Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, I998
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Gender Politics in the Asia-Pacific Region
Gender Politics in the Asia-Pacific Region Amidst the unevenness and unpredictability of change in the Asia-Pacific region, women’s lives are being transformed. This volume takes up the challenge of exploring the ways in which women are active players, collaborators, partici- pants, leaders and resistors in the politics of change in the region. The contributors argue that ‘gender’ matters and continues to make a differ- ence in the midst of change, even as it is intertwined with questions of tradition, generation, ethnicity and nationalism. Drawing on current dialogue among femi- nism, cultural politics and geography, the book focuses on women’s agencies and activisms, insisting on women’s strategic conduct in constructing their own multiple identities and navigation of their life paths. The editors focus attention on the politics of gender as a mobilising centre for identities, and the ways in which individualised identity politics may be linked to larger collective emancipatory projects based on shared interests, practical needs or common threats. Collectively, the chapters illustrate the complexity of women’s strategies, the diversity of sites for action, and the flexibility of their alliances as they carve out niches for themselves in what are still largely patriar- chal worlds. This book will be of vital interest to scholars in a range of subjects, including gender studies, human geography, women’s studies, Asian studies, sociology and anthropology. Brenda S.A. Yeoh is an Associate Professor in the Department of Geography, National University of Singapore. Her research foci include the politics of space in colonial and post-colonial cities, and gender, migration and transnational communities. -
The Case of Fiji
University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform Volume 25 Issues 3&4 1992 Democracy and Respect for Difference: The Case of Fiji Joseph H. Carens University of Toronto Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Cultural Heritage Law Commons, Indian and Aboriginal Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Joseph H. Carens, Democracy and Respect for Difference: The Case of Fiji, 25 U. MICH. J. L. REFORM 547 (1992). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr/vol25/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEMOCRACY AND RESPECT FOR DIFFERENCE: THE CASE OF FIJI Joseph H. Carens* TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................. 549 I. A Short History of Fiji ................. .... 554 A. Native Fijians and the Colonial Regime .... 554 B. Fijian Indians .................. ....... 560 C. Group Relations ................ ....... 563 D. Colonial Politics ....................... 564 E. Transition to Independence ........ ....... 567 F. The 1970 Constitution ........... ....... 568 G. The 1987 Election and the Coup .... ....... 572 II. The Morality of Cultural Preservation: The Lessons of Fiji ................. ....... 574 III. Who Is Entitled to Equal Citizenship? ... ....... 577 A. The Citizenship of the Fijian Indians ....... 577 B. Moral Limits to Historical Appeals: The Deed of Cession ............. ....... 580 * Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto. -
History of Inter-Group Conflict and Violence in Modern Fiji
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship History of Inter-Group Conflict and Violence in Modern Fiji SANJAY RAMESH MA (RESEARCH) CENTRE FOR PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY 2010 Abstract The thesis analyses inter-group conflict in Fiji within the framework of inter-group theory, popularised by Gordon Allport, who argued that inter-group conflict arises out of inter-group prejudice, which is historically constructed and sustained by dominant groups. Furthermore, Allport hypothesised that there are three attributes of violence: structural and institutional violence in the form of discrimination, organised violence and extropunitive violence in the form of in-group solidarity. Using history as a method, I analyse the history of inter-group conflict in Fiji from 1960 to 2006. I argue that inter- group conflict in Fiji led to the institutionalisation of discrimination against Indo-Fijians in 1987 and this escalated into organised violence in 2000. Inter-group tensions peaked in Fiji during the 2006 general elections as ethnic groups rallied behind their own communal constituencies as a show of in-group solidarity and produced an electoral outcome that made multiparty governance stipulated by the multiracial 1997 Constitution impossible. Using Allport’s recommendations on mitigating inter-group conflict in divided communities, the thesis proposes a three-pronged approach to inter-group conciliation in Fiji, based on implementing national identity, truth and reconciliation and legislative reforms. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis is dedicated to the Indo-Fijians in rural Fiji who suffered physical violence in the aftermath of the May 2000 nationalist coup. -
C:\Users\User\Desktop\Dr Hasan Colgis\Kertas Kerja\MOHD FO'ad
Politics of Accommodation, Power Sharing and Consociational Democracy Dr. Mohd Foad Sakdan Dr. Oemar Hamdan Political of Accommodation The concept of accommodation refers to pragmatic solution to divisive conflicts by abandoning the principles of unilateral majority decisions and including representatives of the main group in the organs of government and decision marking. The political of accommodation is based mainly on a recognition of the need for political stability, and not necessarily on a recognition in principle of the right of all group in society to participation, representation and equal status. Therefore, the more societal and political a particular group has, the more willingness there will be to consider it as a partner to the politics of accommodation.1 The political potential of a group is not determined exclusively or even mainly by its electoral achievements or even its coalition bargaining position. Other important factors are recognition of the legitimacy of the value and interests represented by group and acceptance of the group as part of the social and cultural consensus. Meanwhile, political stability in the country has been attributed to the political system that could be called `an elite accommodation model' or `consociational model' in which each ethnic community is unified under a leadership that can authoritatively bargain for the interests of that community. The leaders of each community, in turn, have the capacity to secure compliance and legitimacy for the bargains that are reached by elite negotiations. Under such circumstances, there exists sufficient trust and empathy among the elite to be sensitive to the most vital concerns of other ethnic communities. -
Economy and State in Fiji Before and After the Coups
Economy and State in Fiji before and after the Coups Bruce Knapman This paper is a rt;:vision and update of an earlier article on the economic consequences ofthe I987 military coups d'etat in Fiji (Knapman I988a). Its purpose is to explain what has happened against a background analysis of postindependence development, and to predict what is likely to happen. It is not prescriptive, but it does comment on the universalist, promarket, antistate analysis and policy recommendations in two recent books on the Fiji economy (Cole and Hughes I988; Kasper, Bennett, and Blandy I988). The conclusion is that Fiji probably faces a future ofeconomic stagnation. DEVELOPMENT ISSUES AND PERFORMANCE I970-1986 In I874, at the beginning of the colonial period, Fiji's largely self-sufficient subsistence economy supported a population of about I40,000 Fijians who tolerated a shaky frontier economy of less than 2000 white settlers and traders. By I970, at the end of the colonial period, Fiji had an export economy supporting a population of 480,000. Of these, 200,000 were indigenous land-owning Fijians, 76 percent ofwhom lived in rural villages and retained a significant commitment to subsistence agriculture and neo traditional society. Another 24°,000 were Indians, 6I percent of whom lived in rural areas: they were predominantly Fiji-born (therefore "Indo Fijian"), grew the principal export crop (sugarcane) on leased land, and were prominent in small-scale commercial and service enterprises. The remaining, almost entirely urban, population consisted of Europeans and Chinese who dominated the management of largely foreign-owned big business in the manufacturing (mainly sugar milling), banking, trade, and tourism sectors (Knapman I987, I; CES, July I988; Fisk I970, 36-42). -
Confronting Fiji Futures
CONFRONTING FIJI FUTURES EDITED BY A. HAROON AKRAM-LODHI Published by ANU eView The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at eview.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Confronting Fiji futures / A Haroon Akram-Lodhi (editor). ISBN: 9781921934292 (paperback) 9781921934308 (ebook) Subjects: Fiji--Politics and government. Fiji--Economic conditions. Fiji--Social conditions. Other Creators/Contributors: Akram-Lodhi, A. Haroon (Agha Haroon), 1958- editor. Dewey Number: 320.099611 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph by M M (padmanaba01): www.flickr.com/photos/43423301@N07/3997565309/ First published 2000 by Asia Pacific Press This edition © 2016 ANU eView Stop Press Confronting the Present: The Coup of May 2000 A Haroon Akram-Lodhi On 19 May 2000, as With widespread doubt community politics that it ConfrontingFiji Futures went about who was in charge of suggested was not universal. to press, a group of 7 men the country, the Great It can be argued that the armed with machine guns Council of Chiefs met. On25 failure of the senior entered the Parliamentary May, following an intensely members of the government Complex in Suva. They took divided meeting, the council to recognise and seek to the Prime Minister, authorised the President to strengthen the fragility of Mahendra Chaudhry, establish, pending the the political consensus members of the Cabinet, and release of the hostages and helped create a climate that other members of the Fiji the resignation of the Prime made the coup possible. -
Public Order and the Bill of Rights in Fiji: R. V. Butadroka* 1
169 Public order and the Bill of Rights in Fiji: R. v. Butadroka*1 Helen Aikman* In 1977, Sakeasi Butadroka, a prominent Fijian politician, was charged with unlawful assembly, with having made statements likely to prejudice the public peace, and with having counselled disobedience to the law under the Fiji Public Order Ordinance 1969. His trial raised important questions about the conflict between the Government's duty to maintain public order, and the constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech and assembly. This article examines the Bill of Rights contained in the Fiji Constitution, and compares it with similar legislation in other countries. I. THE FIJI BILL OF RIGHTS Fiji’s present constitution was adopted in 1970, the year in which Fiji became an independent country within the British Commonwealth.2 The Fiji Constitution was drafted in terms very similar to those of many other new Commonwealth constitutions, particluarly those of Nigeria and Mauritius, and therefore borrowed significantly from the European Convention on Human Rights. In following the pattern of these other countries, Fiji rejected the tradit ional doctrine of the supremacy of Parliament in favour of the supremacy of a constitution containing an entrenched Bill of Rights. Section 2 of the Fiji Constitution reads: This Constitution is the supreme law of Fiji and if any other law is inconsistent with this Constitution, that other law shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void. Further, section 52 states: “Subject to the provisions of the Constitution, Parliament may make laws for the peace, order and good government of Fiji.” * B.A. -
Fiji Islands
Recommendations to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group on the Political and Human Rights Situation in the Fiji Islands Compiled By Mitchell O’Brien Edited By Maja Daruwala S.S. Venkatesh Nayak Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative N-8, 2nd Floor, Green Park New Delhi- 110 016 Tel: 91-11-686 4678/685 9823 Fax: 91-11-686 4688 Email: [email protected] Website: www.humanrightsinitiative.org 2002 2. Fact Finding Mission To The Fiji Islands In addition to CHRI's ongoing programme work, and on invitation from a member of civil society in a Commonwealth country where events have brought into doubt the protection of human rights, CHRI can sponsor a Human Rights Fact Finding Mission to travel to that country to investigate the status of human rights. On invitation from the Citizens' Constitutional Forum (CCF), a Suva based Fijian non-governmental organisation, CHRI sponsored a Human Rights Delegation to travel to the Republic of the Fiji Islands (Fiji) from 27 August – 5 September 2000 on a Fact Finding Mission. It is evident Fijian civil society has been lacking a voice in the dialogue which will determine the future of Fiji. Their lack of input into the debate to date has been exacerbated by the failure of successive international delegations to properly consult with civil society when visiting Fiji in the wake of the 19 May 2000 failed coup. Therefore, the purpose of the Human Rights Delegation travelling to Fiji on a Fact Finding Mission was to consult widely with Fijian civil society, human rights defenders, community groups and the Fijian people to better understand the - • present status of human rights, democracy and the rule of law in Fiji and the extent the coup had led to breaches of fundamental human rights; • best way Fijians believe democratically elected government can return to Fiji and • most suitable process for achieving this end. -
Elections and Politics in Contemporary Fiji
Chiefs and Indians: Elections and Politics in Contemporary Fiji Brij V. Lal 1he Republic of Fiji went to the polls in May 1992, its first election since the military coups of 1987 and the sixth since 1970, when the islands became independent from Great Britain. For many people in Fiji and out side, the elections were welcome, marking as they did the republic's first tentative steps toward restoring parliamentary democracy and interna tional respectability, and replacing rule by decree with rule by constitu tionallaw. The elections were a significant event. Yet, hope mingles eerily with apprehension; the journey back to genuine representative democracy is fraught with difficulties that everyone acknowledges but few know how to resolve. The elections were held under a constitution rejected by half of the pop ulation and severely criticized by the international community for its racially discriminatory, antidemocratic provisions. Indigenous Fijian po litical solidarity, assiduously promoted since the coups, disintegrated in the face of the election-related tensions within Fijian society. A chief-spon sored political party won 30 of the 37 seats in the 7o-seat House of Repre sentatives, and was able to form a government only in coalition with other parties. Sitiveni Rabuka, the reluctant politician, became prime minister after gaining the support of the Fiji Labour Party, which he had over thrown in 1987, and despite the opposition of his predecessor and para mount chief of Lau, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara. In a further irony, a consti tutional system designed to entrench the interests of Fijian chiefs placed a commoner at the national helm. -
The Experiences of Indo-Fijian Immigrant Women in California
LOOKING BACKWARD, MOVING FORWARD: THE EXPERIENCES OF INDO-FIJIAN IMMIGRANT WOMEN IN CALIFORNIA A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Anthropology San José State University In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Ambrita Nand December 2015 © 2015 Ambrita Nand ALL RIGHTS RESERVED The designated Thesis Committee Approves the Thesis Titled LOOKING BACKWARD, MOVING FORWARD: THE EXPERIENCES OF INDO-FIJIAN IMMIGRANT WOMEN IN CALIFORNIA by Ambrita Nand APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY SAN JOSÉ STATE UNIVERSITY December 2015 Dr. Chuck Darrah Department of Anthropology Dr. James Freeman Department of Anthropology Dr. Roberto Gonzalez Department of Anthropology ABSTRACT LOOKING BACKWARD, MOVING FORWARD: THE EXPERIENCES OF INDO- FIJIAN IMMIGRANT WOMEN IN CALIFORNIA This study helps address gaps in knowledge concerning the lives of Indo-Fijian immigrant women in California and offers a space for their voices to be heard. The subsequent chapters investigate the lives of five Indo-Fijian immigrant women and their experiences upon migrating to Modesto, California. Using a qualitative research approach, data were collected through participant-observations, semi-structured in-depth interviews and informal conversations. The data are presented as anthropological silhouettes, a form of life-writing (the recording of events and experiences of a life), which explores each individual woman’s experience with life in Fiji to her eventual migration and transition to life in California. The study reveals heterogeneity amongst the women’s experiences and perspectives as well as commonalities that arise in their collective experiences as Indo-Fijian immigrant women residing in the city of Modesto. Overall, the anthropological silhouettes reveal that migration has led to shifts in the women’s identities and their prescribed gender roles. -
Improving Labour Market Outcomes in the Pacific POLICY CHALLENGES and PRIORITIES
Improving labour market outcomes in the Pacific Improving labour market outcomes in the Pacific POLICY CHALLENGES AND PRIORITIES Improving labour market Labour markets in the Pacific Island countries are characterized by underemployment, high levels of informality, gender disparities in employment outcomes, and a large and growing share of young people not in education, outcomes in the Pacific employment or training. Size and remoteness have hindered economic growth and limited positive labour market outcomes. A very young and growing population is both an opportunity and a concern: Pacific Island countries POLICY CHALLENGES AND PRIORITIES stand to benefit from a demographic dividend, but labour markets are simply not producing enough jobs to accommodate all the young women and men entering the workforce each year. Given the labour market challenges in the Pacific Islands, many workers have POLICY CHALLENGES AND PRIORITIES looked elsewhere for new opportunities. Emigration rates for skilled Pacific Islanders are among the world’s highest, leading to fears of a “brain drain” in many of the labour-sending countries. Meanwhile, many Pacific Islands are heavily reliant on foreign labour, driven in part by “skills shortages” at home. The challenge moving forward will be determining how to leverage the benefits of migration while mitigating its negative consequences. Looking ahead, the looming impacts of climate change and rapidly evolving technology also pose a major challenge to Pacific Island economies. This Report provides policy guidelines for improving labour market outcomes, focusing on five key areas: first, investing in underserved areas and tackling informality; second, strengthening labour market institutions to make growth more inclusive; third, adopting migration policy that works for all; fourth, addressing inequities between women and men while tackling youth unemployment; and lastly, preparing for the future of work in the Pacific, which will likely be shaped by climate change. -
FIJI EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Fiji Is A
FIJI EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Fiji is a republic under a military-led government since armed forces commander Commodore Josaia Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama overthrew the elected government in a bloodless coup in 2006. In 2009 the interim government headed by Prime Minister Bainimarama abrogated the constitution, imposed a state of emergency, and continued its rule by decree, a situation that remained at year’s end. During the year the country had no constitution or parliament. Security forces did not report to civilian authorities. The leading human rights problems during the year included the government’s continued denial of citizens’ right to change their government peacefully; the government’s targeting of opponents and human rights and labor activists for harassment, arbitrary arrest, and abuse; and continued enforcement of the wide- ranging Public Emergency Regulations (PER) issued in 2009. The PER imposed a state of emergency that remained in force at year’s end, giving the military and police power to arrest and detain persons without a warrant and limiting freedoms of speech and press, assembly, association, and movement. The PER also give military and police authority to use whatever force they deem necessary to enforce PER provisions, resulting in impunity for abuses. Freedom of the press was further restricted by a 2010 media decree. By year’s end the government had begun taking steps to ease enforcement of the PER and the media decree. The Essential National Industries Decree implemented in September severely restricts trade union and collective bargaining rights for workers in designated industries and corporations deemed essential to the national economy.