cases of fraud at the that increases in field allowances for National Bank would lead to success- soldiers serving in peacekeeping opera- ful prosecutions. tions, approved in 1993, had so far not As the Constitution Review Com- been implemented because the govern- mission neared the completion of its ment could not afford the increase. But report, there seemed to emerge a there were questions about the “legal- renewed spirit of consensus, at least ity” of Rabuka’s actions in stopping among the main political parties. This legislation that had been agreed to by was evident with the decision taken by parliament, and the cabinet later ruled political reviews • melanesia 463 that the raise for parliamentarians confident and secure in the land of should go ahead. their birth. The report, titled Fiji: September saw the long-awaited Towards a United Future, had at its release of the Constitution Review core the position that all races must be Commission report. The three com- able to share in the government of the missioners, Chairman Sir Paul Reeves, country, and this required the emer- Dr Brij Lal, and Mr Tomasi Vakatora, gence of multiethnic parties or coali- handed their 699-page unanimous tions, which was not possible under report to the president on 6 September. the present communal electoral sys- The day before the report was tabled tem. In order to promote multiethnic in parliament its contents were leaked power sharing, the commission recom- to the Fiji Post newspaper. This was mended the introduction of a common the first indication that the commission roll system for 45 seats in the 70-seat had recommended far-reaching House of Representatives. The remain- changes to Fiji’s constitution. Full der should be communal (at least for details were not available until after the time being) and be allocated the tabling of the report on 10 Septem- according to population as follows: 12 ber at a joint sitting of parliament that Fijian seats, 10 Indian seats, 2 general was addressed by the president, the electors’ seats, and 1 Rotuman seat. prime minister, and the leader of the While the Upper House would not be opposition and witnessed by an based on ethnicity, the provinces impressive gathering of business lead- would form the bases of the constitu- ers, public servants, senior diplomats, encies, with two candidates elected the media, and academics. Later that from each province. This system would day the government hosted a gala probably favor . party on the grounds of parliament, to On the question of Fijian para- celebrate the release of the report and mountcy, the Constitution Review perhaps demonstrate its goodwill and Commission’s position was that while commitment to the review process, Fijian interests needed to be given spe- whatever the contents of the report cial protection, this should not be might be. But not everybody was in a through relegating other races to a celebratory mood that day. lesser status. “We find no basis on While many had expected, and per- which the paramountcy of Fijian inter- haps hoped, that the three commis- ests or Fijian political paramountcy sioners would agree to recommend a can be elevated into a right,” the com- move away from the overwhelmingly missioners declared. Thus, apart from communal nature of the country’s elec- the position of president, no positions toral system and the racial biases or proportions of public offices should inherent in the 1990 constitution, no be reserved for people of a particular one fully anticipated the breadth of race. The approach they recommended change that was being proposed. The was “entrenchment” in the constitu- commission had boldly defined a new tion of provisions concerning Fijian vision for Fiji, one that aimed to interests relating to land, natural ensure that all racial groups could feel resources, chiefly titles, customary law, 464 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 and dispute settlement. Under the cur- mise Fijian interests. Rabuka’s rent system, policy over such areas response to this was unequivocal: “As may be subject to amendment or Prime Minister I wish to ensure the appeal by act of parliament. Entrench- success of consensus building within ment was also recommended for the the committee. I need to be there” (FT, role and powers of the Bose Levu Vaka 24 Sept 1996, 1). Turaga (the ). Fijian politicians from other politi- Among other things, the commission cal parties, including the Fijian Associ- recommended that the Great Council ation Party, the Vanua Independent of Chiefs be given direct power to veto Party, and the legislation that might affect Fijian of Sakeasi Butadroka, found common interests. In general the commission cause with the svt hardliners in oppos- elevated the Great Council of Chiefs to ing the Constitution Review Commis- a position of political power not cur- sion’s recommendations. The prime rently enjoyed under the present con- minister was condemned for forsaking stitution. This was seen as providing the cause of the 1987 coup. This greater protection for Fijian interests forced Rabuka to issue an ultimatum than the current system provided. to government ministers who were Sensing the need for calm, both the speaking against the report: those who president and the prime minister preferred the path of the Fijian Nation- sought to allay Fijian fears that what alist Party and others advocating civil was being recommended would harm unrest should resign. None did. their interests. Addressing the joint sit- The other main challenge came ting of parliament, Rabuka said, “The from the provincial councils. Rabuka’s country needs a constitution that gave own province of Cakaudrove voted to all citizens a feeling that this is their reject the report “because it did not home” (IB, Oct 1996, 37). He also protect Fijian rights.” This meeting mentioned the need to meet interna- had been chaired by svt hardliner and tional obligations and to restore local Deputy Prime Minister Ratu Inoke and foreign business confidence. But it Kubuabola. While some provinces was clear that building consensus voted as Cakaudrove did, others around this report would not be an decided to wait for the recommenda- easy task. The immediate challenge tions of special council committees, came from within Rabuka’s own party, which would study the report and pro- when a number of prominent svt par- vide a more informed opinion to the liamentarians and cabinet ministers provincial councils. This approach was voiced their strong disapproval of the adopted by Lau, but only after strong report “because the crc has totally pressure from President Ratu Mara rejected and disregarded the party’s and Lauan Senator . Ratu submission.” It was even suggested by Mara reportedly warned delegates to some that Rabuka should not chair the the Lau Provincial Council: “If anyone Parliamentary Select Committee that is contemplating throwing out this would consider the report, because his report, I have a good mind to do the pro-multiracial stance would compro- same to him” (FT, 8 Oct 1996, 5). political reviews • melanesia 465

Other political parties, as well as Nationalist Party and newly revived international opinion, were clearly Taukei Movement for their threats of pleased with the report’s findings, civil unrest. There was speculation that although none wanted to sound too the prime minister was finally rising confident. Nfp leader Jai Ram Reddy above communal and racial politics. preferred to remain circumspect in his However when the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- comments, declaring that he did not vulewa ni Taukei suffered a crushing want to preempt the deliberations of defeat in the municipal elections in late the Parliamentary Select Committee. September, against the multiracial Reddy had agreed with Rabuka that Ratepayers’ Association, Rabuka was the committee should meet in camera, quick to blame the common roll elec- with no reporting of its deliberations toral system, among other things, for until its work was done. It was also its poor showing. Such a system, he agreed that normal parliamentary ses- said, did not guarantee Fijian represen- sions, after the budget session in tation for Fijians. Claiming that Fijians November-December, should be sus- needed to have seats reserved for them, pended until the committee completed he suggested amendments to the Local its work. This is expected to be around Government Act to allow the appoint- March 1997. The review process needs ment of village representatives on to be completed by July 1997, as stipu- municipal councils. This response lated in the 1990 Constitution. The struck at the heart of the approach task of the Select Committee is to agree advocated by the Constitution Review on the recommendations of the report, Commission in its report and led the to be adopted by parliament through Fiji Times to editorialize that “the call an amendment to the 1990 Constitu- was a throwback to [the prime minis- tion. The committee’s recommenda- ter’s] philosophy at the time of the tions must first be approved by the coups: if you can’t win, change the Great Council of Chiefs. The Select rules.” Committee comprises 24 members In what was probably his most sur- from the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni prising performance of the year, Taukei, the National Federation Party, Rabuka broke down and cried at a the , the Fijian Associ- Christian interdenominational thanks- ation Party, and the General Electors giving service in November. The tears or General Voters Parties. were shed, he said, in asking for for- If Rabuka was disappointed that the giveness from the people of Fiji. He Constitution Review Commission would not specify, though, what he report had seemingly shown little was asking forgiveness for. Some spec- regard for the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- ulated that perhaps he should be ask- vulewa ni Taukei’s submission, he did ing forgiveness for the shocking not show it. His statements reiterated revelations in the Auditor General’s the national consensus theme: “The Report for 1993–94 (released in late stance of Fiji for the Fijians won’t October), which chronicled wide- work” (Review, Nov 1996, 15). He spread mismanagement and abuse of also publicly condemned the Fijian office by government officials, includ- 466 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 ing theft and misappropriation. Nepo- ment near Nadi, and the recently tism was found to be rife. The result privatized shipyard. Unfortunately, by was considerable loss of revenue from the end of 1996, Placer (the company government coffers (and taxpayers’ developing the Namosi copper mine) pockets). More worrying perhaps was had announced that it was withdraw- a loss of morale and a creeping culture ing from Fiji because it had been of corruption. The main problem was unable to find a partner to share the seen to be laxity in taking disciplinary risk. Placer had raised hopes, at one measures and in following proper pro- time, of generating around f$600 mil- cedures and guidelines. lion a year from the Namosi venture. Following closely on the heels of the The government’s first case of privati- auditor general’s report was the first of zation also proved a disaster when the the high-profile prosecutions in the partner in the shipyard National Bank of Fiji saga, involving deal announced it had gone into senior bank management, business- receivership and was pulling out. No people, and politicians. Appearing in investors came forward in the Vulani court for the first time were former development, although the nearby National Bank of Fiji General Denarau resort was taken over by new Manager Visanti Makrava, two svt owners with the promise of major new parliamentarians (and former cabinet development. Meanwhile the Levuka- ministers) Koresi Matatolu and Ratu based Pacific Fishing Company was Ovini Bokini, and prominent fishing forced to shut down, laying off five company executive Graham South- hundred workers (until the govern- wick. While Matatolu was charged ment injected an emergency cash flow with fraudulent conversion of of f$5 million into the company). The f$200,000, Ratu Ovini was charged company’s problems included poor with official corruption—accepting productivity, erratic tuna supply, com- bribes from Southwick among other petition from other producers, and loss things. All the accused pleaded of markets overseas. innocent, but Matatolu was eventu- There were few positive economic ally forced to stand down from his indicators in 1996. On the bright side, position as leader of the House of Emperor Gold Mine announced plans Representatives. to open two more mines on Viti Levu. The state of the economy in 1996 Garment manufacturers anticipated a was perhaps also cause for tears. In boom in exports in the next few years, January, Minister for Trade and Com- rising from f$200 million to f$500 merce Jim Ah Koy confidently pre- million by the year 2000. The long- dicted that “1996 is going to be the term future of the industry looked year of the turnaround” for the Fiji increasingly uncertain, however, given economy (Review, Feb 1996, 23). He the unwillingness of Australia and cited as evidence the number of new New Zealand to relax the rules of ori- projects that would see fruition that gin under the sparteca trade agree- year, including the Namosi copper ment. Cane production in 1996 was mine, Vulani—a new tourism develop- high, but the industry reported a loss political reviews • melanesia 467 of earnings due to inefficiencies in pro- investment. A second investment of duction and low sugar content of cane. us$100,000 would later be required, On the other hand, a severe decline paid into an investment account was reported in the retail sector, and administered by the Hong Kong–based the property market remained company. depressed. Lack of consumer confi- Addressing the fundamental eco- dence was pervasive, and business- nomic problems of the nation will, people worried about the inaction of however, require more substantive the government, especially its failure to measures. What many regarded as implement any of the recommenda- Fiji’s principal problems—low invest- tions of the 1995 Economic Summit. ment levels by the private sector In response to such criticism, Rabuka coupled with unemployment and released a budget strategy document in poverty—may only be alleviated May, titled Action Now. It stated that through the resolution of political the government would aim for a bal- issues: the constitutional review, the anced budget by the year 2000, and set Agricultural Landlord and Tenants a 3 percent growth rate for the next Act, greater accountability in govern- four years. ment, and an improvement in its over- The budget, handed down in all economic management. November, was notable for being the As the year drew to a close, many in first billion-dollar budget in Fiji’s his- Fiji were probably pleased to see the tory but also, more disturbingly, for end of 1996 and hoped for a better having the highest deficit to date 1997. It had been a shocking year for (f$219.7 million or 8.2 percent of the unprecedented number of road gross domestic product). It included a deaths (112) and reported violent provision of f$133 million for the crime, including gang rapes and mur- National Bank of Fiji’s “bad bank.” ders. Race relations did not seem any The national debt was estimated to be better, with a number of reported cases f$1.167 billion, with an annual inter- of vandalism and theft at Hindu tem- est of f$108.8 million. Opposition ples and other places of worship. parties warned that the country was Migration figures revealed a continu- heading toward bankruptcy. The gov- ing high number of Indians leaving the ernment set 1999 as its target for country (4463 in 1995, out of a total achieving a balanced budget. But with of 4931 emigrants that year). With no new tax raises or spending cuts, it many Fijians probably uneasy at the was difficult to see how this would be recommendations of the Constitution realized. One revenue-generating idea, Review Commission, it falls on all par- the dubious Asia Business Migration ties to promote reconciliation and scheme, was revived by cabinet. It is a compromise. But perhaps most critical deal between the government and a is the role and leadership of Rabuka. Hong Kong–based company that will Will there be a satisfactory outcome to allow a maximum of seven thousand the constitution review process and the four-person “units” into the country, Agricultural Landlord and Tenants Act each paying us$30,000 as an initial in 1997? Much depends on the prime 468 the contemporary pacific • fall 1997 minister. Whether he has the fortitude, been that events in Irian Jaya are now goodwill, and determination to bring it more openly reported and more widely off remains to be seen. discussed than ever before. Sandra Tarte A series of clashes between the mili- tary and the Organisasi Papua Mer- deka in the vicinity of Timika and the References Freeport mine during late 1994 and

FT, Fiji Times. Daily. . early 1995 had resulted in an undeter- mined number of deaths among the IB, Islands Business. Monthly. Suva. local Amungme community. Reports Review. Monthly. Suva. of up to seventy-seven deaths and a number of other serious human rights abuses during this period made inter- national news after the release of suc- Irian Jaya cessive reports, first by the Australian During 1996 Irian Jaya featured even Council for Overseas Aid in April more prominently in the national and 1995 and then by the Bishop of the international media than during the Jayapura diocese, Monsignor Mun- previous year, when reports of human ninghoff, in August 1995. Investigative rights abuses in the area of the Free- missions by the Australian and United port mine had brought the easternmost States embassies and by the National province of the Republic of Indonesia Commission for Human Rights (Kom- under the closest international scrutiny nas Ham) could find no evidence for since its incorporation in 1969. Free- the direct involvement of Freeport port was in the news again in 1996, security personnel in these events, but when rioting in the townships of Tem- forced the army, which had denied the bagapura and Timika forced the mine veracity of the reports, to launch its to close briefly, but the outstanding own investigations. Four soldiers—a media event of the year was the taking lieutenant and three privates—were of twenty-four hostages—seven of arrested and appeared before a mili- them European—at Mapnduma by tary court in January 1996 in connec- guerrillas of the Organisasi Papua tion with a massacre near Hoea Merdeka (opm). A compound of media village, where between three (the attention during the previous year, the army’s estimate) and eleven people had presence of a large press contingent been killed; the privates were sen- over the five months of the Mapnduma tenced in February to jail terms rang- hostage crisis, and the continuing ing between one and three years, the development of Internet and other officer to a sixteen-month term. A fur- communications links, produced an ther consequence of this trial was the unprecedented flow of information release of a fifteen-page booklet by the about the province. This information is chief of the regional Trikora Regional of variable quality, and reports of the Command, Major-General Dunidja, same event from different sources outlining the army’s code for conduct rarely concur, but the net result has in relation to human rights.